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North Carolina Lawmaker Faces Backlash From Local Jewish Leaders, Fellow Democrats Over Attacks on Israel, Zionists
Raleigh City Council member Mary Black. Photo: Screenshot
Last week, The Algemeiner reported that Mary Black, a member of the Raleigh City Council in North Carolina who recently filed for re-election, has come under fire for regularly attacking Israel and Zionists, despite her job having no apparent responsibilities concerning Middle Eastern affairs.
Since then, Black, 30, has come under increased scrutiny from the media, community members, and fellow Democrats. The North Carolina Democratic Party Jewish Caucus told The Algemeiner they have endorsed Mitchell Silver, a former New York City Parks Commissioner and Raleigh Chief Planner, who is running for the Raleigh City Council seat currently held by Black.
Rabbi Eric Solomon of Beth Meyer Synagogue, the largest congregation in Raleigh, publicly endorsed Silver this week in a widely read and shared social media post.
Over the weekend, a local progressive paper reported on some of the Jewish community’s concerns about Black. In addition, a group of more than 20 prominent Democrats wrote a letter asking the Wake County Democratic Party — which includes Raleigh — “not to endorse between Democrats in local elections in Raleigh this fall.” Multiple political insiders told The Algemeiner this is significant because there is widespread agreement that Black won her seat in 2022 in large part based on the endorsement of the Wake County Democratic Party.
Black has alienated many voters and members of the Jewish community by working closely with a pro-Hamas activist and spending much of her time in office attempting to have the Raleigh City Council pass a divisive, anti-Israel, one-sided Gaza ceasefire resolution. After several attempts, the resolution did not pass.
To get a better sense of how local Jewish Democrats are responding to Black’s intense and disproportionate focus on the world’s lone Jewish state and its supporters, The Algemeiner interviewed Conner Taylor, 2nd vice chair of the North Carolina Democratic Party Jewish Caucus; Linda Brinkley, president of the Wake County chapter of the caucus; and Lynn Schwartz, vice president of the Wake chapter caucus
The Jewish Caucus representatives were clear that while their statewide caucus has endorsed Silver in District A (the seat currently held by Black), the local Wake County chapter does not make or ask for specific endorsements when Democrats, such as Silver and Black, are running against one another.
Taylor explained that the Jewish community is concerned about much more than Black’s support for a ceasefire resolution. “For many of Raleigh’s Jews, I think the real turning point, that really galvanized the Jewish community, was her [Black’s] very close working relationship with Rania Masri.”
The Algemeiner was the first to report that in November, Masri spoke at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, declaring that Oct. 7 — when Hamas-led Palestinian terrorists invaded southern Israel and perpetrated the biggest single-day massacre of Jews since the Holocaust — “was a beautiful day.” Masri expressed pride and admiration for Hamas and their paragliders and went on to “demand the eradication of Zionism.” In addition, Masri posted a video on Facebook that called Hamas fighters “heroes.”
In March, Masri asked her Facebook followers to vote for Black for “Best Politician in Wake County.” In June, a smiling Masri attended Black’s campaign kickoff event.
Taylor explained the “betrayal” felt by the Jewish community observing Black and Masri’s close working relationship, seeing Black pose for photographs with Masri, speak on a panel with the pro-Hamas activist, speak at a fundraiser with Masri standing behind her, and speak at a local rally standing with the controversial figure.
“A very important piece of context here,” Taylor shared, “is that Mary Black, in District A, represents the heart of Raleigh’s Jewish community. Two large synagogues are there … Many, many Jewish Democrats who voted for Mary Black in 2022 then had to see their member of City Council — who was supposed to be representing all of her constituents, including her Jewish constituents — openly embracing a woman [Masri] who has said that the rape and murder of Jews is a beautiful thing.”
Rabbi Solomon has attempted many times to start a dialogue with Black. Solomon, a political progressive, recently wrote a widely shared social media post in which he denounced Black’s “incitement” and endorsed her opponent Silver in the upcoming election.
Solomon explained why he went from voting for Black in 2022 to supporting one of her opponents in 2024: “I speak to CM [Council Member] Mary Black *privately* beseeching her to stop speaking/posting about the Gaza War as her words are a source of incitement. After the Pittsburgh Synagogue terrorist attack and the October 7th massacre, District A Jews are living in fear. I explain we need her help, not her antagonism. I am careful not to call her an antisemite but her focus on this issue above all others as well as the tenor and content of her comments lean into antisemitic tropes. Her positions are not pro-Palestinian; they are pro-Hamas.”
The rabbi noted that Black has held many community meetings during Shabbat and on a Jewish holiday, when observant Jews are unable to attend, and devoted significant time and energy to Israel-related issues that are “not relevant” to the City Council’s business.
“CM [Council Member] Black holds numerous District A community discussions on the Jewish Sabbath and one session on Hanukkah during the exact time when it is customary to light candles,” Solomon wrote in his social media post. “I find a way to attend the meeting, racing out by leaving my wife and children behind in hopes that a respectful, face-to-face meeting will help her realize the seriousness of the issue. Nearly all attendees agree with my words and urge her to stop bringing Gaza War resolutions to the council … I speak publicly against Mary Black because she continues to post insidious one-sided statements and videos that are not relevant to the City Council and continues to threaten me and my community.”
As reported by The Algemeiner, Black has publicly used the antisemitic slur “zios,” a term that was originally deployed by far-right extremists and has more recently been used by activists on the progressive far left. In an apparent attempt to delegitimize Israel and its supporters, Black has used an asterisk when discussing Israel, by writing “Isr*ael,” and misspelled Zionist as “xionist.” On a local Jewish social media group, a Raleigh resident explained, “She’s throwing around Zionist like a curse word.”
When asked about Black’s use of the word “zios,” Taylor responded, “It’s bizarre that a Democratic elected official is using online slang that originated with the grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan.”
Black has also been accused of trivializing the Holocaust, implying that Israel has treated the Palestinians like the Nazis treated the Jews and comparing politics in Raleigh to “Nazi Germany.”
Taylor told The Algemeiner, “As someone who lost many family members to the Holocaust, I don’t think anything happening in Raleigh approaches the Holocaust or is comparable to the Holocaust. I think that is an incredibly bizarre statement regardless of what she may have meant by it. I think many, many of her constituents, just generally speaking, have viewed these social media posts about all of this as unsettling, as bizarre, as unprofessional, and as unbecoming of an elected official.”
Others have also described Black’s social media posts to The Algemeiner as bizarre and unsettling.
Black, a self-described “intersectional environmentalist,” recently shared a post on Threads that celebrated the attempted assassination attempt on former US President Donald Trump. She also posted that those who she calls “zionologists” have taught her that “the massacre of children is justified because Babies [sic] voted for Hamas” and has expressed concern that Palestinians have difficulty obtaining cilantro.
In 2022, Black was endorsed by the Wake County Democratic Party.
The Algemeiner reached out to local and statewide party leaders for additional information and comment for this story. Kevyn Creech, chair of the Wake County Democratic Party; Anderson Clayton, chair of the state party; and Jonah Garson, first vice chair of the state party did not respond.
In addition to attacking Israel, Black has recently attacked the United States, writing, “IM [sic] AMERICAN! We do war crimes for breakfast.”
Taylor told The Algemeiner that Jews in Raleigh, as well as the broader population, are unhappy with the polarization that has taken hold of the City Council and its intense focus on foreign affairs far out of the purview of local lawmakers.
Raleigh City council members Mary Black, right, and Christina Jones. Photo: Screenshot
“Many, many people in the Jewish community in Raleigh, over the past year, have been dismayed with how divisive the City Council has become,” he said. “There have been members of the City Council that have become hyper focused on issues happening thousands of miles away that the City Council has no ability to impact, to the neglect of local issues — things like schools, things like housing, things like transportation. In general, the Jewish community is really searching for, and supportive of, Raleigh-focused candidates for City Council, like … Silver.”
Taylor explained the enthusiasm that the statewide Democratic Party Jewish Caucus has for the candidacy of Silver.
“He’s a Raleigh-focused candidate. He is not campaigning on solving issues in Yemen or Gaza or Tibet or Ukraine,” Taylor argued. “He is focused on Raleigh, North Carolina … He is really a phenomenal candidate. He helped draft Raleigh’s 2030 comprehensive plan.”
Taylor discussed what he described as Silver’s “really robust housing and zoning policy ideas” which, he said, focus on development while protecting “existing communities.” The Jewish caucus’ 2nd vice chair added that Silver’s experience as a former New York City Parks Commissioner and Raleigh Chief Planner would benefit the Raleigh City Council, again noting that he is discussing local concerns rather than Israel or Gaza.
In a recent social media post, Black suggested that opposition to her candidacy was based on racism, noting the Democratic Jewish Caucus’ efforts to oppose her re-election.
In response to the accusation, Taylor told The Algemeiner: “We have endorsed an African-American candidate [Silver]. So, I’m not really sure how anyone could have the impression that our decision not to endorse Mary Black was related to her being African American when we have endorsed an African American for this same seat.”
Black’s social media posts are filled with concerns about racism and white supremacy. Yet, she has also harshly criticized what she calls “black capitalism.” On Threads, Black shared an image which read, “CAPITALISM RUINS EVERYTHING AROUND ME,” followed by the anarchy symbol. She also stated on Threads, “Black capitalism is truly a plague on our people.”
North Carolina civil rights leaders, such as the late Floyd McKissick, took the opposite view, embracing and championing Black capitalism and entrepreneurship in the state.
On Aug. 8, Black was endorsed by a local Democratic Socialists of America chapter “to keep her seat as an anti-Zionist leader on the Raleigh City Council.”
Black has recently dismissed concerns that she is antisemitic as being “funny.” She took to Threads this week to share, “Reading what I’ve written on social media about this war on Gaza and all the responses last week about me being antisemitic when this is who I am is so funny to me.”
Peter Reitzes writes about issues related to antisemitism and Israel.
The post North Carolina Lawmaker Faces Backlash From Local Jewish Leaders, Fellow Democrats Over Attacks on Israel, Zionists first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Yom HaShoah and October 7: Memory Without Meaning Is Just Silence
Supporters of Israeli hostages, who were kidnapped during the deadly October 7 2023 attack by Hamas, hold torches as they attend a protest to demand a deal to bring every hostage home at once, amid Gaza ceasefire negotiations, in Tel Aviv, Israel, January 15, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
There are few nations in the world where memory is not only preserved — but lived. In Israel, remembrance is not just about looking back. It is a living, breathing act of collective identity. Every year, on Yom HaShoah, something extraordinary happens. Without government mandates or media campaigns, life pauses — not out of obligation, but from a shared internal rhythm. The siren sounds, and a nation of millions responds in unison. The image is powerful, but its strength lies not in silence — it lies in meaning, in the understanding that remembrance binds us.
But such national memory did not appear fully formed. It was cultivated. In the early years of the Israeli state, Holocaust survivors struggled to tell their stories. The ethos of the “new Jew,” the sabra fighter, clashed with the image of the persecuted victim. That’s why the state didn’t create “Holocaust Memorial Day.” It created “Holocaust and Ghetto Uprising Remembrance Day.” Heroism came first.
It took decades of political, cultural, and educational work before Israeli society could embrace the Holocaust not only as a tragedy — but as part of its moral and historical DNA. Only then did the siren become sacred.
And now, as we approach Yom HaShoah 2025, a new question confronts us: How will we remember October 7th?
It is not a rhetorical question. It is a national challenge.
October 7th was a rupture. A moment of profound trauma — but also of remarkable unity. It revealed painful truths about our vulnerabilities and our divisions. Yet, in its aftermath, it also uncovered a core of resilience: families opening homes to evacuees, young people lining up to volunteer, strangers embracing one another in tears.
This is the essence of Israeli society at its best. But moments fade. What remains is memory. And memory must be shaped.
Do we allow October 7th to become a political football? A symbol of betrayal, anger, or blame? Or do we craft a new ethos — a foundational story that speaks not just of horror, but of heroism and responsibility? One that doesn’t erase the pain, but transforms it into a source of purpose.
We must ask ourselves:
Who are the names our children will memorize?
Who will be the Hannah Szenes or Mordechai Anielewicz of this generation?
What symbols will we pass down? What songs? What stories?
This responsibility cannot rest solely on the state. It belongs to all of us. To our educators and artists. To our journalists and rabbis. To parents, commanders, and influencers.
A siren alone is not a memory. Memory requires meaning.
That’s why now is the time to speak. To publish. To teach. To propose the rituals, the school curricula, the memorial days that will give form to what we feel. If we wait too long, others will shape the memory for us — and perhaps not in ways that heal.
Israelis have always known how to come together during a crisis. But now, the test is deeper: can we build a lasting unity, not born of fear, but forged through memory?
That is the true challenge of October 7th — not only to mourn, but to mold. Not only to remember, but to renew. To ensure that, like Yom HaShoah, this day will one day bring us together not in darkness — but in dignity, clarity, and hope.
Itamar Tzur is the author of The Invention of the Palestinian Narrative and an Israeli scholar specializing in Middle Eastern history. He holds a Bachelor’s degree with honors in Jewish History and a Master’s degree with honors in Middle Eastern studies. As a senior member of the “Forum Kedem for Middle Eastern Studies and Public Diplomacy,” he leverages his academic expertise to deepen understanding of regional dynamics and historical contexts.
The post Yom HaShoah and October 7: Memory Without Meaning Is Just Silence first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Why the Houthis Think They Can Beat the US — And Why They’re Wrong
Protesters, mainly Houthi supporters, stand near a screen displaying senior Hamas official Khalil al-Hayya during a rally to show support to Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, in Sanaa, Yemen, Oct. 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
The Houthi rebels have spent years crafting an image of themselves as a hardened, battle-tested force capable of standing up to the most powerful militaries in the region. Now, in the midst of heightened tensions in the Red Sea and ongoing attacks on commercial shipping, they’ve extended that illusion to the United States. Emboldened by years of asymmetric victories against Saudi Arabia, bolstered by Iranian weaponry, and legitimized by propaganda that casts them as the spearhead of a broader “resistance” movement, the Houthis have convinced themselves — and their supporters — that they are capable of not just resisting US military pressure, but prevailing against it.
This belief is a dangerous miscalculation.
Their confidence stems, in part, from real battlefield experience. For nearly a decade, the Houthis have survived and even thrived despite relentless airstrikes, economic blockades, and shifting coalitions aligned against them. Saudi Arabia, with its modern air force and US-supplied munitions, failed to achieve decisive victory, and the perception within Houthi circles is that American power will be no more effective. Their propaganda machine amplifies every moment of defiance — a ship that reroutes, a drone that gets through, a Western strike that doesn’t dismantle their network — and translates it into a narrative of victory. To them, every surviving radar station is proof that the empire can bleed.
But the United States is not Saudi Arabia. The comparison reflects not just poor military judgment, but a profound misunderstanding of American strategic capacity and intent. Unlike regional actors, the US is not burdened by the political minefields of sectarian loyalties, tribal politics, or proximity. It can strike from the Mediterranean, the Gulf of Aden, or from submarines under the Red Sea. It does not need to occupy territory to destroy critical infrastructure. And when Washington decides that a threat must be neutralized, it tends to play a long game — using precision, partnerships, and pressure points until that threat is either dismantled or buried under economic and military consequences.
The Houthis lack the strategic depth to survive this kind of prolonged targeting. They are not a state with layered defenses, they are a militia with a territory — and that territory, while difficult to fully conquer, is not indestructible. Their command centers, storage depots, and drone assembly lines can only be relocated so many times. A concentrated American campaign, especially if paired with increased maritime interdiction and regional intelligence sharing, would gradually degrade the very tools that have made Houthi escalation possible. Their coastal control gives them influence over shipping routes, but also makes them highly visible. Their reliance on external supply chains — from Iran through smuggling routes and covert logistics — exposes them to disruption and surveillance. The longer they play this game, the more they risk pulling the US into a sustained campaign that their organization is not structurally prepared to endure.
Yet the illusion persists — and may even intensify. Faced with growing losses, the Houthis are likely to lean further into psychological warfare. Propaganda will surge. They will publish shaky videos of “downed” drones, stage missile launches, and portray every Western casualty, real or fabricated, as a blow against imperialism. Their goal is not battlefield victory but narrative control. If they can’t defeat the US militarily, they’ll try to erode its political will through a war of images, slogans, and social media virality. In doing so, they hope to sway anti-interventionist voices in the West and rally populist support across the Arab world.
Meanwhile, Iran will tighten its grip. The deeper the Houthis get, the more reliant they become on Tehran’s support — not just for weapons, but for expertise. We may see the quiet transfer of more sophisticated drone systems, longer-range missiles, and even the arrival of Iranian advisers on the ground to coordinate more complex attacks. Tehran has every interest in keeping US forces tied up in Yemen and distracted from other fronts like Syria or the Gulf. But that support will come at a cost: it will make the Houthis more vulnerable to becoming a direct target of Western-Iranian proxy escalation.
All of this is moving toward a dangerous inflection point. The Houthis are pushing the boundaries of what they can get away with — harassing ships in a key global chokepoint, attacking US assets, and daring the world’s most powerful navy to respond. Eventually, that response will escalate in ways they cannot control. A more aggressive US posture, especially in coordination with allies like the UK and France, could impose a maritime siege, take out port infrastructure, or even strike symbolic leadership targets. If the Houthis attempt to retaliate by mining the Bab el-Mandeb Strait or attacking Western vessels more directly, they may trigger a regional conflagration that leaves northern Yemen not as a “liberated” zone but a ruin.
This is why the illusion matters. The Houthis are not just overestimating their strength — they are gambling with the future of their movement and the lives of millions under their control. Their strategic calculus is shaped more by ideology and self-delusion than by sober assessments of military reality. The longer they cling to this fantasy of victory, the closer they come to waking up to its catastrophic consequences.
Amine Ayoub, a fellow at the Middle East Forum, is a policy analyst and writer based in Morocco. Follow him on X: @amineayoubx
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Finding Our Jewish Pride: The Star of David Effect
Edith Bruck, in white, attends the unveiling event for the mural “The Star of David” by contemporary artist aleXsandro Palombo at the Fondazione Museo della Shoah in Rome, Italy on April 7, 2025. Photo: Ariel Nacamulli
In the aftermath of October 7, Jewish people around the world have experienced a deep recalibration — fear and shock has been replaced by anger, resilience, and pride. This has led to a reassessment of identity and a recognition of purpose. This awakening has taken on many forms, in the realm of advocacy campaigns, coordinated social media efforts, rallies and protests, letter-writing initiatives, WhatsApp group activism, and countless grassroots political movements.
Jewish visibility is increasing in other ways, too. One particularly striking yet underappreciated phenomenon is what I’d call the “Star of David Effect.” This refers to the growing number of Jewish individuals — particularly younger Jews — who are visibly and deliberately wearing Magen David’s or Chai necklaces in public. What in the past may have been a rare quiet personal expression of faith has now become a visible symbol of resistance and pride.
It has become a rather frequent occurrence within certain sectors of the Jewish community, where young people are outwardly displaying these necklaces and it speaks to a desire to fight back in their own way. This a proactive way to take a level of control back from the onslaught of incoming negativity that people have been exposed to. It’s these people’s way of saying, “yes I’m here, yes I’m Jewish, and what?”
This may seem like a small gesture, but in reality, it’s a powerful statement. It is a reassuring demonstration by the younger generations of their pride in who they are. It reflects a generation beginning to see their Jewish identity not as incidental, but as essential. In an era where Jewish people have been forced to confront an ancient hatred in a modern context, the Star of David has transformed into both armor and resistance.
In recent discussions with Rabbi Jonathan Blake, the senior rabbi at Westchester Reform Temple in New York, he described how pre-Oct. 7, he had concerns about teaching the lessons of the Holocaust to younger generations. He expressed that the passage of time and the fading presence of survivors, coupled with the Shoah being too distant to be relatable to current generations, presented a challenge.
Rabbi Blake noted that October 7 has created a kind of unfortunate, but undeniable, educational opening. “For the first time in their lives,” he told me, “these students understand what it feels like to be targeted simply for being Jewish. It’s terrifying — but also awakening something in them.”
The “Star of David Effect” is becoming a fashion statement that is a symbol of power. As the piece of jewelry sits around someone’s neck, there is a certain strength it embodies and a type of coolness that it conjures up. Whether it’s the young man wearing a Magen David in the university cafeteria or the woman with a Chai pendant on the subway, they are all part of something larger. They are, in their own way, demonstrating bravery and making a statement, and it is worth recognizing.
Every generation questions whether the next generation has what it takes to carry the torch of survival. Certainly, the young Jewish people of Israel have proven they have what it takes, and it is not wrong to assess that this generation of American Jewry are showing their resolve by donning there Magen Davids and their Chais. In doing so, they echo the power of generations before them — it would not be out of place to give these young people a pat on the back and let them know that their demonstration of pride is cool and deserves our respect.
Daniel Rosen has been a recognized opinion leader since his early college days, when he co-founded Torchpac, a pro-Israel advocacy group at New York University. Daniel is currently the chairman and co-founder of the pro-Israel group, Minds and Hearts.
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