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Poet and refugee advocate Roya Hakakian talks about how words can help create change in Iran
Roya Hakakian is a poet, author, journalist and advocate for refugees. Every one of these roles is an offshoot of her own life experience as a child and teenager in pre- and post-revolutionary Iran and as an immigrant to the United States. Her poetry appears in many anthologies around the world, her books take a candid look at life under Iran’s fundamentalist Islamic regime and her documentaries tackle important issues like underage children in wars around the world. In our interview, we discuss what people can do to support the current uprising in Iran and the role poetry can play in revolutions.
These must be emotional times for you and the entire Iranian immigrant community. How are you holding up?
It is very exciting and also, as you can imagine, gut-wrenching to watch teenagers, children, and other people perform these great acts of courage and then suffer as a result of it. So, it’s a heroic time and, like all heroic times, whether in history or in epic stories that we read, it’s always associated with a great deal of tragedy too. And all of that is on full display. I wrote a memoir whose last chapter is called “1984.” It’s the last year I was in Iran, and I was describing what Iran had become and how the entire society was divided between two people—the regime and their allies, and then us, which were the ordinary citizens. I thought it was amazing how much time had passed, and yet nothing had changed in that division I described in that chapter. The circumstances, the frustrations, the inequalities, the injustices are the very issues that have brought a new generation of Iranians onto the street.
Iran once had a thriving Jewish population. Do you have any memories of what it was like to be a Jew in Iran before the revolution?
I was 12 years old when the revolution took place, and all my memories at the time before were happy childhood memories—going to the synagogue with my father. We lived within walking distance of a synagogue. I didn’t experience the sort of things that my father had talked about growing up, of the severe antisemitism that he had experienced as a child in a small village in central Iran. And I didn’t experience the sort of things my mother talked about. And she grew up in Hamadan, which is where the tomb of Esther and Mordechai are. The ’60s and the ’70s were the golden time of religious egalitarianism in Iran. And then came the revolution, and things quickly changed. And, you know, it wasn’t so much the ordinary citizens who were being antisemitic, but the regime gave a leg up to Shiite Muslims. So it wasn’t that Jews were barred from anything; it was that it was far more advantageous for you to be a Shiite Muslim.
You have been in danger from Iranian operatives in the United States. I think of Salman Rushdie, who refused to let threats intimidate him, but he ended up severely injured. Is this something you worry about?
The answer is yes for a variety of reasons, one of which is that the FBI came to my house a couple of years ago, warning that they had spotted my name on a list because of the work I do and the books I published, especially my memoir and the second book, which was about a series of murders that Iran had orchestrated in Europe. But I think what’s important, and something that What I hope to bring to the attention of the broader public in America is that everyone is in danger, that if the Iranian regime has gathered enough influence to go after the dissidents that they don’t like in the United States, then we become only the primary targets and everybody else will follow. And I’m incredibly concerned about that.
You recently testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. What was your message? Also, what should the United States be doing to help the protesters in Iran?
My main message was that this movement that began in Iran in September is the most serious movement that Iran has seen in 40-plus years. Immediately a few senators afterward told me, “Oh, Iran has protests all the time, and the regime always suppresses them.” Well, this one has already proven to be different. It has certain qualities that none of the other protests in the past have had. This is a deeply secular movement; it’s a movement that demands the separation of government and religion. And none of the previous movements had these overtones.
For the past 20 years, we’ve only been interested in Iran from a nuclear perspective, and everything else has been in the shadows. Who are Iranians? What do they want? How are they different? What are their demands? The best thing we can do is to stop looking at Iran as just the nuclear program and begin to widen the perspective and recognize that if something changes in Iran, if these protests succeed, then so much else can follow.
Among your many identities are writer and poet. What is the role poetry can play in revolutions?
I became interested in the Iranian revolution in 1979 through poetry. Poetry was the language of that revolution, which in many ways, is why some of those poets who were so devoted to the uprising against the former Shah became far less popular in the aftermath of the 1979 revolution. Revolutions begin with certain social demands, but what fuels them, what keeps them going, is the power of the rhetoric poets and writers pour into them. That’s what literature has always been for me—a tool for grand ideas and grand expressions and, possibly, a tool for changing society for the better.
What do you plan on discussing at the Z3 conference?
I want to talk about my own journey back to defining myself as a Jewish person after leaving Iran and coming to the US. It wasn’t my issue, antisemitism wasn’t my issue, Jewish identity wasn’t my issue because I was a writer. I didn’t have to think about these things. Over the years, have rediscovered my own relationship with Judaism. That is basically what I want to talk about.
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The post Poet and refugee advocate Roya Hakakian talks about how words can help create change in Iran appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Eurovision announces new voting measures following allegations of Israeli interference
(JTA) — The organizers of the Eurovision Song Contest have revised this year’s voting rules after broadcasters from several countries accused Israel of interfering in last year’s audience poll.
The new guidelines, which were announced Friday, reduce the number of votes allotted to each fan from 20 to 10, split fan votes with input from a professional jury and discourage promotional campaigns by third parties, according to Eurovision.
“No broadcaster or artist may now directly engage with or support campaigns by third parties — including governments or their agencies — that could distort the vote,” Eurovision director Martin Green wrote in a statement.
The European Broadcasting Union, which runs Eurovision, also pledged to “expand the contest’s advanced security systems” and monitor fraudulent activity.
While the announcement of the new voting guidelines did not mention Israel, it appeared to have been spurred by outcry following last year’s competition, where Israel’s Yuval Raphael took second place after winning a notable lead from the audience vote. Social media posts had exhorted supporters of Israel around the world to vote as many times as possible.
Following her win, the public broadcasters from Spain, Ireland, Belgium, Iceland and Finland called on the European Broadcasting Union to conduct an audit of its audience voting system, with some alluding to Israel manipulating the vote. (Green rejected the allegations of Israeli influence at the time.)
Several European countries, including the Netherlands, Slovenia, Iceland, Ireland and Spain, also announced in September that they would or may boycott the competition if Israel is allowed to participate.
Following the announcements, the European Broadcast Union announced it would allow member countries to vote on Israel’s participation, but changed its plans following the U.S.-brokered ceasefire in Gaza last month. The broadcasting union plans to discuss Israel’s participation at its December meeting.
The chancellor of Austria, which is set to host this year’s competition, has also reportedly pressured its public broadcaster not to host the competition if Israel is barred.
“I truly hope that this robust package of measures provides assurance for artists, broadcasters and fans alike,” said Green of the new voting guidelines. “Above all I hope it allows for the Contest to acknowledge the sometimes-difficult world in which we live but resist attempts to turn our stage into a place of geopolitical division.”
The post Eurovision announces new voting measures following allegations of Israeli interference appeared first on The Forward.
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With stories from Jews across the globe, this graphic anthology wants to expand how we see Jewishness
When photographer Julian Voloj heard about the first Jewish Comic Con in Brooklyn, he knew he had to meet its creator, Fabrice Sapolsky. Voloj, who was born in Germany to Colombian parents, had previously authored a number of graphic novels, including Ghetto Brother, the story of former gang leader Benji Melendez, a Puerto-Rican Jew. Voloj and Sapolsky connected at the 2016 convention and realized they shared a vision: a comic that would depict diverse Jewish stories.
Sapolsky, who is French-American with Ashkenazi and Sephardic roots, had been a comic creator for many years, including for Marvel and DC.
“He had this network of illustrators,” Voloj said. “I had the network of ethnically, racially diverse Jews.”
Voloj serves as the executive director for Be’Chol Lashon, an organization dedicated to highlighting Jewish diversity through community events and art. In November 2023, with the organization’s support, Voloj and Sapolsky created a sampler of their imagined anthology Hyphen: Jewish Stories in Our Own Words featuring three stories about Jews who did not fit the archetypal image of what a Jew should be, whether that be because of their racial identity, ethnic identity, or LGBTQ+ identity.
After sharing the Hyphen preview at synagogues and Jewish community centers, Voloj and Sapolsky secured funding to create the official anthology which contains 12 stories — including their own.
Some of the subjects wrote their stories, but others worked with Voloj to figure out what they wanted their section to be.
Haftam’s story of escaping war in Ethiopia starts with an explanation of the holiday of Sigd, which takes place 50 days after the end of Yom Kippur and marks another day of repentance for Ethiopian Jews. Natan’s chapter about battling his unibrow includes a crash course on the Bukharian Jewish language. The section on Eddna, a Jewish woman from Mumbai who eventually immigrates to Israel, provides history on Jews in India.
“You not only get a personal narrative, but also a broader story,” Voloj said.
Although some don’t accept the validity of all the ways Hyphen presents Jewishness, Voloj sees the wide variety of Jewish practice on display in Hyphen as part of what makes Judaism special.
“The terminology for me is always [to] say it’s Jewish communities,” Voloj said. “There’s not something like the Jewish community. So even if you have two Hasids, they might not agree on anything. If you’re a Satmar or if you’re Chabad, I mean, there’s very different philosophies.”
Voloj said that there has also been a lot of excitement and emotional responses to Hyphen.
“I feel like what people can relate to, it’s personal stories. So one story is about a woman that grew up in India, but she’s also like a single mom,” Voloj said. “Her son moves to Israel, and she decided to just follow him. So it’s like basically a story about motherhood,”
The fact that Hyphen is a comic has also helped to broaden its appeal.
“It’s such an American thing and such an intergenerational thing,” Voloj said. “We had the JCC events, there were some people who were over 60. And there the youngest persons were under 10.”
Because they had limited space and wanted each chapter to represent a different identity, a lot of stories didn’t make it into the anthology. Voloj hopes that in the future, they can continue the series.
“At the end of the book, we have photos of the main storytellers. So you can actually see these are all real people,” said Voloj. “And that gives it a nice note like, ‘Oh, yeah, these are like all the different faces of Judaism, and they all look different.’”
“I think that’s a beautiful thing to show. And I feel like it’s a great way to build bridges.”
The post With stories from Jews across the globe, this graphic anthology wants to expand how we see Jewishness appeared first on The Forward.
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Northwestern University Demands Dismissal of CAIR Lawsuit Targeting Antisemitism Prevention
People walk on the campus of Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, US, April 9, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Vincent Alban
Northwestern University on Wednesday submitted a motion to dismiss a lawsuit, filed by the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), which aims to cancel an antisemitism prevention course.
As previously reported by The Algemeiner, CAIR — an organization that has been scrutinized by US authorities over alleged ties to the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas — sued Northwestern University over the matter last month, arguing that the course in question violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and that it serves as a “pretense” for censoring “expressions of Palestinian identity, culture, and advocacy for self-determination.”
In its filing, Northwestern University argued that CAIR’s claims are political, not legal, and preclude adjudication in a court of law.
“Plaintiffs fail to allege facts showing intentional race, ethnicity, or national origin discrimination,” a copy of the motion obtained by The Algemeiner said. “Plaintiff’s allegations, even accepted as true, describe ideological disagreement, not actionable discrimination.”
Filed on behalf of the Northwestern Graduate Workers for Palestine (GW4P) group, the suit arrived in federal dockets with a request for a temporary restraining order to halt the course, which the university mandated as a prerequisite for fall registration, and the rescission of disciplinary measures imposed on nine students who refused to complete it.
The suit primarily takes aim at Northwestern’s adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) definition of antisemitism and its application to the training course, which, at its conclusion, calls on students to pledge not to be antisemitic.
Used by governments and other entities across the world, the IHRA definition describes antisemitism as a “certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.” It provides 11 specific, contemporary examples of antisemitism in public life, the media, schools, the workplace, and in the religious sphere.
Beyond classic antisemitic behavior associated with the likes of the medieval period and Nazi Germany, the examples include denial of the Holocaust and newer forms of antisemitism targeting Israel such as demonizing the Jewish state, denying its right to exist, and holding it to standards not expected of any other democratic state.
“Plaintiff, GW4P lacks standing to sue,” Northwestern argued in Wednesday’s motion. “The complaint does not allege facts establishing organizational or associational standing, and the allegations center on ideological alignment rather than protected characteristics.”
Several lawsuits have challenged universities’ quelling riotous anti-Zionist activity on other grounds, such as Students for Justice in Palestine’s (SJP) unsuccessful lawsuit against Columbia University last year, but none have argued that allowing antisemitism to thrive is inclusive of Muslim, Arab, and Palestinian identities and that fighting it is discriminatory.
However, CAIR argued that the IHRA definition is anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian, discriminating against both cultures while being hostile to CAIR’s vision of Palestinian self-determination.
“Northwestern requires students to complete a training course elaborating on that definition and requires them to attest that they to abide by conduct policies that incorporate that discriminatory definition,” CAIR’s complaint said. “The training course and attestations discriminate against Arab students whose racial and national origin identities are fundamentally incompatible with this definition.”
This is the latest CAIR activity in a long line of initiatives that have prompted a storm of controversy, as previously reported by The Algemeiner. In September, for example, US Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR) exposed materials which CAIR distributes in its local activism — notably its “American Jews and Political Power” course — to spread its beliefs. Some of it attempts to revise the history of Sharia law, which severely restricts the rights of women and is opposed to other core features of liberal societies.
Additionally, since the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel, CAIR’s chapter in Philadelphia has lobbied the state government to enact anti-Israel policies and accused Gov. Josh Shapiro of ignoring the plight of Palestinians. In a 2023 speech following Hamas’s Oct. 7 atrocities, CAIR’s national executive director, Nihad Awad, said he was “happy to see” Palestinians “breaking the siege and throwing down the shackles of their own land.”
CAIR has extensive links to jihadist groups which suppress freedom and promote hate, according to some experts.
“CAIR itself has a long history of terrorist ties in particular to the Muslim Brotherhood, illustrated by the fact that in the Holy Land Foundation (HLF) terrorism financing trial, CAIR was named an unindicted co-conspirator, and evidence showed direct financial interactions between CAIR and the now-defunct Hamas-linked charity,” Asaf Romirowsky, a Middle East expert and executive director of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East (SPME), told The Algemeiner last month. “This tactic of trying to turn antisemitism on its head in order to deflect from the nefarious activities of groups who have actual ties to terrorism is part of a larger strategy we see employed by Palestinian groups on campus such as the SJP. All of the above validates why the State Department is considering designating CAIR as a foreign terrorist organization.”
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in August that the United States was actively working to designate the Muslim Brotherhood, a key ideological backer of Hamas that has been linked to CAIR, as a foreign terrorist organization.
On Sunday, US President Donald Trump told Just the News that an official designation is forthcoming, a comment confirmed by the White House the following day.
Last week, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott announced the state-level designation of the Muslim Brotherhood and CAIR as terrorist organizations.
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.