(JTA) — TORONTO — After a man riddled a Jewish-owned restaurant with bullets in uptown Toronto, police accomplished something earlier this month that they hadn’t done following previous attacks on Jewish sites: identify and charge a suspect.

The 35-year-old suspect, Mohamed Mahdi, was arrested just a few days after the April 3 attack and charged with on multiple gun-related offenses.

His arrest provided the first, and to this point only, public pieces of information that could chip away at the mystery that has roiled Toronto’s Jewish community: Who is shooting at these synagogues and Jewish businesses? And how do they keep getting away with it?

In early March, three synagogues were targeted with gunfire in the span of a week, one with the rabbi still inside following a Purim event. A different location of the Jewish-owned Old Avenue Restaurant was hit as well, about a month before the latest shooting.

Similar attacks took place in 2024, when a girls elementary school was hit with gunfire three times throughout the year.

The nature of these attacks have been nearly identical: A man approaches the building late at night with a mask or hood covering his face and fires bullets at the door or a window before driving or running off.

The recent string of shootings came as a number of Jewish institutions have been attacked around the world, with security groups urging heightened vigilance. It renewed the fears sparked by those 2024 shootings, and — until Mahdi’s arrest — frustrations over a lack of repercussions for the shooters.

“I know that a lot of people in Toronto, a lot of members of our Jewish community, are saying that the police are not doing enough,” said Guidy Mamann, the president of the Toronto Zionist Council who organized weekly pro-Israel hostage rallies.

Mamann said he does not himself agree, and thinks the police are doing what they can — but others have put the pressure on.

“Dispense with the thoughts and prayers and get to work,” Rabbi Daniel Korobkin, whose congregation, Beth Avraham Yosef of Toronto, was shot in March, told Global News at the time.

According to Jevon Greenblatt, CEO of Toronto’s Jewish Security Network, the attacks themselves have been planned in a way that minimizes the risk of getting caught.

“These types of attacks are unfortunately designed to be quick and low-risk for the person carrying them out, late at night, minimal time on site, and often no interaction with anyone,” Greenblatt said in an email to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “That often means fewer witnesses and less immediate evidence.”

Police credited the arrest to an increased deployment of officers — “both overt and covert” — to Jewish neighborhoods, which was especially pronounced during Passover, when the latest shooting took place.

“Specifically in the case, covert assets saw the suspect fleeing and gathered critical information that led to his arrest,” police chief Myron Demkiw said in a press conference.

Mamann said it was “great” that police were able to thwart the attack. But he also pointed out that Old Avenue Restaurant had already been targeted once, perhaps making it a prime location for police to monitor.

“They said they were able to find the suspect through covert measures, that’s great,” Mamann said. “Can you deploy those covert measures everywhere? Would they be effective? Would they be 24 hours? Or were those covert measures deployed because they had information that something might happen?”

A pair of incidents this past weekend added to Toronto Jews’ rising security concerns. One man assaulted a father on his way to Shabbat service at the Sephardic Kehilah Centre, after attempting to force his way inside; the following day, a rock was thrown through the window of a Judaica shop on the heavily Jewish Bathurst Street corridor. Both occurred in broad daylight, and neither suspect has been identified.

As for Old Avenue Restaurant, police said they are investigating why it was targeted twice. Its owner, Esther Bakinka, is a prominent pro-Israel advocate who organized hostage rallies alongside Mamann. Bakinka declined to comment; Mamann said she is “very strong” but that “that has got to leave you pretty shaken up.”

Even after Mahdi’s arrest, a number of question marks remain for Toronto’s Jewish community.

Chief among them is whether there is a direct link between the shootings that have taken place across the city. Greenblatt said the arrest was an “important development” and could potentially help answer that question while also dissuading copycat attackers.

“We’re hopeful this may help establish whether there are any links to the other incidents, and more broadly, that a visible arrest and charge acts as a deterrent,” Greenblatt said.

Unlike the 2024 shootings at Bais Chaya, the Jewish girls’ elementary school, the recent string of synagogue and Jewish restaurant attacks have come as Israel is at war with Iran. Iran has a long track record of sowing violence against Jewish and Israeli targets abroad. In the last couple of weeks, a string of arson attacks have targeted Jewish sites in the UK, with many being claimed by a new, Iran-linked group that says it is behind similar attacks across Europe. Jewish security groups have urged heightened caution since the war broke out, with one watchdog calling it “the most elevated and complex threat environment” in recent history.

Greenblatt said there is no evidence that there has been direct coordination between the incidents, but that a broader form of influence could be at play. He said that there is an “increased emphasis, similar to what we’ve seen from groups like ISIS and Hamas, on encouraging so-called ‘lone actor’ activity.”

“The rhetoric and messaging are often designed to inspire individuals to take action on their own, rather than operate under direct instruction,” Greenblatt said. “So, while there may not be evidence of direct coordination between incidents, they can still be linked by a shared influence or narrative environment that encourages this kind of behavior.”

Police upped their presence in Toronto after the outbreak of the Iran war, and announced a new Counter-Terrorism Security Unit following the three synagogue attacks. In the announcement, Demkiw highlighted “global conflicts, extremist ideologies, online radicalization, hostile foreign actors and heightened polarization” as “realities that impact both our work and the sense of safety in our communities.”

Demkiw also announced Task Force Guardian, an initiative that deploys officers armed with patrol rifles at key locations like houses of worship to deter potential attackers. A week later, Old Avenue Restaurant was hit with more than a dozen bullets.

The whole thing has left Jewish Torontonians feeling uneasy.

Even as police stand outside more houses of worship, carry bigger guns and gather more intelligence, Mamann said he worries that the community is vulnerable to a sudden attack like the shooting at Bondi Beach in Sydney in December that killed 15 people at a Hanukkah event.

And in his conversations with other Toronto Jews, Mamann said they’ve theorized about who’s been behind the shootings.

“We’re thinking like this: The folks that we deal with at Bathurst and Sheppard, some people consider them annoying or intimidating,” he said, referring to the pro-Palestinian protesters who would show up across the street from his group’s hostage rallies. “But it doesn’t appear that we’re dealing with that crowd.” The suspect, Mahdi, may have a criminal record. In 2019, a 29-year-old man named Mohamed Mahdi was arrested for attempted murder and unauthorized possession of a firearm, in connection with a shooting. Police did not confirm whether it was the same Mohamed Mahdi, but the ages line up, and both were identified as being from the suburb of Brampton.

Meanwhile, Mahdi’s arrest has put to rest some of the theories that these attacks have been false flags coordinated in order to drum up sympathy for the Jewish community.

Mamann said he believes the shooters are professionals with potential ties to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, who are willing to risk going to jail on firearm charges. Police in the UK said earlier this week that recent arson attacks may have been carried out in exchange for payments from Iran, based on emerging evidence.

“I think we’re dealing with a whole different cohort of people, and it could be state-sponsored, I don’t know,” Mamann said. “And that’s why it creates a lot of concern: We don’t know how to deal with this.”

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

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(JTA) — A concert to raise money for the victims of the shooting attack on a Hanukkah party on Sydney’s Bondi Beach has been canceled after the Greek choir that was to take part voted not to sing with a Jewish choir.

A majority of members of the 50-member Australian Hellenic Choir “politically objected” to singing alongside the Sydney Jewish Choral Society. Others said they did not feel safe in a joint performance with Jews.

“I was not expecting this to happen at all as we’d performed with the Jewish choir without issue in 2022,” the Greek choir’s founder and president, James Tsolakis, told the Australian newspaper. He added, “The Jewish people are all into it, I’m into it, but the Greek choir was a bit anti doing it because of the political climate.”

The “Concert for Hope and Unity,” which had received government support, was to have featured “The Ballad of Mauthausen,” about a romance between Greek and Jewish prisoners at the Nazi concentration camp. The groups performed the piece together in 2022, but the reaction to the Gaza war has perceptions of Jews across Australia, including, Tsolakis said, within his community.

“There’s a bit of antisemitism in the Greek community; I didn’t realize the extent of it. Unfortunately, we have a lot of people in the community blaming the Jewish community for what’s happening in Israel, Palestine … that’s not correct,” Tsolakis said. “You want to hate [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu? Hate Netanyahu, but what have the Jewish people done to you? The whole antisemitism thing has got be wound back.”

Since Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel and resulting war in Gaza, Australian Jews have faced mass anti-Israel protests, exclusion from arts and other communities, and spasms of violence, including arson attacks on synagogues and the Bondi Beach massacre, which killed 15 people who were celebrating during a Hanukkah party on the beach in December.

Following the Bondi Beach massacre, and under pressure from Jewish leaders to respond more forcefully, the Australian government established a Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion to examine policies and practices that have contributed to anti-Jewish sentiment in the country.

The Jewish Choral Society has made an official complaint to the Royal Commission, according to a letter sent by its chair, Anne Spira, to its 30 members informing them about the concert’s cancellation. Spira told the Australian that the incident reflected a broad dynamic that many Australian Jews have experienced.

“The result is, like many other Jews in the arts since 7 October, 2023, we have been cancelled,” Spira said. “We have been de-platformed and it is deeply upsetting for us and for the broader Jewish community who have been the target of anti-Jewish racism in this country for 2½ years.”

Australia’s largest Jewish groups did not immediately comment on the cancellation, but the Australian Jewish Association, a center-right advocacy group, tweeted that it was “pretty disappointing.”

The Greek City Times, an Australian publication, called the choir’s vote “embarrassing.”

The Australian said in an editorial that the incident was an appropriate topic for the royal commission. “The vote to opt out of the event almost beggars belief,” the editorial said. “In light of antisemitic tensions that have reared their ugly head in Australia since October 7, 2023, those who didn’t want to be associated with a Jewish choir event have displayed an alarming lack of historical empathy and understanding.”

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

The post Concert to benefit Bondi Beach victims canceled after Greek choir refuses to sing with Jews appeared first on The Forward.

Some people are describing the impact of the latest confrontation between Israel and Iran as one blow too many for the traders and craftspeople who used to make their living in the Old City of Jerusalem’s market. “The situation today is worse than it has ever been before,” says Hijazi Rashq, a member of the Jerusalem Chamber of Commerce and Industry — which is one of the only organizations that keeps track of the conditions facing Palestinian traders in East Jerusalem. “It’s another nail in the coffin of a market that has actually been dead for the past three years.”

According to Rashq, “when the war with Iran began, the market effectively shut down and took on the atmosphere of a military zone. This is during the holy month of Ramadan, the most important time of year for most of the traders, who were hoping to make up for some of the losses they suffered over the past few years. What happened was the exact opposite.” Without any customers, some of the traders decided only to open their stores on Fridays and Saturdays. Even so, they could only do so if the police allowed them (as explained below). Others were forced to find work in the western part of the city — often taking menial jobs in cleaning and maintenance — just to provide an alternative source of income for their families.

“This is the worst period we’ve ever been through,” says 35-year-old Siraj Abu Asab, who runs a store selling souvenirs to tourists. “Even if they were to allow us to open the shop, we wouldn’t earn any money because the Old City is completely empty of visitors. Eighty percent of my business comes from tourism; local sales make up just 20%. Needless to say, tourism has been nonexistent since Oct. 7 and now, because of the war and the curfews, even our local customers have vanished. Before the start of Ramadan, I bought goods valued at 105,000 shekels ($35,000), but as soon as the war broke out, I was ordered to close my store because it doesn’t have a protected space. I only managed to sell 10 items on the internet — but I still haven’t received payment for those sales.”

Anyone who visits Jerusalem’s Mahane Yehuda market or walks along Jaffa Street will see a city that is very much alive — despite everything. But if they were to continue walking toward the walls of the Old City and were to pass through one of its gates, they would discover a very different situation: row after row of shuttered stores — dozens, perhaps hundreds. Wrought-iron doors, rusty padlocks and signs hanging in doorways that haven’t seen a paying customer in months. There’s no one around, so owners aren’t even trying to sell anything. The narrow and empty alleyways have turned it into a ghost market.

“We have been running a business in this store for almost 100 years,” says Ahmed Dandis, 60, who owns a toy shop at the entrance to Damascus Gate. His shop was closed for almost the entire war. “The shop has been passed down from generation to generation. We used to sell clothes, but a few years ago, I decided to start selling toys instead. There has been a downturn in commercial activity in the market for the past five years which eventually ground to an almost complete halt. During the recent war, everything was closed.”

If Dandis and the other traders had hopes that an influx of Ramadan visitors would turn their fortunes around, the outbreak of the war with Iran put an end to them. “I bought $25,000 worth of goods and I didn’t sell a single item. Everything is still sitting in the store,” he said. According to Dandis, the relatives he used to employ in the shop have been forced to quit and look for work in the western part of the city.

The financial lifeline for thousands of families

The market in the Old City of Jerusalem is one of the oldest in the world and provides an economic lifeline for thousands of families. While there is no official figure on the number of shops and stalls in the market, estimates vary from 1,000 to 2,000, depending on the definition used. A field survey conducted in 2019 and 2020 found 2,075 stores operating in the market. Previous estimates by the Palestinian Chamber of Commerce in the city spoke of around 1,400 shops, while figures published by Israeli authorities in the 1990s indicated that there were 1,896 businesses there. Whatever the correct number, thousands of people work in the market; unofficial estimates put the number anywhere between 2,600 and 3,700. The vast majority of them are Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem, the Old City or the adjacent neighborhoods.

The question now is what will happen to these people. According to figures from the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, around 75% of the Palestinian families and around 84% of the children in East Jerusalem in 2022 were living below the poverty line. Against the backdrop of the economic collapse described by the market traders and the accompanying statistics, the crisis in the Old City is not just about financial losses; it is also affecting the daily lives of residents. In 2020, the closure rate of stores in the market was around 30%; according to Rashq, “since October 7 and all the security events that followed, that rate has increased significantly.”

Noor al-Daya is 19 years old and lives in Aqabat al-Khalidiya in the Old City’s Muslim Quarter. She says that, during the first few days of the most recent war with Iran, the Old City was under almost complete closure; only residents officially registered as living in the Old City were allowed to enter. This completely disrupted their daily routine. According to al-Daya, in addition to these restrictions, there was also an escalation of tension and violence within the Old City. She also lost her job working at a hotel near Dung Gate after the tourism industry collapsed. “Since losing that job,” she says, “I have nothing to do now.”

She is not alone. Over the years, the Old City has relied on three main types of visitor: tourists from overseas, Palestinians from the West Bank and Palestinian citizens of Israel. Now, the numbers from each of these groups have declined massively. West Bank residents are no longer able to get to Jerusalem, after Israel closed the checkpoints in response to the October 7 massacre. Recent years have also seen an almost total collapse in international tourism. In 2019, for example, some 4.4 million people visited Israel’s capital city; in 2024, that number had plummeted to just 330,000.

Meanwhile, the most recent war with Iran dashed any hope that recovery would come from domestic tourism, in the form of Arab citizens of Israel. “Under normal circumstances,” says one employee of the Waqf — the religious trust responsible for managing Islamic sites in Jerusalem — who asked to remain anonymous, “around 250,000 worshipers visit the al-Aqsa Mosque for Friday prayers during Ramadan. A large proportion of them are Palestinian citizens of Israel. During the last Ramadan, however, restrictions on worshipers entering the compound, because of the war and security concerns, meant that there were almost no visitors.”

According to Raed Sa’ada, chairman of the Palestinian Tourism Association and owner of the Jerusalem Hotel, “there used to be more than 40 hotels and hostels operating in East Jerusalem, owned or run by residents of East Jerusalem or church institutions. Because of the situation in recent years, there are now only 24 left.”

Sa’ada compares the current situation to the days of the second intifada at the turn of the century: “There’s no foreign tourism because of the security situation and there’s no domestic tourism because the al-Aqsa Mosque and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher were both closed during March due to the war. Even activists and foreign journalists have stopped coming.”

No official explanation or cause

Already facing severe practical challenges, Rami Saleh, the director of the Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center, claims that Israeli authorities are making life even harder for the Old City traders. He says that several traders have contacted his organization, saying that they were prevented from opening their businesses without being given any explanation or legal cause. “In one of the cases,” he tells Shomrim, “a trader in the Old City market tried to partially open his store, just to sort through his goods — but the police ordered him to close it, arguing that it didn’t have a protected space. The officers even switched the sign on the door to ‘Closed’.”

According to Saleh, the trader claims that he was subsequently banned from reopening his store at all, after which he gave up entirely on such efforts. At the same time, the trader claimed, stores in the Jewish Quarter — only some of which had protected spaces — were allowed to remain open. In other cases, Saleh says, traders were prevented from opening their stores despite no official closure notice being issued. The only stores that were allowed to open were mainly grocery stores and pharmacies.

Shomrim has written extensively about the disparity between public bomb shelter accessibility in the western part of Jerusalem compared to the east of the city: although around 40 percent of Jerusalemites live in the east of the city, they have access to just 10 percent of the city’s public bomb shelters.

Saleh says that his organization has approached the relevant officials in the Israel Police and Jerusalem Municipality to ask for legal explanations for the incidents reported to them. So far, there has been no response. He argues that the situation reflects a widespread use of discretionary authority under the guise of security concerns, lacking clear or consistent criteria. This raises questions about the nature of the policy, particularly as it resurfaces during every round of escalation.

 

The post No Tourists, no income: The collapse of livelihoods in Jerusalem’s Old City appeared first on The Forward.