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The Long History of Blaming Jews for Anti-Jewish Violence
Mehdi Hasan. Photo: Screenshot
“History,” Mark Twain famously said, “doesn’t repeat itself, but it often rhymes.” The echoes of history were heavy on November 7, when a pogrom unfolded in Amsterdam, once home to Anne Frank, arguably the Holocaust’s most famous victim. Eight decades after the genocide of European Jewry, dozens of Jews were attacked and forced to hide.
In the aftermath of the assault, press and policymakers indulged in another long-running staple of antisemitism: blaming Jews for the violence perpetrated against them.
Mehdi Hasan, a former MSNBC host, claimed that the attacks were a “natural response” to the war between Israel and Iranian proxies in Gaza. Worse still, he alleged that the Israeli tourists — fans of visiting soccer team Maccabi — were guilty of “provoking” the mass assault. Others, from local Amsterdam officials to BBC reporters, put the onus for the violence on the victims.
The incident and its aftermath speak to something dark. There’s a long history of blaming Jews for anti-Jewish violence.
Kristallnacht, the “Night of Broken Glass,” is arguably the most infamous example. On November 9-10 1938, Nazis vandalized Jewish-owned shops, looted and burned synagogues, and attacked and murdered Jews throughout Germany, Austria and the Sudetenland. German officials claimed that the death toll was 91, but recent scholarship “suggests that there were hundreds of deaths, especially if one counts those who died of their injuries in the days and weeks that followed the pogrom,” the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) notes.
In the aftermath of Kristallnacht, scores of Jews, many of them victims of the mass rape that accompanied the violence, committed suicide. And the Nazis rounded up 30,000 Jewish males, placing them into concentration camps, marking the “first instance in which the Nazi regime incarcerated Jews on a massive scale simply on the basis of their ethnicity,” USHMM observes. The violence also spurred even greater emigration, with thousands of Jews attempting to flee Hitler’s grasp.
Many Holocaust scholars consider Kristallnacht to be a watershed moment, a point of no return where Nazi Germany and its supplicants embraced a murderous antisemitism which, in less than a decade, would culminate in the genocide of European Jewry. It opened the door to what the late historian Paul Johnson would call “the end of old Europe,” and it set the stage for the industrialized slaughter that was World War II. Then as now, what starts with the Jews never ends with the Jews. Kristallnacht was the prelude to more murder and tragedy.
The pogrom sparked condemnation and boycotts of German goods throughout the West. The Nazis, however, blamed the Jews.
On November 7, 1938, a Polish Jew named Herschel Grynszpan shot and killed a German embassy official named Ernst vom Rath in Paris. Grynszpan’s parents, Jews of Polish citizenship residing in Germany, had recently been expelled, along with thousands of others, and were stranded in a refugee camp. The Nazi regime used vom Rath’s murder as a pretext to launch Kristallnacht, an event whose scale and organization made it clear that it was preplanned and had state backing. Indeed, as the historian Thomas Childers observed, in the aftermath of vom Rath’s death, Hitler and his propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels had a “lengthy discussion about some sort of nationwide action against the Jews,” and it was decided that Goebbel’s “propaganda network would initiate the action” and that it should “appear to be a spontaneous action of an enraged nation.” Police and fire departments were not to interfere save to prevent fires from spreading to “Aryan” homes and businesses.
The Nazis blamed Jews for Kristallnacht, imposing a one-billion-mark indemnity on the Jews and “forcing them to pay for the destruction visited on them during that terrible night,” Childers noted in his 2017 book The Third Reich. Many of the pogrom’s victims held insurance policies that would have covered much of the property damage, but these were voided by the regime. Subsequent economic decrees aimed at further punishing the Jews and driving them from German life. Jews were forced to sell their retail businesses and were prevented from working as independent craftsmen, managers of businesses, or members of consumers’ cooperatives. Jewish children were expelled from public schools, had limited access to public sites like parks and movie theaters, were denied driver’s licenses and radios, and were excluded from the welfare system.
Regrettably, Kristallnacht is only part of a broader pattern in antisemitism.
In 1920, a pogrom unfolded in Jerusalem, formerly a part of the Ottoman Empire and then under British rule. Arab mobs murdered five and injured hundreds more. The riots were instigated by Arab leaders like Amin al-Husseini, who hoped to sway the British from supporting the establishment of a Jewish state in the Jewish people’s ancestral homeland. Rioters attacked Jews, yelling “the Jews are our dogs.” Prior to the violence, Arabic-language notices began circulating in Jerusalem stating: “The Government is with us, [the British General Edmund] Allenby is with us, kill the Jews; there is no punishment for killing the Jews.” Speakers whipped the crowd into a frenzy, leading to shouts of “We will drink the blood of the Jews.”
Zionist leaders like Ze’ev Jabotinsky had tried to get British officials to act, and failing that, had tried to get arms to besieged Jewish communities. For his efforts, Jabotinsky, a veteran of the British Jewish Legion, was imprisoned and, some years later, expelled from British-ruled Mandate Palestine. By contrast, Husseini, a future Nazi collaborator, was pardoned and made the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem and given vast powers of patronage via the creation of the office of the Supreme Muslim Council, which he controlled. Worse still, the Palin Commission, the British investigation into the riots, placed the lion’s share of the blame for the pogrom on its victims, the Jews.
Unsurprisingly, Husseini wasn’t deterred from his goals and orchestrated another pogrom in 1929. Arab rioters murdered Jews en masse in Jerusalem, Hebron, Safed, and elsewhere, with many, including women and children, mutilated and tortured in the most barbaric ways imaginable. Yet again, a British inquiry, the Shaw Commission faulted the Jews. Ditto for the subsequent Hope-Simpson Report, which, among other things, recommended imposing severe limits on Jewish immigration. In the eyes of many, including Jabotinsky and other Zionist leaders, the British authorities were appeasing and rewarding anti-Jewish violence.
Throughout the long history of pogroms, the message, if implicit, is clear: the Jews had it coming. It’s their fault for existing. As Paul Knabenshue, an American diplomat serving in the Middle East during the 1920s and 1930s, put it: “The Jews are always responsible, for they generally bring their troubles upon themselves.” To Knabenshue, the pogroms in Jerusalem and Hebron were justified: “provocative acts” by the Jews, he asserted, had incited “ordinary, law-abiding Arabs.”
A century later, little has changed. From college campuses to newsrooms, justifications for anti-Jewish violence take many forms: “settlements” — that is, Jewish homes in Judea — are blamed for Palestinian “resistance” (terrorism) or, perversely, Israeli counterterrorist operations — that is, Jews defending themselves against terrorists — are a “war crime.” All of these excuses have one thing as their common denominator: the need to blame Jews. The eagerness by some press and policymakers to excuse a pogrom in 2024 Amsterdam is but the latest iteration.
But history offers a warning: if Europe and the West fail to curb rising antisemitism, their future will be as ignominious as the past.
The writer is a Senior Research Analyst for CAMERA, the 65,000-member, Boston-based Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis.
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US Immigration Judge Rules Palestinian Columbia Student Khalil Can Be Deported
Mahmoud Khalil speaks to members of media about the Revolt for Rafah encampment at Columbia University during the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza, in New York City, US, June 1, 2024. Photo: Jeenah Moon via Reuters Connect
A US immigration judge ruled on Friday that Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil can be deported, allowing President Donald Trump’s administration to proceed with its effort to remove the Columbia University student from the United States a month after his arrest in New York City.
The ruling by Judge Jamee Comans of the LaSalle Immigration Court in Louisiana was not a final determination of Khalil’s fate. But it represented a significant victory for the Republican president in his efforts to deport foreign pro-Palestinian students who are in the United States legally and, like Khalil, have not been charged with any crime.
Citing the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, Trump-appointed US Secretary of State Marco Rubio determined last month that Khalil could harm American foreign policy interests and should be deported for his “otherwise lawful” speech and activism.
Comans said that she did not have the authority to overrule a secretary of state. The judge denied a motion by Khalil’s lawyers to subpoena Rubio and question him about the “reasonable grounds” he had for his determination under the 1952 law.
The judge’s decision came after a combative 90-minute hearing held in a court located inside a jail complex for immigrants surrounded by double-fenced razor wire run by private government contractors in rural Louisiana.
Khalil, a prominent figure in the anti-Israel student protest movement that has roiled Columbia’s New York City campus, was born in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria, holds Algerian citizenship and became a US lawful permanent resident last year. Khalil’s wife is a US citizen.
For now, Khalil remains in the Louisiana jail where federal authorities transferred him after his March 8 arrest at his Columbia University apartment building some 1,200 miles (1,930 km) away. Comans gave Khalil’s lawyers until April 23 to apply for relief before she considers whether to issue a deportation order. An immigration judge can rule that a migrant cannot be deported because of possible persecution in a home country, among other limited grounds.
In a separate case in New Jersey, US District Judge Michael Farbiarz has blocked deportation while he considers Khalil’s claim that his arrest was made in violation of the US Constitution’s First Amendment protections for freedom of speech.
KHALIL ADDRESSES THE JUDGE
As Comans adjourned, Khalil leaned forward, asking to address the court. Comans hesitated, then agreed.
Khalil quoted her remarks at his hearing on Tuesday that nothing was more important to the court than “due process rights and fundamental fairness.”
“Clearly what we witnessed today, neither of these principles were present today or in this whole process,” Khalil said. “This is exactly why the Trump administration has sent me to this court, a thousand miles away from my family.”
The judge said her ruling turned on an undated, two-page letter signed by Rubio and submitted to the court and to Khalil’s counsel.
Khalil’s lawyers, appearing via a video link, complained they were given less than 48 hours to review Rubio’s letter and evidence submitted by the Trump administration to Comans this week. Marc Van Der Hout, Khalil’s lead immigration attorney, repeatedly asked for the hearing to be delayed. Comans reprimanded him for what the judge said was straying from the hearing’s purpose, twice saying he had “an agenda.”
Comans said that the 1952 immigration law gave the secretary of state “unilateral judgment” to make his determination about Khalil.
Khalil should be removed, Rubio wrote, for his role in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”
Rubio’s letter did not accuse Khalil of breaking any laws, but said the State Department can revoke the legal status of immigrants who could harm US foreign policy interests even when their beliefs, associations or statements are “otherwise lawful.”
After Comans ended the hearing, several of Khalil’s supporters wept as they left the courtroom. Khalil stood and smiled at them, making a heart shape with his hands.
Khalil has said criticism of the US government’s support of Israel is being wrongly conflated with antisemitism. His lawyers told the court they were submitting into evidence Khalil’s interviews last year with CNN and other news outlets in which he denounces antisemitism and other prejudice.
His lawyers have said the Trump administration was targeting him for protected speech including the right to criticize American foreign policy.
“Mahmoud was subject to a charade of due process, a flagrant violation of his right to a fair hearing and a weaponization of immigration law to suppress dissent,” Van Der Hout said in a statement after the hearing.
The American immigration court system is run and its judges are appointed by the US Justice Department, separate from the government’s judicial branch.
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Hamas Releases Video of Israeli-American Hostage Held in Gaza
FILE PHOTO: Yael, Adi and Mika Alexander, the family of Edan Alexander, the American-Israeli and Israel Defense Forces soldier taken hostage during the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas, pose for a photograph during an interview with Reuters at the Alexander’s home in Tenafly, New Jersey, U.S., December 14, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Stephani Spindel/File Photo
Hamas on Saturday released a video purportedly of Israeli-American hostage Edan Alexander, who has been held in Gaza since he was captured by Palestinian terrorists on October 7, 2023.
In the undated video, the man who introduces himself as Edan Alexander states he has been held in Gaza for 551 days. The man questions why he is still being held and pleads for his release.
Alexander is a soldier serving in the Israeli military.
The edited video was released as Jews began to mark Passover, a weeklong holiday that celebrates freedom. Alexander’s family released a statement acknowledging the video that said the holiday would not be one of freedom as long as Edan and the 58 other hostages in Gaza remained in captivity.
Hamas has released several videos over the course of the war of hostages begging to be released. Israeli officials have dismissed past videos as propaganda that is designed to put pressure on the government. The war is in its eighteenth month.
Hamas released 38 hostages under a ceasefire that began on January 19. In March, Israel’s military resumed its ground and aerial campaign on Gaza, abandoning the ceasefire after Hamas rejected proposals to extend the truce without ending the war.
Israeli officials say that campaign will continue until the remaining 59 hostages are freed and Gaza is demilitarized. Hamas insists it will free hostages only as part of a deal to end the war and has rejected demands to lay down its arms.
The US, Qatar and Egypt are mediating between Hamas and Israel.
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Some Progress in Hostage Talks But Major Issues Remain, Source tells i24NEWS
Demonstrators hold signs and pictures of hostages, as relatives and supporters of Israeli hostages kidnapped during the Oct. 7, 2023 attack by Hamas protest demanding the release of all hostages in Tel Aviv, Israel, Feb. 13, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Itai Ron
i24 News – A source familiar with the ongoing negotiations for a hostage deal confirmed to i24NEWS on Friday that some progress has been made in talks, currently taking place with Egypt, including the exchange of draft proposals. However, it remains unclear whether Hamas will ultimately accept the emerging framework. According to the source, discussions are presently focused on reaching a cohesive outline with Cairo.
A delegation of senior Hamas officials is expected to arrive in Cairo tomorrow. While there is still no finalized draft, even Arab sources acknowledge revisions to Egypt’s original proposal, reportedly including a degree of flexibility in the number of hostages Hamas is willing to release.
The source noted that Hamas’ latest proposal to release five living hostages is unacceptable to Israel, which continues to adhere to the “Witkoff framework.” At the core of this framework is the release of a significant number of hostages, alongside a prolonged ceasefire period—Israel insists on 40 days, while Hamas is demanding more. The plan avoids intermittent pauses or distractions, aiming instead for uninterrupted discussions on post-war arrangements.
As previously reported, Israel is also demanding comprehensive medical and nutritional reports on all living hostages as an early condition of the deal.
“For now,” the source told i24NEWS, “Hamas is still putting up obstacles. We are not at the point of a done deal.” Israeli officials emphasize that sustained military and logistical pressure on Hamas is yielding results, pointing to Hamas’ shift from offering one hostage to five in its most recent agreement.
Negotiators also assert that Israel’s demands are fully backed by the United States. Ultimately, Israeli officials are adamant: no negotiations on the “day after” will take place until the hostage issue is resolved—a message directed not only at Hamas, but also at mediators.
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