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The Media and the Disappearing Palestinian State
In 1973, Israel’s longtime foreign minister, Abba Eban, famously quipped that “the Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.”
Less famously, perhaps, the media never misses a chance to cover for the long history of Palestinian leaders rejecting statehood if it meant living in peace next to a Jewish nation.
Eban’s comment came after the failure of the Geneva Peace Conference, one of numerous international initiatives aimed at resolving what is commonly referred to as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
For nearly a century such efforts have resulted in failure. And the reason is simple: rejectionism, first by Arab states and later by Palestinian leaders themselves. Yet, with growing frequency many in the press, while lamenting the lack of a Palestinian state, omit this relevant history.
Take, for example, The Washington Post. The newspaper has run dozens of articles in recent years claiming, if implicitly, that the lack of a Palestinian state is what drove Hamas and other Iranian-backed proxies to perpetrate the Oct. 7, 2023 massacre. Hopelessness, they assert, was behind the largest slaughter of Jewish civilians since the Holocaust.
Nor is the Post alone. Other publications, including those geared towards policymaking audiences, have made the same claim. Foreign Policy is among the worst offenders. On August 4, the magazine published a piece hailing the recent decision by several European nations to recognize a Palestinian state. France and the United Kingdom vowed to recognize a Palestinian state — provided that Hamas sets down its arms. Paris and London didn’t both offering specifics as to how the latter would be accomplished. Nor did they articulate the borders of this state, who would rule it, its currency, etc. But thankfully the days of European powers drawing up borders for failed states in the Middle East is over.
Yet, curiously, Foreign Policy, which has a long history of decrying Western interference and colonialism in the Middle East, found much to like in the idea, with an August 4 report celebrating the move as “an international tipping point on Gaza.” The magazine noted that other countries, such as Canada, Finland, Malta, and Portugal, “have also announced their plans to recognize Palestine this fall.”
The absence of a Palestinian state is something that Foreign Policy has expended considerable column space fixating on. In August 2024, the publication hosted a webinar called “A Future for Palestinian Statehood.” A few weeks prior, in May, Foreign Policy published an op-ed entitled “Why the U.S. Should Recognize Palestinian Statehood.” And in February of that year, the magazine published an op-ed, “A Trial Palestinian State Must Begin in Gaza.” Recent events, Foreign Policy asserted in an Aug. 8, 2025 op-ed, symbolize “The West’s Turn Against Israel.”
Of course, there already been a “trial Palestinian state” and it was in Gaza. In 2005, Israel unilaterally withdrew from the Gaza Strip. In the first and only elections since, Gazans voted in Hamas, a Muslim Brotherhood derivative, whose charter calls for the destruction of Israel and the genocide of Jews. If one is to treat Gazans like people with independent agency — as one should — it can be surmised that they were well aware of Hamas’ charter. After all: Hamas doesn’t exactly hide its aims.
Unsurprisingly, rockets were subsequently launched from Gaza into Israel, necessitating a blockade by both Israel and neighboring Egypt. Electing a genocidal US-designated terror group is hardly conducive to good governance, and multiple wars have followed.
Hamas, the duly elected government of Palestinians in Gaza, is every bit as cruel and kleptocratic as other Islamist movements. The heads of the terror group live in luxury abroad, many in Qatar and Turkey, launching wars for which Israelis and average, everyday Gazans pay the consequence. Gaza has received copious international aid — including long before October 7 — but Hamas has diverted it, building an extensive underground tunnel system to store fighters, munitions, and hide hostages, while those above ground are used as human shields.
The test case — offering up land for the construction of a Palestinian state — has been tried and found wanting. Gaza is a crystal-clear example.
And the reason is simple: Palestinian leaders, be it Hamas in Gaza, or its rival, Fatah, the movement that rules Judea and Samaria, also known as the West Bank, believe that Israel is “Palestine.” According to their doctrine, any land once ruled by Muslims is waqf and is forever theirs. Notions of political, social, and religious equality are anathema.
Hamas’ own charter spells this out quite clearly. The official media and educational curriculum of the Palestinian Authority, the US-backed entity that controls most of the West Bank, also presents Israel as “Palestine.” This, of course, is a violation of the Oslo Accords, which created the Authority in the first place. These beliefs are the reason for the lack of an independent Palestinian state.
After all, Palestinian leaders have been offered statehood on numerous occasions — most recently in 2000 at Camp David, 2001 at Taba, and 2008 after the Annapolis Conference. Yasser Arafat, the now deceased head of the Fatah movement and ruler of the PA, rejected the 2000 and 2001 proposals. The 2008 offer, presented to PA President Mahmoud Abbas, included 93% of the West Bank with land swaps for remaining areas and a capital in eastern Jerusalem. Tellingly, Abbas turned it down and failed to even make a counteroffer. The 2008 proposal served as the basis for additional US-attempts to begin negotiations in 2014 and 2016. These attempts were similarly rejected by PA leadership.
As the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis (CAMERA) has documented, Palestinian leaders have been rejecting opportunities for statehood for nearly a century. Indeed, in 1947, the UN put forward a resolution to partition British-ruled Mandate Palestine into two states, one Arab and the other Jewish. The leaders of the Zionist movement voted to support the plan. By contrast, Arab states and leaders of the Palestinian Arab movement like Amin al-Husseini, categorically rejected the opportunity to create something that hasn’t ever existed: a Palestinian Arab state. Instead, less than three years after the Holocaust, they chose to wage war on the fledgling Jewish State, vowing to cast its inhabitants into the sea. They lost and they’ve kept on losing ever since.
Curiously, however, the media continually omits these failed opportunities for Palestinian statehood, choosing instead to cast Palestinians as helpless and without independent agency. This is little more than an updated version of the colonialism that many members of the Western intelligentsia pretend to abhor. But readers of newspapers and once venerable policy periodicals deserve to know relevant history and they deserve to see Palestinians as people with independent agency, not merely as victims.
The writer is a Senior Research Analyst for CAMERA, the 65,000-member, Boston-based Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis
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Azerbaijan, Armenia Publish Text of US-Brokered Peace Deal

US President Donald Trump, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev, and Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan pose with their documents during a trilateral signing event at the White House, in Washington, DC, Aug. 8, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque
Armenia and Azerbaijan published the text of a US-brokered peace agreement on Monday, pledging to respect each other’s territorial integrity and formally put an end to nearly four decades of conflict.
The deal was struck in Washington last Friday, when Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan met with US President Donald Trump at the White House.
The text of the agreement, which was initialed by the countries’ foreign ministers, says Yerevan and Baku will relinquish all claims to each other’s territory, refrain from using force against one another, and pledge to respect international law.
“This agreement is a solid foundation for establishing a reliable and lasting peace, the result of an agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan that reflects the balanced interests of the two countries,” Pashinyan wrote on Facebook.
Armenia and Azerbaijan, neighbors in the South Caucasus region, have been locked in conflict since the late 1980s over Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous region at the southern end of the Karabakh mountain range, within Azerbaijan. Baku took back full control of the region in 2023, prompting almost all of the territory’s 100,000 ethnic Armenians to flee to Armenia.
The European Union, NATO member Turkey, and Russia have welcomed the accord, although Moscow, a traditional broker and ally of Armenia, was left out and warned against foreign meddling.
The deal explicitly bans the deployment of third-party forces along the countries’ shared border, a possible reference to Russia, which has previously deployed peacekeepers to the region and still has extensive military and security interests in Armenia.
The European Union also has a mission deployed at the border to monitor ceasefire violations, which Baku has repeatedly demanded it withdraw.
CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUE
The peace deal has not yet been signed by the two rivals, who both gained their independence from the Soviet Union in 1991.
In a major hurdle to peace, Azerbaijan is demanding that Armenia change its constitution, which Baku says makes an implicit claim on Azerbaijani territory.
On Monday, Baku said “further actions” were required to sign the peace agreement, including amendments to Armenia‘s constitution that would “eliminate territorial claims against Azerbaijan.”
Aliyev, who has led Azerbaijan since 2003, told reporters in Washington last week that Yerevan “has some homework to do” regarding its founding charter, adding that after the changes have been made, “the peace agreement can be signed at any time.”
Pashinyan this year called for a referendum to change the constitution, but no date for it has been set yet.
The potential peace deal would transform the South Caucasus, an energy-rich region neighboring Russia, Europe, Turkey, and Iran that is criss-crossed by oil and gas pipelines but has been hamstrung by closed borders and decades-old ethnic conflicts.
At the White House meeting on Friday, the United States gained exclusive development rights to a strategic transit corridor in the region that the Trump administration said would boost bilateral economic ties and allow for greater exports of energy.
The management and development of that corridor, which will run through southern Armenia and connect most of Azerbaijani territory with Nakhchivan, an Azerbaijani exclave that borders Baku’s ally Turkey, was also a stumbling block to initial peace efforts.
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Israel’s Gaza City Offensive May Be Weeks Away, Leaving Time for Potential Ceasefire

Palestinians look at aid packages that are airdropped over Gaza, in Gaza City, Aug. 8, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
Israel’s new offensive in Gaza City could take weeks to start, leaving the door open for a ceasefire, officials say, even as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said it would get underway “fairly quickly” and end the war with Hamas’s defeat.
Two officials who were at a security cabinet meeting on Thursday to approve the plan told Reuters that the evacuation of civilians from affected areas may only be completed by the start of October, giving time for a deal to be pursued.
The plan raised international alarm over the harm it could bring to the shattered enclave, where a hunger crisis has worsened. On Sunday, Netanyahu summoned foreign journalists to explain the blueprint, which includes what he described as a surge of humanitarian aid.
Netanyahu said that Israel will first allow civilians to leave the battle zones before forces move in on Gaza City, which he described as one of Hamas’s last two remaining strongholds, whose defeat will bring an end to the war.
But Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, a security cabinet member who has demanded even tougher action, said the plan was designed to pressure Hamas back to the negotiating table, rather than defeat the Palestinian terrorist group, and urged Netanyahu to scrap it.
Indirect negotiations between Israel and Hamas over a US proposal for a 60-day ceasefire that would have included the release of half the hostages still in Gaza ended last month in a deadlock, with major gaps still between both sides.
The mediators, Egypt and Qatar, have not given up on reviving negotiations, according to an Arab diplomat who said Israel’s decision to broadcast its new Gaza City offensive plan may not be a bluff, but it also serves to bring Hamas back to the negotiating table.
The diplomat said that there was a new willingness from Hamas to engage in constructive talks toward a ceasefire after they had seen Netanyahu’s seriousness about taking all of Gaza.
Senior Hamas official Basem Naim said the group had informed the mediators that it was still interested in reaching a ceasefire deal.
Netanyahu has not ruled out eventually opting for a deal. A source close to the prime minister said that if a relevant proposal were to emerge, it would be brought before Israel’s security cabinet.
Asked on Sunday whether he would halt the new offensive in favor of a ceasefire, Netanyahu publicly took a tougher stance.
“We are aiming for the release of all the 20 [living hostages] with the goal of defeating Hamas. We were talking about a partial deal, we went for a partial deal, but we were led astray,” he said. “We are going to destroy Hamas, we are not stopping, we are advancing,” he added.
He also said he had instructed the Israeli military to speed up its plans for the new offensive.
“I want to end the war as quickly as possible and that is why I have instructed the IDF [Israel Defense Forces] to shorten the schedule for seizing control of Gaza City,” he said. The timeline, he said, was “fairly quickly.”
But the plans laid out at the security cabinet on Thursday could take around five months to complete, according to the two officials present at the meeting.
Netanyahu’s remarks on Gaza City being the last bastion whose downfall would hasten Hamas’s defeat echoed statements ahead of another offensive, in southern Gaza, more than a year ago.
In April 2024, during a previous round of failed ceasefire negotiations, Netanyahu vowed to press on with a long promised assault in Rafah that would achieve “total victory” after tackling Hamas’s last remaining brigade there.
Israel moved on Rafah in May 2024, as hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fled the area. The group’s leader and mastermind of the 2023 attack that triggered the war, Yahya Sinwar, was killed by Israeli forces there around five months later.
But even with its top leaders dead and fighters long reduced to a guerilla force scattered among the ruins of Gaza, Netanyahu faces skepticism over the new plan – including from his military chief who called it a death trap – and of any hopes that it will end the war soon.
“This move is a danger to Israel and its security and it is pointless,” said Israel’s opposition leader Yair Lapid. “The hostages will die, soldiers will die, the economy will fall apart and Israel’s international standing will crumble.”
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Syria Vows to Investigate Footage of Sweida Hospital Killing

A view shows Sweida National Hospital, following deadly clashes between Druze fighters, Sunni Bedouin tribes, and government forces, in Syria’s predominantly Druze city of Sweida, Syria, July 25, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
Syria‘s interior ministry said on Monday that it would investigate footage showing men in military fatigues shooting an unarmed man in scrubs at point-blank range in the main hospital in the predominantly Druze city of Sweida last month.
Syria‘s interior ministry said in a written statement that it had seen the “disturbing video” and “condemns and denounces this act in the strongest terms.”
The statement said the ministry tasked the deputy minister for security affairs “to directly supervise the investigation to ensure the perpetrators are identified and arrested as quickly as possible.”
The security camera footage, verified by Reuters and by a doctor who witnessed the incident as being filmed inside Sweida National Hospital, shows four men in green military fatigues and one man in a black uniform with the words “Interior Ministry” printed on his back.
In the footage, the five security forces stand in front of a group of about two dozen people in hospital scrubs, kneeling or squatting on the floor. One man in scrubs is standing.
Two of the men in fatigues grab the standing man and slap him, as if trying to force him to sit. The man in scrubs resists and pulls one of the attackers in a headlock and onto the floor.
The other armed men intervene to release their colleague. The man in scrubs is then shot twice while on the floor, first with a rifle by one of the uniformed men and then with a pistol by a second uniformed man.
In the footage, which has no sound, the fighters appear to address the rest of the group, then drag the motionless man away by his feet, leaving a streak of blood on the hospital floor.
The Syrian defense ministry did not immediately respond to questions from Reuters on the incident.
The footage is the latest to emerge of execution-style killings in Sweida, where sectarian bloodshed last month left more than 1,000 people dead, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights. A fact-finding committee has been set up to investigate reports of abuses.
WITNESS
Reuters was able to confirm the location of the footage from the floor, doors and walls, which matched media coverage of the hospital lobby. The date on the CCTV footage says the incident took place at about 3:16 p. on July 16.
Syrian armed forces were deployed to Sweida city on July 15 to quell clashes between Bedouin tribes and Druze fighters, but the violence worsened after they entered.
A senior doctor in the hospital‘s orthopedic department who was in the hospital at the time and witnessed the incident said the security forces had stormed the hospital on July 16.
The doctor identified the slain man as Muhammad Bahsas, a civil engineer who had come to the hospital to volunteer.
The doctor, who spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of reprisals, said one of the security personnel who had shot Bahsas told the rest of the group: “Anyone who speaks up to us will end up like him.”
The doctor said the armed men then combed through the hospital for hours, searching for weapons and repeatedly calling the medical staff and volunteers “pigs.” The security forces kept medical staff confined to hospital rooms overnight and left the hospital by the morning, the doctor said.