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The Oslo Accords just turned 30. Here’s how they’ll shape a Saudi-Israeli peace deal.

(JTA) — Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United States seem intent on striking a trilateral deal that includes normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia, Saudi civil nuclear power monitored by the international community, and an American-Saudi defense treaty. So why is it taking so long? Well, a fourth party — the Palestinians — are not part of the negotiations, yet their well-being seems to loom over the negotiations.

I’ve been in the room when Israel negotiated high-stakes questions about its relationships and its future, as the secretary for the Israeli delegation of the Camp David negotiations from 1999 to 2001. So I understand the diplomatic legacies shaping the positions at play today — and the broad implications and deep freight of the issues reportedly on the table.

September can be celebrated as the “Middle East Peace Month,” marking 45 years since the 1978 Camp David Accords (on Sept. 17); 30 years since the first Oslo Accord (on Sept. 13); and three years since the Abraham Accords (on Sept. 15, 2020). These events — and others — create a legacy that is now shaping the coming major milestone: an Israeli-Saudi normalization agreement.

The Israeli-Arab peace and normalization process formally began in 1978 with the Israel-Egypt Camp David Accords that included a Framework for Peace in the Middle East. The next major contractual milestone was the Declaration of Principles (also known as “Oslo A”) which was signed between Israel and the PLO in 1993. The declaration provided for the establishment of the Palestinian Authority as an interim self-government, as well as for further negotiations on the “outstanding issues” toward “final status.” Thereafter, dozens of agreements were signed among Israel, Jordan and the PLO, mostly until 1999, as well as with Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Morocco since 2020. 

In spite of episodes of conflict and bloodshed and long intermissions, these milestones add up to a 45-year continuum of Israeli-Arab peacemaking, which has been bound by an overarching logic and diplomatic principles that have been reiterated for decades. One example is U.N. Security Council Resolution 242 that establishes that Israel will withdraw from the whole (French version) or parts (English version) of the West Bank. It appears in all major agreements signed since 1978.  

For Israel and the United States — and particularly for Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Joe Biden — there is another unlikely benchmark. It is the so-called Trump Plan, which was negotiated between Israel and the U.S. and presented in January 2020 without Palestinians contribution or participation. The Trump Plan clearly favors long-standing Israeli positions such as that all Jewish settlements will remain under Israeli sovereignty, which is why Netanyahu called it “the deal of the century.” Nonetheless, the plan is premised on the principle of two states for two peoples, namely envisioning a Palestinian state alongside Israel, and acknowledging that the West Bank is “disputed territory” whose future must be agreed upon between Israel and the PLO. Furthermore, while the Palestinian state is envisioned to be of “limited sovereignty,” its area will be equivalent to 86% of the West Bank and all of Gaza and its capital, al-Quds, will be in the “area of Jerusalem” immediately adjacent to the current municipal borders.  

The unspoken challenge of the current negotiations over the Saudi deal is that Netanyahu is no longer willing to give Biden as much as he gave Trump. Meanwhile, Biden is bound by the legacies of Clinton, Bush, Obama and Trump — all of whom were explicit about having a Palestinian state in permanent status in the vast majority of Gaza and the West Bank. These legacies put pressure on Biden to do more for the two-state solution than his predecessors, Trump included. 

The Saudis, eager to secure their status in the Arab world, must be “triangulating” three other reference points: The first is the 1978 Israel-Egypt Framework for Peace in the Middle East, where President Anwar Sadat established U.N. Security Council Resolution 242 as the founding principle for future territorial arrangements and provided the framework for the Oslo Process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. The second is the Saudi peace plan, which shaped the peace initiative of the Arab League in Beirut in 2002 and then in Riyadh in 2007, which upheld the June 1967 Lines as reference point for future territorial arrangements. And the third is the success of the UAE in thwarting Netanyahu’s plans to annex parts of the West Bank in 2020 in exchange for the Abraham Accords.

In other words, how can Saudi Arabia walk back from its own plan or do less for the Palestinians than Egypt and the UAE?

These legacies create a four-point agenda for the currently unfolding negotiations: 

First, regarding the P.A.: The United States and Saudi Arabia are likely to want to reaffirm the existing Oslo Accords, to which Israel is a signatory. These agreements establish the P.A. as the interim self-government in the West Bank and Gaza ahead of permanent status. In this context, negotiators are probably discussing how to prevent the expansion of settlements across the West Bank, particularly in areas that will circumvent the contiguity of a future Palestinian state, as well as how to bolster the P.A.’s economic wellbeing and capacities of governance and security capabilities.  

Second, regarding future negotiations: The United States and Saudi Arabia are probably striving to reinstate the principle of “two states for two peoples,” which means that the future of the West Bank will be negotiated between Israel and the PLO and that the P.A. will eventually become a state albeit with limited powers. As mentioned, all U.S. presidents since Clinton and all Israeli prime ministers since Barak, including Netanyahu in his past tenures. reaffirmed that principle. 

The likely third point is territory. Americans and Saudis must be pressing for reiterating 242 as the baseline for future territorial arrangements. How can they demand anything less? Furthermore, it has been leaked that the parties are discussing some concrete territorial steps in the West Bank such as recategorizing lands under full Israeli control (“Area C”) as lands under Palestinian civil control (“Area B”), or placing Area B under full control of the P.A. (“Area A”). Any such change implies an Israeli recognition that the current sovereign arrangements the West Bank will be negotiated with the PLO. 

A veiw of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, showing the Al Aqsa mosque, center, and Dome of the Rock, top.. (Andrew Shiva/Wikimedia Commons)

Finally, there is Jerusalem, and particularly the Temple Mount and the location of Saudi’s embassy to Israel. The Temple Mount — where the Dome of the Rock and the Al Aqsa Mosque stand on a platform that covers the historic site of Judaism’s holy temples — is the most contentious issue between Israel and the Palestinians. All past agreements established that its fate will be determined in negotiations. Even the Trump Plan, with Netanyahu’s endorsement, suggests that the Temple Mount will be subject to a special arrangement where the Waqf of Jordan (a Muslim religious society) will play a significant role.

When Sadat visited Israel in 1977, he insisted on praying at Al Aqsa, as did the ambassador of the UAE. This week, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey expressed a similar expectation ahead of his visit to Israel. While Israel maintains that “a unified and undivided Jerusalem is the eternal capital of Israel,” the Israeli-Arab peace process has been founded on the principle that Jerusalem’s final status will be determined in negotiations. As Saudi Arabia sees itself as a guardian of Muslim holy sites, Al Aqsa must be on its mind. 

Ahead of their normalization agreement, Israel and Saudi Arabia are likely also discussing the location of their future embassies. On this point, the Saudi side can have its embassy to Israel in Tel Aviv, like all other embassies of Arab and Muslim countries, and its diplomatic mission to the P.A. in Ramallah, thereby signaling that the final status of Jerusalem is yet to be determined. But they may be considering a much bolder, more-for-more deal of establishing the Saudi embassy to Israel in Israeli west Jerusalem, thereby recognizing it as Israel’s capital, in exchange for having the Saudi embassy to the P.A. in Arab east Jerusalem. After all, seven European countries including the United Kingdom and France, in addition to the Vatican and Turkey, have their diplomatic missions to the P.A. within the municipal borders of Jerusalem. 

Clearly, any such Saudi deal would shake the current Israeli coalition, whose founding agreements call for applying Israel’s sovereignty over the West Bank “when circumstances are right.” Such aspiration means canceling the Oslo Accords and dismantling the P.A. In other words, the Saudi-Israel-U.S. deal is as much about their relations as it is about the future of the two-state solution and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.


The post The Oslo Accords just turned 30. Here’s how they’ll shape a Saudi-Israeli peace deal. appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Israel Calls Up ‘Tens of Thousands’ of Reserve Soldiers

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends a cabinet meeting at the Bible Lands Museum in Jerusalem on June 5, 2024. Photo: Gil Cohen-Magen/Pool via REUTERS

i24 NewsThe Israeli military is calling up tens of thousands reservists on Saturday, as the offensive against Palestinian jihadists in the Gaza Strip is set to expand.

The plan was approved on Friday during a meeting between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the heads of the military and the security echelon.

While the plan awaits final ratification by the security cabinet, slated to convene Sunday, it is understood that this step is seen as a formality.

At present, there are three IDF divisions operative in Gaza. While Israeli leadership has repeatedly stated that its ultimate goal is dislodging Hamas, the current, more restrained goal is to pressure the jihadist group into releasing Israeli hostages. It is not immediately apparent whether the mobilization announced on Saturday represents a decisive change in strategy, or a further increase in the pressure applied on Hamas.

There are 59 Israelis held in Gaza, of which at least 24 are believed to be alive.

The post Israel Calls Up ‘Tens of Thousands’ of Reserve Soldiers first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Trump’s Schizophrenic Middle East Policy After 100 days

US President Donald Trump attends the annual White House Easter Egg Roll, on the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, DC, April 21, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Leah Millis

JNS.orgFor decades, political observers have judged American presidents by their first 100 days—a somewhat arbitrary marker that can still offer insights into the administration’s priorities and governing style. Trump has done more during this time than any other president. His decisions have been good, questionable or awful, depending on your partisanship. That is true of his policy toward the Middle East and Israel specifically.

If anyone ever believed that Trump holds a special regard for the US-Israel relationship, his imposition of a 17% tariff on Israeli goods, after Israel eliminated tariffs on American imports, should shatter that illusion. Israel is facing harsher tariffs than many countries that are not allies.

Trump’s advisors and cabinet are a mixed bag of pro-Israel stalwarts and isolationists. There are officials with ties to Qatar and others with far-right extremists. One of the more promising appointments has been Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who has initiated a much-needed overhaul of the US State Department, eliminating USAID—a move with mixed consequences, given that it both defunded problematic NGOs and cut off support for Israeli hospitals. Another positive addition to the State Department is Mike Huckabee, a Christian Zionist appointed as US ambassador to Israel.

If you substitute the name Obama or Biden for many of Trump’s other policies, Jewish conservatives would be apoplectic. Remember the uproar when Obama visited Cairo and skipped Jerusalem? Trump is going to Saudi Arabia but not Israel. How about the decision to negotiate directly with Hamas and Iran?

Biden’s approach to Israel vacillated between Jekyll and Hyde. Trump’s policies have been similar.

He pressured Israel into ceasefires with Hamas and Hezbollah. Now, however, he’s allowing strikes in the Gaza Strip and Southern Lebanon. He warned against attacking Beirut but apparently approved the attack on a Hezbollah missile facility in a suburb.

Trump told Israel not to attack the Houthis, who are targeting it almost daily. Unlike Biden, who was petrified of the possibility of escalation, Trump ordered ongoing US military strikes on Yemen.

He blocked Israel from attacking Iran but threatened war to stop Iran from getting a nuclear bomb. Trump has resumed his “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran but said he wants to have direct talks with its supreme leader, Ali Khamenei. He’s moved significant military assets to the region but has not used them to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities. He says that Iran can’t have a nuclear bomb, but his negotiator talked about a modified version of Obama’s nuclear deal that Trump tore up because it would not accomplish that goal. Like Obama, he is letting Iran string him along and refuse to talk about its missile program or sponsorship of terror.

Trump ordered the release of weapons that Biden withheld and removed his predecessor’s sanctions on settlers. The administration has also denied visas to Israeli cyber experts.

After meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump then praised Turkey’s Islamist leader, who has been threatening Israel while saying he could mediate between them.

Trump warned Hamas that there would be “hell to pay” if the hostages weren’t freed, which was an empty threat the terrorists ignored. Meanwhile, his negotiator, Adam Boehler, prioritized the release of Americans and was prepared to leave the other Israeli captives behind while expecting Israel to hand over Palestinian prisoners. In response to criticism, he said, “We’re the United States; we’re not an agent of Israel.”

Trump has shown no interest in resuscitating his failed peace plan from his first term or engaging in a new initiative involving the Palestinians. He cut aid again to the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and remains unwilling to fund the Palestinian Authority while its “pay-to-slay” policy continues. Trump floated the fanciful plan to take over Gaza, expel the Palestinians and create a “Riviera of the Middle East,” which received a great deal of backlash and has since stalled in terms of going forward.

After weeks of ignoring the humanitarian situation in Gaza, Trump sounded almost Bidenesque in his demand that Israel open access points for the delivery aid.

Administration leaks of Israeli military plans and shared intelligence has affected Israel’s security.

Domestically, his draconian fund cuts and other threats have forced universities to take antisemitism on campus more seriously. The Hamas-loving protesters no longer have free rein, and some are being targeted for deportation.

Trump issued an executive order mandating full and timely disclosure of foreign funding by higher education institutions, which may finally allow the public to know how much Arab money flows to universities and the purpose of those funds. The administration has also opened dozens of investigations of institutions of higher learning to determine their compliance with civil-rights laws protecting Jews and others. Simultaneously, however, he gutted the department responsible for conducting those reviews.

Perhaps more seriously, Trump has undercut Israel with his rhetoric. When he refused to commit to removing the tariff on Israel, he said: “Don’t forget, we help Israel a lot. We give Israel $4 billion a year, that’s a lot.” Stressing the point further, he added that “we give Israel billions of dollars a year. Billions. It’s one of the highest of anyone.”

This effectively lumped Israel with other countries he considers schnorrers—freeloaders he accuses of sponging off the United States, ignoring the mutual benefits of our alliance. Nevertheless, Rubio expedited the delivery of the $4 billion in military assistance.

After 100 days, Trump has an uneven record, combining some very commendable moves with some serious missteps.

The post Trump’s Schizophrenic Middle East Policy After 100 days first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Hundreds of Druze Flee Damascus Suburbs for IDF-Controlled Areas

Illustrative. Armed Druze men stand at a checkpoint in Jaramana, southeast of Damascus, Syria, April 29, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Stringer

i24 NewsAt least 600 Syrian Druze from Sahnaya and Jaramana in the outskirts of Damascus have fled to the town of Hader and its surrounding villages in southern Syria, i24NEWS learned on Sunday, in light of escalating violence against the local Druze community.

The area of Hader, in the Quneitra Governorate, is currently under IDF control as part of the Israeli military presence in southwest Syria since the fall of the Assad regime.

The source said there is much disappointment at the current Israeli response to the violence against Syrian Druze, which was committed by elements affiliated with the new Syrian government under President Ahmed al-Sharaa.

Despite Israel facilitating the provision of basic supplies and aid to Druze communities in Syria, they expect to see Israel do more to stop the violence against the Druze.

“For decades, the Druze in Israel have shed blood alongside the Jewish majority and formed a brotherly covenant. But now that their actual brothers in Syria are being killed, Israel remains silent. We feel abandoned by the Israeli government,” the source said.

“We want to see Israel send President al-Sharaa a direct message, or warning, to stop the violence against us. As far as we know, no such message has been sent from Israel.”

The post Hundreds of Druze Flee Damascus Suburbs for IDF-Controlled Areas first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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