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Who’s who in Israel’s new far-right government, and why it matters

(JTA) – As the sun set on the fourth night of Hanukkah in Israel on Wednesday, incoming Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was expected to announce that he had successfully formed his new coalition government after more than five weeks of negotiations.

There are some asterisks: Netanyahu hasn’t officially signed any coalition deals yet with other parties (he has until 48 hours before the new government is seated Jan. 2 to do so), and some of his expected new partners are first demanding new legislation that has been delayed until after coalition talks. 

But Netanyahu seems confident that he has formed a coalition that will grant him a comfortable majority in the Knesset, Israel’s parliament. Assuming he pulls it off before the swearing-in date, Israel seems set to welcome a new set of ministers who have set off alarm bells around the globe for their extremist beliefs and records. 

Among the most worried observers are the U.S. government and Diaspora Jewish groups, who warn that, should these ministers get their way, Israel would be placing its status as both a pluralistic Jewish and democratic state at serious risk.

So what has everyone so concerned? Before the new government looks to be formally seated in January, here’s what you need to know about who’s set to take power in Israel.

Who’s in the new government?

Netanyahu’s coalition is full of incendiary characters hailing from Israel’s far-right and haredi Orthodox wings — including multiple fringe figures who until recently had been shunned by the country’s political mainstream, but who the incoming prime minister needs on his team in order to hold a governing majority (and attempt to dodge his own corruption charges).

Chief among them is Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of the far-right Otzma Yehudit party, who will likely hold a newly created ministry position that gives him power over the state’s police force. A onetime follower of Jewish extremist rabbi Meir Kahane, Ben-Gvir has been convicted of incitement over his past support of Israeli terrorist groups and inflammatory comments about Israel’s Arab population. He has also encouraged demonstrations on the Temple Mount by religious nationalists that often lead to sectarian violence, leaving analysts worried about what he would do once placed in control of the state’s police force.

Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of Israel’s Otzma Yehudit party, and Bezalel Smotrich, leader of the Religious Zionist Party, attend a rally with supporters in the southern Israeli city of Sderot, Oct 26, 2022. (Gil Cohen-Magen/AFP via Getty Images)

In addition, the new government will include Bezalel Smotrich, leader of the extremist-aligned Religious Zionist party, who has been accused by Israeli security forces in the past of plotting violent attacks against Palestinians. Like Ben-Gvir, Smotrich will also likely be given a newly created ministership role in Netanyahu’s government to oversee Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank — a move which liberal groups say would lead to “de facto annexation” given his desire to expand settlements and deny Palestinian claims to the area. 

Smotrich, who will additionally hold the position of finance minister, is also fervently anti-LGBTQ in a country that prides itself on its treatment of LGBTQ citizens. He has organized opposition to pride parades and compared same-sex relationships to bestiality. 

He’s not the only incoming anti-LGBTQ minister: Avi Maoz, head of the far-right Noam party, has described himself as a “proud homophobe” and has called all liberal forms of Judaism a “darkness” comparable to the Hellenistic Empire that controlled the Jews in the Hanukkah story. (A leading Israeli LGBTQ group has invited him to attend a pride parade.) Maoz would headline a new “National Jewish Identity” education position with the power to demand certain content be taught in schools. He has said he wants to fight liberal attempts to “brainwash the children of Israel” with progressive ideology, aligning him with many figures on the American right today.

Another controversial figure in Israel’s new government is Aryeh Deri, head of the haredi Orthodox Shas party, who is set to become interior and health minister pending new legislation. Deri has been convicted of tax fraud and served 22 months in prison in 2002 — which would bar him from holding a ministry position, unless Netanyahu can pass a law allowing him to serve. (There are reports that Netanyahu’s party, Likud, may offer Deri the position of alternate prime minister if the court rules he cannot serve in the Cabinet.) Netanyahu himself is embroiled in a years-long corruption trial, and may be relying on his allies to help shield him from the consequences of an eventual verdict.

Who’s not in?

Not all Israelis are excited to see Netanyahu return to power. Hundreds of protesters recently took to the streets of Tel Aviv to object to his pending far-right alliance.

Government officials have also lashed out against him in the press. Outgoing Prime Minister Yair Lapid, outgoing Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, outgoing Diaspora Affairs Minister Nachman Shai and a coalition of business executives are among the figures warning that the new laws, in the hands of the new government, would turn Israel into an illiberal state

Benny Gantz — the outgoing defense minister and Netanyahu’s former rival-turned-unlikely-political-partner — had been floated as a wild card coalition contender in the wake of this fall’s election: A unity government involving his Blue and White party and Likud would reduce Netanyahu’s need to cater to far-right parties. But Gantz has not been mentioned in recent reporting on Netanyahu’s coalition negotiations.

How could the new government change Israel?

In some ways, it already has. As a precondition to some of his coalition deals, Netanyahu is pushing laws through the Knesset that grant new powers to his incoming ministers, allowing them expanded oversight of everything from law enforcement to Jewish settlements in the West Bank. The Shas party is also demanding an overhaul of the Israeli court system that would grant more authority over rabbinic judges and less oversight from secular ombudsmen, a move that legal observers in the country warn would cripple the judiciary and open the door to misconduct by rabbinic judges

Netanyahu’s opposition bloc, which successfully ousted him in 2021 only to see its own coalition crumble a year later, is still in power through the end of the year and tried to delay Netanyahu’s moves with parliamentary gamesmanship this week. While they weakened some of the laws Netanyahu sought to pass, they seem to have failed to prevent the incoming PM’s ability to form a government.

Some figures in the new government also favor policies backed by the country’s Orthodox rabbinate that are hostile to much of Diasporic Jewry. Among the sweeping changes that could soon be on the table: 

Removing the “grandchild clause,” a rule that allows anyone with at least one Jewish grandparent to apply for Israeli citizenship, from the country’s Law of Return (haredi parties have promised to back off trying to change the Law of Return in the short-term);
Passing a law to no longer recognize non-Orthodox converts to Judaism as Israeli citizens, reversing a recent high court decision;

And scuttling long-in-the-works plans to create a permanent egalitarian prayer space at the Western Wall. 

How will this affect the Israeli-Palestinian peace process?

The answer many experts would give: What peace process?

With Ben-Gvir, Smotrich and other new ministers presenting themselves as openly hostile to Palestinian statehood, the chances of restarting viable negotiations for a two-state solution in the near future are slim to nil. Netanyahu continues to insist that any formal peace process would require the Palestinians to allow Israel to maintain some manner of security presence in the occupied territories, terms which the Palestinian Authority has strongly refused. 

People gather to protest against the far-right upcoming coalition government led by Benjamin Netanyahu in Tel Aviv, Dec. 17, 2022. (Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

With a recent rise in violent attacks on Israelis and Palestinians alike forefront in citizens’ minds, security concerns were a foremost reason why Israel’s recent elections played out so well for the right wing. There is little incentive for the new government to engage in peace talks.

In addition, one of the carrots Netanyahu offered to his incoming coalition members was that the Israeli government would formally recognize a greater number of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, which the international community consider to be part of an illegal occupation. Such a move would even further deteriorate relations with Palestinians and the international community. 

Netanyahu’s discussions with other Arab nations, however, are continuing unabated. Seeking to build off of the success of the Abraham Accords, he recently hinted that Saudi Arabia may soon join the normalization agreements, urging the United States to formalize their own relationships with the Saudis.

What is the U.S. response?

The United States is certainly worried about the rightward direction Israel is headed in. President Joe Biden has often boasted of his decades-long “friendship” with Netanyahu, but that relationship is soon to be tested the further the Israeli leader embraces his coalition partners, some of whom the Biden administration has hinted it would refuse to work with directly.

Biden’s current strategy, insiders told Politico, is to work only through Netanyahu and to hold the prime minister responsible for any actions taken by his Cabinet. In interviews with American media, Netanyahu has insisted that he is still fully in control of his government.

Mainstream American Jewish groups including Jewish Federations of North America and the American Jewish Committee have stewed over Netanyahu and tried to reaffirm a commitment to “inclusive and pluralistic” policies in Israel, but they have publicly said they would wait until the new government was formed to make any judgments. Abe Foxman, former head of the Anti-Defamation League, has warned he “won’t be able to support” Ben-Gvir and Smotrich’s vision for Israel. 

Other groups, like B’nai Brith International and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, have characterized the new government as just the latest in a long line of Israeli governments they have successfully worked with.

Most American Jews are politically liberal, support a two-state solution, generally oppose Netanyahu and also highly prize the sense of egalitarianism that his new government has threatened to do away with. Any changes to the Law of Return, in particular, would be catastrophic for the relationship between Israel and American Jews, warns Union for Reform Judaism President Rabbi Rick Jacobs.


The post Who’s who in Israel’s new far-right government, and why it matters appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Israel Continues to Kill Key Iranian Officials as Netanyahu Says Iran Can No Longer Build Missiles, Enrich Uranium

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during a press conference, amid the US-Israel conflict with Iran, in Jerusalem, March 19, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun/Pool

Israel continued its efforts to kill key Iranian officials and destabilize the regime on Friday, one day after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised what he described as the military’s unprecedented achievements three weeks into the war.

The Israeli military said on Friday it killed Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) spokesperson Ali Mohammad Naini in an overnight airstrike against regime targets across the Iranian capital of Tehran.

“Naini disseminated the regime’s terrorist propaganda to its proxies across the Middle East,” the military said, describing him as a central figure in messaging tied to attacks against Israel.

Kasra Aarabi, director of IRGC research at United Against Nuclear Iran, described Naini’s death as “a significant blow to the regime’s psychological warfare and propaganda operations — an increasingly central pillar of the IRGC’s current war strategy.”

Iranian state media had reported his death earlier in the day.

The Israeli military also announced on Friday that, two days ago, it killed a key, senior commander in Iran’s intelligence ministry, Mahdi Rostami Shamastan, in an airstrike in Tehran following a joint operation involving Israel’s Military Intelligence, Mossad, and Shin Bet.

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) also said on Friday that it killed the Basij militia’s intelligence chief, Esmail Ahmadi, in a strike in central Tehran.

The Iranian regime uses the Basij paramilitary force, which is affiliated with the IRGC, to violently suppress protests and crush political opposition across the country.

“Ahmadi played a central role in advancing and executing terror attacks carried out by Basij Forces,” the IDF posted on social media. “He was also responsible for enforcing public order and the regime’s values on behalf of the IRGC and leading major suppression operations during the recent internal protests in Iran.”

Ahmadi was killed earlier this week in the strikes that targeted and successfully eliminated other senior Basij militia members, including top commander Gholam Reza Soleimani and his deputy, Seyyed Karishi.

The IDF’s announcements came after Netanyahu on Thursday vowed the campaign against Iran will continue “as long as necessary” until all objectives are met.

Speaking at a press conference, Netanyahu reiterated the war’s three main objectives, emphasizing the dismantling of Iran’s nuclear program, the destruction of its ballistic missile capabilities, and the creation of conditions for the Iranian people to determine their own future.

“Today, after 20 days [of conflict], I can tell you: Iran does not have the ability to enrich uranium … and it does not have the ability to produce ballistic missiles,” the Israeli leader said. “Not only did we destroy the existing missiles [and nuclear components], but we seriously damaged the industries that make it possible to produce them.”

He also stressed that Israel is operating on all fronts — by air, on land, underground, and across the Caspian Sea — where, this week, Israeli forces launched their first attack on Iranian Navy targets since the outbreak of the war.

“A revolution cannot be made from the air; there are also ground-based options,” Netanyahu said.

“We have eliminated the political and military top command, the [Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps] and the Basij,” he continued.

On Tuesday night, the IDF killed Iranian Intelligence Minister Ismail Khatib in Tehran during a precision airstrike carried out with a narrow window of real-time intelligence.

Appointed in 2021, Khatib led Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence, a central pillar of the regime’s repression apparatus, overseeing espionage, covert operations, and intelligence activities targeting both domestic dissent and foreign adversaries, including Israeli and US targets.

He also played a central role during the regime’s brutal crackdown on internal opposition, including the latest nationwide anti-government protests, which security forces violently crushed, with thousands of demonstrators tortured and killed.

Khatib’s assassination was part of an ongoing wave of targeted killings of senior Iranian officials in recent days, further weakening the regime’s leadership and operational networks.

During Thursday’s press conference, Netanyahu praised Israel’s recent military and strategic successes, presenting them as a defining moment for the country’s strength and influence in the region.

“I promised that we would change the Middle East — and we have changed it beyond recognition. The State of Israel is stronger than ever and Iran is weaker than ever,” he said.

“We have turned Israel into a regional power, and some would say … into a global power,” he continued. “The relationship between me and my friend [US President Donald Trump] is unprecedented, and together we are leading the fight of the free world against the forces of evil.”

Earlier this week, the Israeli Air Force also killed Ali Larijani, secretary of Iran’s National Security Council, in what was the most significant assassination since the killing of former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei at the start of the campaign on Feb. 28. Larijani was widely believed to be running the country following Khamenei’s death.

With the military campaign escalating, Israeli forces have now been authorized to carry out targeted assassinations of senior Iranian officials without requiring approval from higher command.

Netanyahu also said he had instructed intelligence officers to “act so that the Revolutionary Guards’ killers know we will hunt them down in the cities as well.”

“It’s too early to say whether the Iranian people will take advantage of the conditions we are creating to take to the streets,” the Israeli leader said. “I hope so — but it will depend only on them.”

“I see this war ending much faster than people think,” he continued. The Islamist regime’s collapse “will not happen in one day, but we can already see the cracks.”

According to a recent intelligence assessment, the Iranian regime shows no signs of surrender and remains far from collapse, and Israeli officials have been warned that the war could continue for weeks, the Israeli news outlet N12 reported.

Even though there have been demonstrations in Iran in recent days, this latest assessment shows that they have been limited to a few locations with relatively small numbers of participants, and that the regime’s brutal repression continues to instill fear.

However, a senior Israeli source also told the outlet that the regime is in a state of “complete chaos,” with Jerusalem seeing increasing signs of a breakdown in the regime’s systems in Tehran.

“There is no one there at the moment who is taking the orders, and the government vacuum is deepening,” the official said, adding that Israel is “working to create a breaking point” for the regime.

“The goal is for the Iranian public to understand for itself, through the reality on the ground, that this regime has reached a ‘game over.’ We want to create the conditions in which the Iranian people feel they have an opportunity to take their fate into their own hands and take to the streets,” the source reportedly said.

Israel’s campaign is increasingly focused on dismantling Iran’s internal repression systems, aiming to create a leadership vacuum and logistical breakdown that could hinder the regime’s ability to respond if mass protests erupt again.

Israeli forces have carried out targeted strikes on senior Basij and IRGC officers, destroyed infrastructure used to suppress protests, and launched cyber operations to disrupt internal security communications and coordination, crippling the regime’s ability to redeploy its forces effectively.

So far, Israel says it has dropped some 10,000 munitions on targets linked to the IRGC, Basij, and other internal security forces, delivering a devastating blow to the regime’s security apparatus.

Late Tuesday night into Wednesday morning alone, around 300 Basij commanders and field officials were killed in a wave of strikes on key command and operational centers, according to Iran International.

During Thursday’s press conference, Netanyahu expressed pride in the Israeli people for their steadfast stand, praising their resilience and unity in the face of ongoing conflict.

“I know how difficult it is to stay in the security rooms and showers, and I understand the challenges with studies, businesses, and reservist duties. Your patience gives us the strength to keep fighting until we achieve the campaign’s objectives,” he said. 

“Continue to stand tall, continue to stand with us, and with God’s help, together, we will stand and together we will win.”

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Israel Ranks 8th in World Happiness Report as ‘Extraordinary’ Resilience Masks War Toll

An Israeli flag waves as Israeli Air Force planes fly in formation over the Mediterranean Sea during an aerial show on Israel’s 74th Independence Day on May 5, 2022. Photo: Reuters/Amir Cohen

Israel held on to its spot in the world’s 10 happiest countries, placing eighth in the World Happiness Report published Thursday, even as the country continues to grapple with war, instability, and trauma.

A key takeaway from this year’s data is the performance of younger Israelis. Those under 25 stand out not just domestically but globally, placing third worldwide and emerging as the most content group in the country. That contrasts sharply with peer countries, where younger cohorts are faring far worse. In the US, for example, they sit at 60th.

Across Israel’s population more broadly, other age groups also post strong results, averaging around 11th place.

In the overall country rankings, Finland secured the top spot once again, marking nine consecutive years in first place. The US ranked 23rd, while the UK and France came in at 29th and 35th, respectively.

The UN-backed World Happiness Report tracks how people rate their lives overall, not how they feel in a given moment, so extreme turmoil such as war may not be accurately reflected. Its scores draw on a three-year average and factors such as income, health, social support, and generosity, which can mute the immediate effect of shocks such as war.

The report’s emotional data is less reassuring. Measures of worry, sadness, and anger show Israel climbing from 119th before the war to 39th, while trust in public institutions has kept weakening. On perceived corruption, Israel now ranks 107th.

One of Israel’s leading demographers, Sergio DellaPergola of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, also noted the findings should be read with some caution because they reflect an average from 2023 through 2025, rather than a snapshot of current conditions. Still, he said, that period itself was marked by “war, disturbances, and great sorrow,” making Israel’s high ranking “quite extraordinary.”

“We see many countries in the West much more developed economically than Israel with much lower rates of optimism,” he told The Algemeiner. “The explanation must come not so much from the contingencies of the situation, but from deeper social forces that exist in Israeli society.”

DellaPergola pointed to what he described as a deeply rooted culture of solidarity. “The feeling of togetherness is what keeps morale high,” he said. “We are all on the same boat. We have first of all to survive, but also we have to win.”

He described how that dynamic plays out in daily life under fire. “You rush to the shelter, and the atmosphere is paradoxically happy,” he said. “People circulate jokes, encouragement, funny comments.” In his own building, he added, “there is a sense of mutual help, like an extended family.”

“This is one of the secrets of the extraordinary resilience of the Israelis under these deplorable and very sad circumstances,” DellaPergola said. 

That cohesion, he said, is reinforced by demographic patterns that distinguish Israel from much of the West. “The nuclear family has kept a role which has been lost quite completely in Western Europe,” he said. “There is still a belief that there is a future for your children.”

Even within Israel’s relatively strong showing, DellaPergola noted important internal differences. “Paradoxically, perhaps the most optimistic are also the most religious,” he said, pointing to surveys showing a clear link between religiosity and optimism despite lower average income levels. “Among the younger, the proportion of religious [people] is higher, and so the level of optimism increases.”

“Whatever it is,” he added, “Israel remains, even under pressure, a very exceptional case.”

Anat Fanti, a happiness policy researcher at Bar-Ilan University, said the results should not be read as evidence that the war has had limited impact. 

“Israel’s result in this year’s World Happiness Report does not erase the psychological and social cost of the war,” she said. “On the contrary, it highlights the gap between the resilience of Israeli society and the difficult emotional reality of daily life.”

“The fact that Israel is still ranked 8th in the world, and that young Israelis in particular are ranked 3rd, points to the strengths of Israel’s population in comparison to other countries,” she added. “At the same time, the rise in worry, sadness, and anger, together with the erosion of public trust, makes clear that resilience is not immunity.”

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Algemeiner Unveils 12th Annual ‘J100’ List at Gala Featuring Javier Milei, David Draiman

Argentine President Javier Milei speaks at the 12th annual Algemeiner J100 Gala on March 9, 2026, in New York City.

The Algemeiner on Monday, March 9, unveiled its 12th annual “J100” list at a gala in New York City, honoring a diverse group of individuals who have positively influenced Jewish life in 2025.

Opening the evening, Algemeiner chairman Simon Jacobson framed the event as both a celebration and a response to a moment of profound upheaval.

“We are living in historic times, and this is a historic evening,” Jacobson said. “As we speak, battles are raging in the Middle East, impacting our dear brothers and sisters in the Holy Land and good and innocent people all over the world. We are here to declare that there is no challenge that is too great, and we have a response: The Algemeiner Journal was founded over 50 years ago. Its mission is quite simple: that in an age of misinformation, propaganda travels faster than facts. Where the war is being fought on the landscape of ideas, of narratives, The Algemeiner is an unwavering and courageous voice of truth and integrity in journalism.”

Jacobson’s remarks set the tone for an evening centered on moral clarity, Jewish resilience, and the defense of truth at a time of rising global antisemitism and continued efforts to isolate and demonize Israel in the public square.

He also emphasized that Argentine President Javier Milei is a leader for these times, a theme that featured prominently throughout the gala.

Milei addressed the gala after accepting the Warrior for Truth award, which recognized him for being an ardent supporter of the Jewish community and the State of Israel.

His wide-ranging speech drew on biblical wisdom, economic theory, and moral clarity, while focusing on the idea that morality in statecraft is not weakness, but courage.

“Morality as state policy is, above all, courage,” Milei said. “It is doing good, even when it seems costly, even when it seems to cost friendships or relationships … morality as state policy means facing the uncertainty of the future with courage, without sacrificing the core of our identity which is our values.”

Focusing on the intersection of religiously grounded morality and geopolitics, Milei argued that moral clarity in public life need not come at the expense of strength. Rather, he suggested, it is precisely such clarity that allows nations to defend themselves and their principles in moments of uncertainty and danger.

He went on to warn that the West’s foundational values are under threat, casting the defense of Israel, Argentina, and the United States as part of a broader struggle to preserve a shared civilizational inheritance.

“Today, our moral sense tells us something with absolute certainty: The West is in danger,” Milei said. “The values that made this era of prosperity and common freedom possible are being eroded from the ground up. Today our morals give us a mandate. We must fight to defend our legacy, which is our societies … from those who want to take it away from us, from those who want to make us believe that … we are evil.”

“We cannot fail in this mandate,” he added. “We cannot fail in Argentina, nor in Israel, nor less in the United States which is the last great guardian of our civilizational legacy.”

Also honored at the gala was David Draiman, the heavy metal singer who has become one of Israel’s most outspoken supporters in the music industry. Over the past year, Draiman has used his massive public platform to amplify pro-Israel messages relentlessly, emerging as a prominent voice against antisemitism and against efforts to silence public support for the Jewish state.

Draiman struck a defiant but reassuring tone in his remarks, addressing the gap between the hostility amplified online and the reality on the ground.

“I’m here to tell you that despite all of the bark that you hear online, and there is a lot of it, the loudest voices are the most extreme voices, and they echo incessantly in their own echo chambers,” he said. “But the beautiful reality of it is that the bark is nowhere near what the bite actually is.”

His remarks resonated strongly with attendees and underscored one of the evening’s broader messages: that while anti-Israel incitement and antisemitism have become impossible to ignore, Jewish pride, solidarity, and moral confidence remain more powerful than the noise surrounding them.

The annual J100 list recognizes individuals from across politics, culture, business, media, and public life who have had a positive impact on the Jewish people and the State of Israel. Over the years, the list and gala have become signature expressions of The Algemeiner‘s mission to spotlight moral leadership and Jewish achievement in the international arena.

Past Algemeiner gala honorees and participants have included prominent political leaders, writers, entertainers, and advocates from around the world. Founded in 1972, The Algemeiner is a New York-based news organization covering Israel, the Jewish world, and the Middle East.

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