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Why Donniel Hartman sees a brighter Israeli future — in 2026
(JTA) — When Israel’s parliament on Monday passed the first plank in a series of reform proposals meant to curb the power of Israel’s judiciary, it set off alarms among Israel’s supporters abroad.
Liberal and centrist Jewish groups said weakening the judiciary would undermine Israeli democracy. Thomas Friedman, the New York Times columnist, wrote an open letter to President Joe Biden saying that he must save Israel “from being destroyed from the inside.” Conservative Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin welcomed news that Israel’s Supreme Court would review the legislation, saying Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “will have endangered the country for nothing.”
Rabbi Donniel Hartman is urging critics of the judicial reforms and Netanyahu’s government to take a deep breath. Not because he supports the proposals — he agrees they would “undermine the systems of checks and balances necessary to protect Israel’s democratic identity.” But he warns that the bill passed on Monday represents one of the least controversial planks in Netanyahu’s reform plan, and that the massive demonstrations against the proposals have united an Israeli consensus around what he is calling a “new social coalition.”
Hartman is the president, along with Yehuda Kurtzer, of the Shalom Hartman Institute, a Jerusalem-based think tank that promotes pluralism and liberal values in Israel and beyond. Hundreds of North American rabbis and Jewish lay leaders have cycled through Hartman programs, which promote diversity, civil discourse and what it calls the “democratic character of Israel.”
Hartman recently spoke to a group of rabbis about the public backlash to the reform proposals, and the political implications between now and the next scheduled Israeli elections in 2026. On Thursday, he shared some of those same ideas with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, explaining why he thinks Netanyahu is playing a weak hand, why the Palestinian issue is on the back burner and why North American Jews should channel their gloom over the current legislation into support for its opponents.
A note on the judicial proposals: The legislation passed Monday would end the Israeli Supreme Court’s ability to strike down government decisions and appointments judges deems “unreasonable.” Other proposals include changing the law to allow ministers to install political appointees as legal advisers in their ministries — which critics say would remove an important check on corruption — and one that would give the Knesset the power to override Supreme Court decisions by a simple majority. Another proposal would give more power to politicians in appointing judges.
For now, those proposals are on pause.
Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
I’ve been thinking of the “day after” fear and anticipation after some recent watershed events – Trump’s election, the Dobbs decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, maybe the Brexit vote. Did Monday’s vote on the “reasonableness” clause mark a before and after?
No. It doesn’t feel like a Brexit moment, because the vote on the reasonableness clause is not big enough. The election itself was more significant. The proposal of the reform was more significant. The “reasonableness” clause was the perfect issue for Netanyahu to pick, because it’s the most reasonable of the judicial reform proposals. Overall there are five big reform proposals, including the way the Israeli Supreme Court is selected, the power of the attorneys general and the “override” clause. The last is the one the haredi Orthodox want because no matter who is on the Supreme Court or what they decide they could just cancel it out. That’s just the end of democracy.
So Netanyahu pushed the right one for a first victory, but in order to stop the slippery slope process, [the opposition] had to pretend as if this was very big. It was a tactical game, to claim that the override clause was the end of democracy. Tom Friedman overplayed his cards. Nope. It’s far from the end.
This was just the beginning of a three-year war. This is going to go on until 2026.
Why 2026?
That’s when the next elections are.
Assuming the government doesn’t fall before then.
It can’t fall. Because unless there’s an internal split in Likud [Netanyahu’s party], neither [far-right government ministers Itamar] Ben-Gvir or [Betzalel] Smotrich or the haredim will ever join with the Joint List [an Arab coalition] or Avigdor Lieberman [a nationalist opposition member] to vote this government out. They’ll kvetch, they’ll complain, they’ll threaten, but they can’t leave and that’s what makes it so strange that Netanyahu seems so intimidated by them. Because he holds all the power. They have no power. Where are they going to go? Who are they going to sit with? If they vote against the right-wing government, their careers will be over.
You said the 2022 election was the real watershed moment. In what way?
The consequence of the election was the judicial reform proposals, which raised a fundamental question: What is the nature of our country? Trump wasn’t the end of America, but his election asked the question, What is America?
Can Israelis right the ship as they see it in the next election?
I believe this is the last Likud-led government and it certainly is the last right-wing government. That’s assuming that Netanyahu is not going to be prime minister. This whole reform issue has created an awareness that there are different coalitions being formed in Israel, which aren’t being formed around the right-left wing divide. That divide doesn’t really exist anymore. There is a broad centrist camp that agrees on Judea and Samaria [the West Bank] and economic theory. And there is no possibility of a two-state solution anyway — I just don’t know how to implement it. On the fringes, there is a left-wing socialist camp, let’s call it, and there is a right-wing settler group. Other than that, 80% of Israel is not divided under the left wing-right wing categories. You see at the demonstrations and in the polls that 20 to 30% of those who used to be on the right or are still on the right no longer want to vote for Netanyahu, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. They want to find alternative expressions for their identities.
“If you fight and you stand up and you don’t walk away, there are partners in Israel who are looking at you and who feel encouraged by you,” said Rabbi Donniel Hartman, president of the Shalom Hartman Institute. (Courtesy)
What we need to do over the next three years is to frame a new social coalition in Israel, around internal values of liberal Zionism and liberal Judaism, which 80% of Israelis accept. Then we can win and that’s where 2026 is going to change.
You said “assuming that Netanyahu is not going to be prime minister.” How does he keep this new social coalition from happening?
As long as he runs, the center and the left won’t join a coalition with him. They’re like never-Trumpers. They despise him. They don’t trust him. The Likud kept Netanyahu because he gave them 32 seats [a formidable bloc in the 120-seat Knesset, where 61 seats are needed to form a government]. But if he goes down to 26, there’s a whole bunch of people who are just waiting to replace him.
You used the term “liberal Zionist” before. I think you use it differently than an American Jew might. Here it means someone who is pro-Israel but is desperate to see a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
It’s very interesting how the category of liberalism has been reclaimed in Israeli society. While in America the term is very divisive, actually in Israel it is becoming much more inclusive. It’s the old liberalism of liberties — a belief in Zionism and the right of the Jewish people to a state but one that believes in human rights and a diverse public sphere and that respects law and the Supreme Court. It’s the old Likud. It’s the old [Ze’ev] Jabotinsky [the pre-state leader of Revisionist Zionism]. It’s the old [Likud Prime Minister] Menachem Begin. It’s not Smotrich or Ben-Gvir, and it’s not the haredi parties.
But it doesn’t extend to the Palestinian issue.
Liberal Zionism in Israel recognizes that we don’t want to be an occupier of another people. But for the vast majority of Israelis, “the Palestinians want to murder me.” There is no Palestinian Authority today. The Palestinian Authority controls the Mukata [the P.A. headquarters in Ramallah] and three upper-middle-class towns in Judea and Samaria. Hamas and Islamic Jihad would run away with any election.
It’s very hard to even have a conversation about Palestinian rights in Israel, when you feel you’re talking about a society that wants to kill you.
I just finished a book that is getting published in November, and I have a whole section on it challenging North American liberal Jews to recognize that they have liberal partners in Israel, even though they don’t agree with you on Judea and Samaria, or the West Bank, or what you even call it.
And yet, for a lot of American Jews — as well as for American anti- Zionists and a lot of progressives — Israel is judged only to the degree that it solves the Palestinian problem. Liberal Zionists define themselves around their commitment to a two-state solution, but you’re asking them to see common ground around other liberal issues.
I distinguish between tolerable occupiers and intolerable occupiers. Intolerable occupiers are those who believe that we have a right to all of Israel, and that Palestinian lives don’t matter. It’s a combination of ultra- nationalism, fascism and messianism. That’s one group. Then there’s a whole massive group for whom the only reason why the occupation continues is that they believe that there is no peace partner and that Israel’s survival is in danger if we do anything.
People think I’m liberal. I’m more or less liberal. I’m for a two-state solution. I just don’t know how to implement it. Tell me what I could do now? I’m willing to stop settlements. I’m willing to curb settlements. I’m willing to do everything. I used to be for unilateral withdrawal. What would happen if you had unilateral withdrawal from Judea and Samaria?
Now, when you have a government that is not willing to admit that Palestinians have rights, or is not yearning for a peaceful solution, then of course we lose. That’s what Netanyahu’s doing since he sits with these [far-right] people. He has quieted all moral conversation when it comes to Israeli political life. So when that happens, of course, people with a moral voice would say, “What’s going on here?” Because it’s true, as you said, Zionism has ceded the moral conversation to the anti-Zionist camp.
Still, I think we can create a unified liberal Zionist conversation even though North American Jews and Israeli Jews might have a different opinion on what is the most viable solution right now.
Since we’re talking on Tisha B’Av, I went to services last night and the person who led the services gave a scorched-earth lament for Israel, basically saying his dreams for Israel are dying and he tied the week’s events, as a lot of people have, to the cataclysms that we acknowledge on the fast day, including the destruction of the First and Second Temples. What are you telling either Israelis or Diaspora supporters of Israel who are talking in apocalyptic terms about this week’s vote and the push for judicial reform by this government?
We mourn the destruction of the Temple. We learn from the destruction of the Temple. But we don’t declare the Temple destroyed before it’s destroyed.
Everything in Jewish history is about hope. It’s about working under impossible conditions. And Israel is now working under impossible conditions. That’s true. There is a government which is advocating for an Israel that half of Israel and 90% of North American Jewry wants nothing to do with. But Israel is not defined by its government alone, as you discovered when it came to Trump. People have a voice. What the demonstrations make clear is that the vast majority of Israelis do not support these proposals.
It’s one thing to turn your back on the Israeli government. But we’re out there marching. We don’t embrace destruction before it happens, but we get to work. There is a blueprint forward. The vast majority of Israelis now are embracing a liberal Zionism of the type I mentioned. North American Jews now have partners. They might not be perfect partners, but they have partners. Why walk away from Israel, when the majority of Israelis are now saying things they never said before: “I care about the Supreme Court. I care about human rights. I care about the rights of minorities”? This is what they’re talking about at every demonstration.
So I would go back to your [prayer leader] and say to him, “We waited 2,000 freaking years to have this country. Could you wait three more years? And could you fight for three years?” Because if you fight and you stand up and you don’t walk away, there are partners in Israel who are looking at you and who feel encouraged by you. We can build it.
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The post Why Donniel Hartman sees a brighter Israeli future — in 2026 appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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‘Serve the Nation, Kill a Jew’ Graffitied on Buenos Aires Monument Just After Oct. 7 Anniversary
Argentina’s President Javier Milei attends a commemoration event ahead of the anniversary of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 17, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Martin Cassarini
The antisemitic slogan “Serve the nation, kill a Jew” was graffitied on a prominent monument in Buenos Aires on Wednesday, just two days after the one-year anniversary Hamas’s Oct. 7 massacre across southern Israel.
The timing of the vandalism was intentional, according to the executive director of Argentina’s Jewish umbrella organization, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA).
“It is no coincidence that these antisemitic demonstrations appear 48 hours after the first anniversary of the Hamas attack against the State of Israel, because they express the same terrorist ideas: eliminating the Jewish people,” Victor Garelik said in a statement.
Jews in the Argentine capital of Buenos Aires marked the first anniversary of the Oct. 7 attack with an event organized by the DAIA that drew 15,000 attendees, according to the Israeli embassy in Argentina.
Two days later, however, “Serve the nation, kill a Jew” was written onto a column of a monument to Simon Bolivar, historically considered “the Liberator” of South America, in Parque Rivadavia in Buenos Aires. A Jewish star replaced the final word of the slogan, which has a long history in Argentina.
La DAIA manifiesta su preocupación frente a la aparición de una grave pintada antisemita en el monumento a Simón Bolivar, ubicado en el Parque Rivadavia de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires.
La entidad presentó la denuncia en el Ministerio Público Fiscal de la Ciudad con el objetivo de… pic.twitter.com/UxJN6HlE0l
— DAIA (@DAIAArgentina) October 9, 2024
As the Jewish Telegraphic Agency noted in a report on the graffiti, a close variant of the antisemitic phrase was used by the Nationalist Liberation Alliance, a World War II-era Argentine movement affiliated with the Nazis. It was later used by Tacura, a fascist movement that was active in Argentina in the decades following the war.
Then about 10 years ago, residents in the town of General Paz received tax bills with the slogan printed on them. The city official responsible was sentenced to a suspended jail term and ordered to apologize and learn about the Holocaust.
The DAIA, which condemned the “serious antisemitic graffiti,” said it filed an official complaint with the City’s Public Prosecutor’s Office “in order to find those responsible for this anti-Jewish act.” The local government quickly cleaned up the graffiti after it was discovered.
This week’s incident came less than a month after the DAIA presented a report to the Buenos Aires City Legislature showing Argentina experienced a 44 percent increase in reported antisemitic incidents last year, mostly after the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack on Israel and amid the ensuing war in Gaza.
According to the report, a total of 598 complaints of antisemitism were registered in 2023, and a staggering 57 percent of all such antisemitic cases occurred in just the three months after the Hamas atrocities of Oct. 7.
“There was a significant rise in Judeophobia in universities, and anti-Zionist rhetoric increased by 380 percent compared to 2022, across the country,” the DAIA said in a statement.
Meanwhile, the report found that some 65 percent of antisemitic acts occurred in the “digital space,” while the remaining number of incidents in the “physical space” marked a significant increase from the prior year.
“The [Oct. 7] massacre increased the number of [antisemitic] complaints, far from generating empathy and condemnation,” Garelik said during the presentation, according to Argentine media.
The DAIA report found that visceral hatred of Israel was a major source of the surge in antisemitism, causing 40 percent of last year’s antisemitic incidents in Argentina compared to just 11 percent the prior year.
Twice as many in-person antisemitic cases occurred after Oct. 7 in Argentina last year than during the prior nine full months of 2023. One such incident after the Hamas massacre was a building that hung a sign reading, “Zionists out of Palestine. This did not start on 7/10. Hitler fell short.”
The uptick in anti-Jewish outrages appeared to have continued unabated. According to the DAIA, this week’s graffiti was one of more than 500 antisemitic incidents the organization had recorded this year.
Amid such a surge in anti-Jewish acts of hate, Argentina has become a key player in organizing efforts to combat antisemitism in recent months. In July, for example, more than 30 countries led by the United States adopted “global guidelines for countering antisemitism” during a gathering of special envoys and other representatives from around the globe in Argentina.
The gathering came one day before Argentina’s Jewish community commemorated the 30th anniversary of the 1994 targeted bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires. Argentine President Javier Milei, a vocal supporter of the Jewish community, promised to right decades of inaction and inconsistencies in the investigations into the attack.
In April, Argentina’s top criminal court blamed Iran for the attack, saying it was carried out by Hezbollah terrorists responding to “a political and strategic design” by Iran.
Iran is the chief international sponsor of Hamas and Hezbollah, providing the Islamist terrorist group with weapons, funding, and training.
Argentina has a Jewish population of nearly 200,000, the largest in Latin America.
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Kamala Harris Vows to Do ‘Whatever Is Necessary’ to Prevent Iran From Acquiring Nuclear Weapons if Elected
US Vice President Kamala Harris. Photo: Erin Schaff/Pool via REUTERS
US Vice President Kamala Harris on Friday vowed to ensure that Iran never obtains nuclear weapons if she wins the White House in November.
“Make no mistake: As president, I will never hesitate to take whatever action is necessary to defend American forces and interests from Iran and Iran-backed terrorists, and I will never allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon,” Harris said in a conference call with Jewish American supporters marking the Jewish High Holidays, according to a White House transcript of the conversation.
“Diplomacy is my preferred path to that end, but all options are on the table,” she added.
Harris, the Democratic presidential nominee, also lambasted her opponent, Republican nominee and former US President Donald Trump, arguing that he was not tough enough toward the Iranian threat.
“I am clear-eyed. Iran is a destabilizing and dangerous force,” Harris said. “When Donald Trump was president, he let Iran off the hook. After Iran and its proxies attacked US bases and American troops, Trump did nothing. And he pulled out of the nuclear deal without any plan, leading to an unconstrained Iranian nuclear program.”
“On the other hand, our administration struck Iranian proxies in Iraq and Syria when they attacked American troops, and we are the first administration to ever directly defend Israel,” Harris continued, referring in part to the Biden administration in February ordering strikes against Iranian proxies in Iraq and Syria in response to a drone strike attack on American soldiers. The strikes successfully neutralized over 85 targets.
The administration also helped Israel defend itself against Iran’s unprecedented direct attack on the Jewish state in April.
When Trump was president, he withdrew the US from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, which placed temporary restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for lifting sanctions, and reimposed harsh economic penalties on the regime.
The US sanctions levied on Iran under the Trump administration crippled the Iranian economy and led its foreign exchange reserves to plummet. Under Trump, the US also killed Qassem Soleimani — who was the head of the elite Quds force, which is responsible for Iran’s proxies and terror operations abroad — in a US drone strike in Iraq in 2020. Soleimani is revered by the Islamic Republic as a martyr and is commemorated across the country.
Trump and his Republican supporters in the US Congress have criticized the Biden administration for renewing billions of dollars in US sanctions waivers, which had the effect of unlocking frozen funds and allowing the country to access previously inaccessible hard currency.
US intelligence agencies have for years labeled Iran as the world’s foremost state sponsor of terrorism, noting it devotes significant sums of money and weapons each year to supporting proxies across the Middle East such as Hamas and Hezbollah. Many observers have suggested that the unfreezing of Iranian funds allowed the country to ramp up its funding of terrorist groups, potentially facilitating the Oct. 7 terrorist attacks on Israel.
“And then, of course, last week, on Oct. 1, I was in the Situation Room for more than three hours coordinating in real time with our military leadership as our forces intercept missiles over the skies of Israel,” Harris said during her call, referring to Iran’s most recent missile barrage targeting Israel.
Since launching her presidential campaign in July, Harris has scrambled to shore up support among Jewish voters, repeatedly vowing to defend Israel if elected in November. While accepting the Democratic Party’s nomination for president, Harris reaffirmed her commitment to ensuring Israel’s security. She has also denied rumors that she would impose an “arms embargo” on the Jewish state.
Though Harris has repeatedly issued nominal support for Israel, supporters of the Jewish state have raised concern that she might not defend the Jewish state as vigorously as previous administrations.
Harris does not have the decades-long relationship with Israel that US President Joe Biden does. Harris also harbors close ties to the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, which has become increasingly hostile toward the Jewish state. The vice president has been under pressure from pro-Palestinian activists to break with the Biden administration by adopting a more adversarial posture toward Israel.
Harris previously urged the White House to be more “sympathetic” toward Palestinians and take a “tougher” stance against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, according to a Politico report in December. In March, White House aides forced Harris to tone down a speech that was too tough on Israel, according to NBC News.
Later, she did not rule out “consequences” for Israel if it launched a large-scale military offensive to root out Hamas battalions in the southern Gaza city of Rafah, citing humanitarian concerns for the civilian population.
Harris initially called for an “immediate ceasefire” before Biden and has often used more pointed language when discussing the war, Israel, and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
Harris has also expressed sympathy for anti-Israel protesters on US university campuses. In an interview published earlier this year, Harris said that college students protesting Israel’s defensive military efforts against Hamas are “showing exactly what the human emotion should be.”
Iran is Hamas’s chief international backer.
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Top US Lawmaker Threatens to Revoke Federal Funding From Harvard University Amid Campus Antisemitism Crisis
US House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-LA) during press conference at the US Capitol in Washington, DC on Sept. 24, 2024. Photo: Jack Gruber/USA TODAY NETWORK via Reuters Connect
US House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-LA) cautioned Harvard University and other elite institutions of higher education that their official accreditation could be in jeopardy if they did not do more to combat surging antisemitism on their campuses.
“Your accreditation is on the line,” Scalise said last week in a meeting in Washington, DC with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), an influential pro-Israel lobbying organization, according to recordings acquired by The Guardian and reported on Wednesday. “You’re not playing games any more or else you’re not a school any more.”
Scalise reportedly singled out Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, and Columbia University, all of which have come under scrutiny for not doing more to combat increasing antisemitic incidents and rampant anti-Israel demonstrations since Hamas’s massacre across southern Israel last Oct. 7. The lawmaker’s threat could potentially saddle the embattled Ivy League institutions with another crisis as they grapple with simmering antisemitism controversies.
Scalise added that conservatives in the US government are considering targeting the federal funding of Harvard and other schools, indicating that the relationship between the Ivy League institutions and US federal officials could continue to worsen if former President Donald Trump were to retake the Oval Office in November.
“We’re looking at federal money, the federal grants that go through the science committee, student loans,” Scalise continued. “You have a lot of jurisdiction as president, with all of these different agencies that are involving billions of dollars, some cases a billion alone going to one school.”
Six US congressional committees have continued investigating Harvard as part of their probe into campus antisemitism in higher education. The committee chairs have warned that the university’s federal funding could be imperiled if it does not provide a safe environment for Jewish students.
“The House of Representatives will not countenance the use of federal funds to indoctrinate students into hateful, antisemitic, anti-American supporters of terrorism,” the committee chairs wrote to Harvard in June.
Trump has repeatedly threatened to install accreditors who would revoke accreditation of universities that do not handle campus antisemitism seriously.
In the year following Hamas’s brutal slaughter of roughly 1,200 people in southern Israel, Harvard has become a hotspot for protests against the Jewish state. In the immediate aftermath of Oct. 7, a slew of campus groups issued statements blaming Israel for the massacre and rationalizing Hamas’s atrocities, which included systematic sexual violence. In addition, anti-Israel protests immediately erupted across Harvard and other elite universities.
The anti-Israel statements and protests drew the ire of elected officials, causing lawmakers to summon former Harvard President Claudine Gay to testify in front of the US Congress in December. Gay resigned from her post in January amid uproar over her congressional testimony, in which she said calls for genocide against Jews may or may not violate campus conduct policies depending on the “context.”
Rep. Elise M. Stefanik (R-NY) released a statement this week condemning Harvard for not doing more to tackle campus antisemitism.
“Harvard University has once again refused to condemn and discipline the pro-Hamas mob on campus, instead inviting another school year filled with antisemitism and anti-Israel hate,” she said.
Harvard isn’t the only university at risk of having its accreditation threatened by Republican lawmakers. Columbia and the University of Pennsylvania are among those that could face funding cuts over their response to anti-Israel campus protests, which have included threats of violence against Jewish students.
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