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5 things to know ahead of the Trump-Netanyahu meeting
President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are set to meet at the White House Wednesday in a highly anticipated discussion. The primary focus of the meeting is expected to be the ongoing negotiations between the United States and Iran, particularly regarding Tehran’s treatment of protesters and the possibility of a renewed agreement on Iran’s nuclear program.
But it also comes amid intensifying debates over U.S. military assistance to Israel, eroding bipartisan support for that aid, and recent controversial Israeli moves in the West Bank, all of which could shape the conversation.
How US military aid to Israel works
U.S. military aid to Israel has long been governed by a 2016 memorandum of understanding under which Washington pledged $38 billion in assistance over a decade — $33 billion in military grants and $5 billion for joint missile defense programs. Israel receives roughly $3.8 billion annually, including approximately $500 million earmarked for missile defense. The agreement is scheduled to be renegotiated in 2028.
Since the outbreak of the Gaza war on Oct. 7, 2023, Congress has authorized at least $16.3 billion in additional aid. The flow of funds is subject to congressional review and measures such as the Leahy Law, which bars assistance to foreign security forces implicated in gross human rights violations.
US aid to Israel no longer enjoys the bipartisan support it once did
Amid the Gaza war and the rise of a U.S. anti-war, pro-Palestinian movement, American public support for Israel has declined significantly across both major parties.
A 2025 Pew Research Center study found that only 24% of Americans under 30 view the Israeli government favorably, compared with roughly half of those over 60. Among Republicans, negative views of Israel increased from 27% in 2022 to 37%, while among Democrats the rise was steeper — from 53% to 69%. Nearly 4 in 10 adults under 30 believe the U.S. provides “too much” aid to Israel, compared with one-third of adults overall.
The debate over U.S. aid to Israel played a significant role in last week’s Democratic congressional primary in New Jersey. A super PAC associated with the pro-Israel lobbying group AIPAC spent more than $2 million on negative ads that helped fuel the defeat of former Rep. Tom Malinowski, who describes himself as pro-Israel but who drew AIPAC’s fire because he is opposed to unconditional aid.
Why Netanyahu wants to reduce U.S. military aid
In recent weeks, Netanyahu and other Israeli officials have publicly expressed a desire to reduce Israel’s dependence on U.S. military assistance. Netanyahu has said he hopes to “taper off” U.S. aid over the next decade and has indicated that he does not intend to seek a full renewal of the 2016 agreement.
This push is rooted in frustrations during the Gaza war, when several allies, including the Biden administration, temporarily halted or delayed certain arms transfers over concerns that specific munitions could be used in ways that might cause excessive harm to Palestinian civilians. Israeli officials argue that these restrictions constrained Israel’s ability to fight at critical moments.
Israeli leaders also see strategic and economic value in redirecting the billions of dollars currently spent on U.S. weapons toward Israel’s own defense industry. At the same time, declining support for U.S. aid to Israel among both “America First” Republicans and Democrats concerned about Gaza casualties has made the Israeli government increasingly wary of relying on Washington for its long-term defense needs.
On Jan. 28, Netanyahu claimed that what he called an arms “embargo” under former President Joe Biden cost Israeli soldiers their lives — a statement former U.S. officials quickly condemned.
“Netanyahu is both not telling the truth and ungrateful to a president that literally saved Israel at its most vulnerable moment,” said Amos Hochstein, a former U.S. diplomat under Biden. Brett McGurk, who served in senior national security roles under presidents George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Trump, as well as Biden, said the claim was “categorically false.” Former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Tom Nides added: “He is wrong. Biden’s support for Israel has been rock solid, and he provided it at enormous political cost.”
For its part, the Trump administration published its 2026 National Defense Strategy at the end of January, which states, “Israel is a model ally, and we have an opportunity now to further empower it to defend itself and promote our shared interests.”
The meeting’s focus: Iran
Discussions regarding Iran are expected to dominate the meeting. Iran and Israel have long been adversaries, with Tehran openly committed to Israel’s destruction. The meeting comes ahead of months of increased tension between the two nations. During the 12-Day War in June 2025, Israel struck key Iranian military assets, and the U.S., buoyed by prior Israeli military successes, attacked major Iranian nuclear facilities. The present condition of Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs after the strikes is unclear, and Israel remains determined to eliminate the security threat posed by Iran.
Following the outbreak of anti-regime protests in Iran in mid-January, Trump encouraged demonstrators in a Jan. 13 Truth Social post, writing: “Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING—TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!! … HELP IS ON ITS WAY.”
Shortly after the post, Netanyahu reportedly urged Trump not to strike Iran, citing fears of a major Iranian retaliation against Israel — an outcome Iranian officials have explicitly threatened. While Trump has repeatedly warned Iran of potential military action over Iran’s treatment of protesters, and moved a fleet of aircraft carrier strike groups to the Middle East, he has emphasized his preference for reaching a diplomatic solution with Iran, particularly focused on the country’s nuclear program.
The Trump administration met with Iranian officials in Oman over the weekend in the hopes that a deal might be struck. With talks expected to continue next week, Netanyahu is now seeking to broaden the scope of any potential agreement between the U.S. and Iran. According to a statement from his office, Netanyahu hopes the Trump administration will push for provisions addressing Iran’s ballistic missile program and Iran’s support for regional militant groups, including Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, as well as ensuring Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon.
On the sidelines, Israel makes controversial moves in the West Bank
Recent Israeli decisions regarding the West Bank may also surface during the meeting, following announcements on Sunday by Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Defense Minister Israel Katz of new measures expanding Israeli control over territory in the West Bank presently controlled by the Palestinian Authority. The steps will make it easier for Jewish Israelis to purchase land in the West Bank and could allow Israeli police to demolish homes in areas under PA jurisdiction — moves that would violate the Oslo Accords.
The recent Israeli decisions run counter to explicit Trump administration requests that Israel avoid controversial actions in the West Bank, particularly as Arab states have warned that steps toward annexation could jeopardize their willingness to help manage postwar Gaza or normalize relations with Israel.
Trump told Axios on Tuesday, “We have enough things to think about now. We don’t need to be dealing with the West Bank.” U.S. officials also reiterated Trump’s opposition to Israeli annexation of the territory, stating, “A stable West Bank keeps Israel secure and is in line with this administration’s goal to achieve peace in the region.”
With a potential deal with Iran on the table, U.S. military aid to Israel under growing scrutiny, and Israeli actions in the West Bank complicating regional diplomacy, Wednesday’s meeting comes at a unique moment for the U.S.-Israel relationship. But as past meetings between Trump and Netanyahu have shown, there is a very real chance the meeting could veer off script.
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Iran, Israel and Hitler’s gun are all on the ballot in key primaries in Texas and NC on Tuesday
(JTA) — With war in Iran breaking out just as two crucial states hold their primaries, a new PAC opposing pro-Israel spending will have its first big opportunity to flex its muscles among Democrats.
Meanwhile, a gun influencer with a penchant for Hitler jokes and Nazi symbols stands a chance to ride a scandal-ridden GOP primary all the way to Congress.
What unfolds Tuesday at the polls in North Carolina and Texas could reverberate throughout the midterms calendar as American Jews are facing unprecedented levels of political alienation from both sides of the aisle. Here’s what to watch for.
In North Carolina, Israel morphs from asset to liability
Pro-Israel election spending was already poised to be a hot topic this year even before the joint American and Israeli-led strikes in Iran reignited the issue of the Middle East. Nowhere is that more true than in North Carolina’s 4th Congressional District.
In the state’s densely populated Research Triangle region, incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee has sworn off support from pro-Israel lobbying giant AIPAC — which spent more than $2 million for her in 2022. She has taken additional steps to distance herself from Israel, including refusing to attend Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s congressional address in 2024.
But her main opponent, Durham County Commissioner Nida Allam, is the one who is associated with criticism of Israel.
American Priorities PAC, which formed last month specifically to counter pro-Israel money, is spending more than $1 million in support of Allam, one of the major factors making the race one of the most expensive in state history. Allam also has the endorsement of Sen. Bernie Sanders and several leading progressive groups, while Foushee has the endorsement of the state’s centrist Jewish governor, Josh Stein.
In the homestretch, Allam’s campaign spending has focused almost entirely on tying Foushee to AIPAC, as well as to other groups like Article One PAC, which has a pro-Israel leading donor and has spent $600,000 supporting Foushee.
Both have criticized the Iran strikes in the campaign’s waning days, in different flavors. “I do not support Trump’s illegal war with Iran,” Foushee tweeted, without mentioning Israel. Allam, meanwhile, is homing in on Israel: She told Politico that district voters “are ready to hold every leader who co-signed a blank check to the Israeli war hawks accountable — including my opponent,” and said in a video message opposing the strikes, “I will never take a dime from defense contractors or the pro-Israel lobby.”
At the same time, Allam has taken on some outreach to local Jews; among other gestures, she recently read a resolution celebrating the safe return of Israeli hostage Keith Siegal, a native of her district.
Democratic Majority for Israel, a pro-Israel group focused on Democrats, has not issued an endorsement in the race. North Carolina’s Democratic party has recently been engulfed in an antisemitism scandal after the head of its Muslim caucus called Zionists “modern day Nazis” and a “threat to humaity.” Gov. Stein has denounced antisemitism in the party.
Another North Carolina Democratic candidate, Rep. Deborah Ross, has also sworn off accepting AIPAC money in her own re-election bid in the state’s 2nd district. Ross is not facing any primary challengers.
Jasmine Crockett’s anti-Israel pastor may have a big day
One of the most closely-watched races nationally will be the Texas Senate primaries, where Rep. Jasmine Crockett is in a dead heat against another rising Democratic star, state Rep. James Talarico. (Both candidates have signaled support for Israel as a Jewish and democratic state but have denounced the strikes in Iran.)
But whichever way their race goes, the figure coming up behind Crockett is a cause for concern among some supporters of Israel.
Frederick Haynes III, a prominent Baptist minister and Crockett’s own pastor, is running for her seat in the state’s heavily Democratic 30th district and is a clear favorite. Like Allam in North Carolina, Haynes is also a beneficiary of American Priorities PAC, with the anti-Israel group spending at least $72,000 to support him.
Long before announcing his candidacy, Haynes has bucked Democrats on Israel. The day after the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks in Israel, the pastor delivered a sermon drawing on former President Jimmy Carter to accuse Israel of “apartheid.”
“I recognize that we gotta be pro-Israel, yeah we got to do that, or we get in trouble,” he told his congregation in a snippet of a sermon posted to his Facebook page on Oct. 8. “Well, I’m coming to get in trouble.” He continued, “This country’s going to stand on the side of apartheid because that’s its track record.”
Throughout the war, Haynes would often seek to provide “context” for Oct. 7 or otherwise apply pressure to Israel, according to Jewish Insider. By January 2024 he was pushing then-President Joe Biden to cut off U.S. support for Israel if its war in Gaza continued. He has also disparaged Christian Zionism, in a similar manner to Tucker Carlson and other anti-Israel figures on the right. Prior to the attacks, he had been photographed with Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan, calling the Black nationalist with a long history of antisemitism “a wonderful and great man.”
Haynes also opposed war with Iran in a tweet sent the day of the strikes, without mentioning Israel.
Haynes has dwarfed his Democratic opponents in fundraising in the Dallas-area district, recently redrawn by Republicans as part of a contentious mid-decade redistricting fight.
‘The AK Guy,’ who restaged Hitler’s suicide, could win in Texas
“The man who killed Hitler has got to be a personal hero of mine,” Brandon Herrera declared in a YouTube video posted last year — before an assistant of his told him, in a stagey whisper, that Hitler died by suicide. Herrera then gave his best “The Office” stare to the camera.
That joke is a distillation of the irony-laced, very online humor favored by Herrera, a far-right 30-year-old gun manufacturer and firearms influencer who goes by “The AK Guy” and who on Tuesday is challenging — for the second time — GOP Rep. Tony Gonzales for his Texas seat in Congress.
In Herrera’s 2025 video, titled “Testing The Gun That Killed Hitler,” he wields the firearm Hitler used to shoot himself while cracking jokes about Nazi salutes and conspiracy theories imagining Hitler’s survival in Argentina. It’s not the only time he has waded into such territory.
In 2022, reviewing a Nazi-manufactured submachine gun, Herrera joked that it was “the original ghetto blaster” and filmed himself goose-stepping with the weapon over the Nazi song “Erika.” (In the video, Herrera describes the song as “a bunch of soldiers singing about a pretty girl they miss at home” and says, “There’s absolutely nothing wrong with the song we just used.”)
Beyond Nazis, the Herrera-Gonzalez rematch is notable for several reasons. For one, the district includes Uvalde, site of the 2022 elementary school mass shooting, and Herrera has attacked Gonzales for a gun-control vote he made in the shooting’s aftermath.
For another, Gonzales’s career has become consumed by a lurid scandal in the days leading up to the primary, after a staffer he allegedly pressured into sex later died by suicide — vaulting the political neophyte Herrera into a strong position to unseat the incumbent, who has refused to step down.
AIPAC’s United Democracy PAC heavily boosted Gonzales while avoiding Israel as an issue during the duo’s first showdown in 2024, which ended in a runoff and a razor-thin Gonzales victory of around 400 votes in advance of his general election win.
Herrera, while saying that he “despise[s] AIPAC” over its spending against him, has also stated that Israel “is far from a top issue for me” and condemned Hamas the day after Oct. 7. “I’m not anti Israel, I’m anti Israel buying US elections,” he tweeted in 2024.
For his part, Herrera has also offered qualified support of military action in Iran, tweeting, “If there must be military action, let it be QUICK, effective, and please God keep our service members safe.” Gonzales, too, is supporting the strikes on Iran, tweeting, “Under President Trump’s close watch, the Iranian people have a historic opportunity to reclaim their country and embrace freedom.”
Another mass shooting in the state, this one with apparent links to Iran, may end up boosting Herrera’s bid as well. After a gunman in Austin outfitted with Iranian-flag clothing and wearing a “Property of Allah” sweatshirt killed three people including himself and injured 14 at a bar over the weekend, Herrera was one of many state Republicans who seized on the issue.
“‘Diversity is our greatest strength,’” the candidate tweeted mockingly, over a photo of the assailant, who was a naturalized American citizen from Senegal.
So where is AIPAC, really?
With an increasingly toxic brand, and facing backlash after a New Jersey primary campaign expenditure that backfired to likely help a pro-Palestinian candidate get elected, it might not be surprising if AIPAC kept a low profile this election cycle.
Then again, the group and its United Democracy Project have reported around $95 million, a massive war chest, and say they intend to spend intensively for the midterms.
AIPAC has made one, possibly consequential endorsement in a Tuesday race: GOP Rep. Wesley Hunt, who is running for senate in Texas. Hunt, however, is considered by most pollsters a third-place candidate in what has shaped up as a tight race between incumbent Sen. John Cornyn and Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, each competing for the MAGA mantle.
Opposing PACs, meanwhile, are making a big show of pushing against pro-Israel money. In addition to American Priorities PAC, the Anti-Zionist America PAC, an upstart group whose founder tried to court white nationalist Nick Fuentes, is also backing a few candidates much more on the fringes of both parties.
Those include Texas Democratic hopeful Zeeshan Hafeez, who is running against incumbent Rep. Colin Allred in the state’s 33rd district and who has cross-endorsed with Haynes; and Republican Mark Newgent, who is challenging incumbent Rep. Keith Self in the state’s 3rd district.
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Death of Iranian leader just before Purim revives Book of Esther parallels
(JTA) — In Jewish time, history often has a way of rhyming with the calendar. So when Iran’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei was killed in an Israeli air strike on the Shabbat before Purim — the holiday that commemorates the downfall of Haman, a Persian tyrant who sought to annihilate the Jews — it was perhaps inevitable that rabbis, politicians and social media commentators would reach for the Book of Esther.
Some did so reverently, others triumphantly, and a few with a wink. But as Jews prepared to don costumes and drown out Haman’s name with noisemakers, the ancient story of survival in Persia collided with a very modern war in what is now known as Iran.
The Orthodox Union, the Modern Orthodox umbrella group, put out a statement titled “Purim in Our Time: Standing Up to Iranian Tyranny.” “We will read the Bible story of Esther and Mordecai overcoming the genocidal plans of Haman, who sought to destroy the Jewish people. Today, in coordination with Prime Minister Netanyahu and the IDF, President Trump and the U.S. armed forces took defensive action to silence a modern threat from the same ancestral land of Haman,” the statement read.
Such comparisons have proliferated since the killing of Khamenei.
In his first statement after the beginning of the war, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made the connection to Purim explicit.
“Twenty-five hundred years ago, in ancient Persia, a tyrant rose against us with the very same goal, to utterly destroy our people,” Netanyahu said. “Today as well, on Purim, the lot has fallen, and in the end this evil regime will fall too.”
Known as Persia until 1935, Iran has been belligerent toward Israel at least since the Islamic Revolution of 1978-79, which brought clerics like Khamenei, with their frequent chant of “Death to Israel,” to power.
The holiday takes its cue from the Book of Esther, which describes how the Jewish queen to the Persian king Ahasuerus engineers the downfall of Haman, an advisor to the king who was plotting the murder of the kingdom’s Jews. Although Jewish tradition treats the book as historical — and Ahasuerus is often associated with the historical ruler Xerxes I — biblical scholars and historians tend to regard the story as what scholar Adele Berlin, author of “The JPS Bible Commentary: Esther,” called a “historical novella.”
Jews across the religious spectrum noted the comparison, often to different ends. Agudath Israel of America, the haredi Orthodox umbrella group, talked about prayer and salvation in its statement about the war.
“The upcoming Jewish holiday of Purim celebrates the downfall of those who rose up against the Jewish People in ancient Persia nearly 2,400 years ago,” it read (the events described in Esther are thought to have taken place in the fifth or fourth century BCE). “We are reminded how the key to the miraculous salvation was the heartfelt prayers of men, women, and children. While prayer is always powerful, our sages have taught that it carries special power during the Purim holiday season. We call upon the Jewish community to unite in prayer and beseech the Almighty to protect all those on the front lines and in harm’s way in Israel and across the Middle East.”
Rabbi Nicole Guzik, senior rabbi at Sinai Temple, a Conservative congregation in Los Angeles, spoke about human agency in her hastily rewritten Saturday sermon.
“Right now we stand at a critical stage where the story shifts, where the final paragraph in the Megillah that we are reading right now, in real time, has yet to be written,” she said, using the Hebrew name for a scroll like the Book of Esther. “The U.S., Israel, our beloved nations are holding the pen, and they are declaring, with courage and conviction, that we will be the authors of our future in the same manner as Esther.”
Some of the comparisons have been offhanded, even flippant. The novelist Dara Horn, speaking Sunday night at a forum on combating antisemitism at the 92nd Street Y in Manhattan, said, “Tomorrow night is Purim, and I think it’s clear to all of us now that the best way to fight antisemitism is to take out Haman with an F-15.”
Comedian Yohay Sponder, an Israeli who often performs in North America, posted a video of a routine commenting on the death of Khamenei. Like the Purim hamantaschen cookies named after Haman, he predicted a time when Jews will eat a food named after the slain Iranian leader. He suggested khamin, the Shabbat stew also known as cholent.
Others have already adapted hamantaschen for the moment. Some have joked about baking “Khamentaschen,” combining the new nemesis’ name with the treat named for an ancient one. At least one bakery in Israel produced “Ayatollah-taschens” with a chocolate center resembling Khamenei’s trademark turban.
Evangelical Christians and Messianic Jews, for whom the Esther story has had increasing significance in recent years, also seized on the parallels. “It all made an amazing story back then, and we are praying for an equally miraculous outcome in our days that will lead to the salvation of many in Israel, Iran, and throughout the whole Middle East,” the One For Israel Ministry, a U.S.-based Messianic group, posted on Facebook..
Meanwhile, some suggested that the timing of the attacks appeared to be more than a coincidence. Digital creator Evan Pickus noted in a Facebook post that, according to the Book of Esther, Haman was hanged on the gallows just days before the calendar date that became Purim. “The evil Persian Prime Minister [sic], who issued a promise to kill all the Jews, destroyed on the same day as his ancestor,” wrote Pickus. “I honestly believe our leaders planned it this way, and I love that.”
Although no Israeli or U.S. official has said they planned the attack with Purim in mind, the idea became a talking point over the weekend, especially after CNN posted a report by Israel correspondent Tal Shalev saying the comparisons had been widely shared in Israel.
Shalev also wrote of the significance of the attacks on the Iranian leaders’ compound falling on Shabbat Zachor, the “Sabbath of Remembrance” that precedes Purim on the Hebrew calendar. The day takes its name from a special Torah reading (Deuteronomy 25:17-19) commanding Jews never to forget how Amalek — said to be the ancestral nation of Haman — attacked the vulnerable Israelites after they left Egypt. The Israelites are given a somewhat contradictory command: “Blot out the memory of Amalek from under heaven. Do not forget!”
A widely circulated image from Beit Shemesh, where an Iranian missile killed nine people in a bomb shelter that also functioned as a synagogue, showed a fragment of shrapnel puncturing a Torah right on the passage that had been read a day earlier.
The injunctions about “Amalek” are often applied, sometimes controversially, as an ongoing commandment for Jews to show no mercy toward those who might eradicate them. That, in turn, has led some Israeli politicians and Jewish observers to cite Amalek in justifying Israel’s war on Hamas and Iran, and others to criticize those same politicians as ruthless and even genocidal.
Shalev’s report inspired at least some commentators to criticize Israel, suggesting the attacks were inspired by religious or nationalist fanaticism.
Purim is itself a strange mixture of the deadly serious and the wildly playful: a story of a thwarted genocide celebrated with carnival antics, including costumes, a raucous reading of the Book of Esther interrupted by noisemakers, and even a tradition of getting drunk. For millennia, it was often a release for a beleaguered minority in strange and often hostile lands. But as Israel emerged as a military power, scrutiny from within and without the Jewish community has often focused on the real-life implications of the story’s purported lessons.
Yet despite the Israeli politicians who take the Bible as a guidebook for revenge or Jewish supremacy, there is a long tradition of commentary that sees books like Esther as intentionally nuanced, even ambiguous guides to ethical behavior, including the prosecution of just wars.
Chapter 9 in the Book of Esther details the reversal of fortune for the Jews on the 13th of the Hebrew month of Adar, when they were said to have killed 75,000 foes in the wake of Haman’s downfall. Many Jewish commentators have expressed discomfort about what can be read as a heartless response to Haman’s thwarted decree.
On Sunday, Rabbi Michelle Dardashti expanded on that theme in a letter sent to members of her Kane Street Synagogue in Brooklyn. She warned that the Purim story is not just a celebration of the Jews’ victory over a Persian despot, but a warning that “battles that begin in moral clarity do not necessarily remain that way.”
“Purim pushes us to contend with the gray — to recognize how quickly roles can flip; how, on a dime, individuals and nations can shift from victim to aggressor, from righteous to morally compromised, or into categories that resist easy labels altogether,” wrote Dardashti, whose father left Iran as a young man. “Anyone who tells you with certainty that this war with Iran will unquestionably be good for the Jews and good for the world, that it will surely end well or end quickly — I would be wary of heeding that voice.
“And anyone who speaks with absolute certainty about it being entirely disastrous, unquestionably wrong — I would be wary of heeding that voice as well.”
Rabbi Simon Jacobson, a popular lecturer from the Chabad-Lubavitch Hasidic movement, discussed the parallels between the war and Purim in an installment of his video series, “MyLife: Chassidus Applied.” “The goal, of course, is to eradicate the enemy in every possible way, exactly as it happened in Persia, 2400 years ago in the story of Purim,” he said of the war.
But Jacobson also drew on two common themes not only of the Purim holiday but of much of Jewish tradition: salvation from an enemy, and the ultimate redemption of the Jews and humankind. He characterized the war in metaphysical terms, regretting “any type of bloodshed” but aspiring to “what happens afterwards: a stage, an era, a permanent era of Messianic, … total, solemn, permanent and sustainable peace for all people of this earth.”
For some congregations, the confluence of the war and the Purim holiday posed a challenge in tone — with rabbis asking how their communities might celebrate with bombs falling across the Middle East and Israelis taking cover in bomb shelters.
At B’nai Jeshurun, an independent synagogue on Manhattan’s Upper West Side, the clergy offered a schedule of observance and celebration to match the ambivalent mood. On Monday, a traditional fast day in honor of Esther marking “moments of danger and uncertainty,” they urged congregants to turn “their hearts toward prayer and summoning strength before stepping into the unknown.”
At sundown, they wrote in a letter to congregants, when the fast “gives way to celebration, in a world shaken by violence and instability, we anchor ourselves in Purim’s four mitzvot”: hearing the Book of Esther, sharing gifts with friends, giving charity and sharing a meal with friends or family.
“We cannot resolve the uncertainty of this moment,” wrote the B’nai Jeshurun clergy. “But we can choose how we meet it — with prayer, with generosity, and with one another.”
Yoni Rosensweig, a rabbi in Beit Shemesh, wrote in a Facebook post that many of the comparisons between the Purim story and the war on Iran miss crucial distinctions.
“Yes, Haman wanted to destroy us, and so did Khamenei — but Khamenei was the ruler of Iran. Haman was not the ruler — he was nothing more than a schemer. This is not just a technical difference, it’s fundamental,” Rosensweig wrote in an email to JTA. “Esther and Mordechai are trying to survive, that is all, They are trying to maintain the status quo in someone else’s kingdom.”
While the events in Persia inspired a holiday, he argued, “there is nothing long-lasting about the Jewish future in Persia which comes from the story.” By contrast, the current war has the potential to profoundly shape the Jewish future, no less than the Exodus from Egypt celebrated at Passover.
“It is about creating something new (we hope) in the Middle East. It is part of a regional war against powers that want to obliterate us. We aren’t looking to maintain the status quo,” wrote Rosensweig. “We are standing up for our right to live free, as a sovereign nation. Much like the Jews who left Egypt weren’t looking to maintain the status quo but rather to embark on a new path and start a new journey, so too we are doing with this war.”
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US urges Americans to ‘DEPART NOW’ from Israel and a dozen other Middle Eastern countries
(JTA) — The U.S. State Department urged American citizens on Monday afternoon to urgently depart from over a dozen Middle Eastern countries amid the escalating conflict in Iran.
The list includes Israel, which halted all commercial air travel when U.S. and Israeli forces jointly attacked Iran on Saturday.
“The @SecRubio @StateDept urges Americans to DEPART NOW from the countries below using available commercial transportation, due to serious safety risks,” wrote Mora Namdar, the State Department’s assistant secretary for consular affairs, in a post on X.
In addition to Israel, the countries listed in the advisory were Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, the West Bank and Gaza, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, United Arab Emirates and Yemen. Several of the countries have been targets of Iranian fire as the regime there has sought to widen the conflict in the Middle East.
While Namdar’s advisory urged Americans to “depart via commercial means,” there is currently no commercial air travel in or out of Israel. Israeli airlines El Al, Air Haifa and Israir announced plans to launch rescue flights to bring stranded Israelis abroad back home once authorities reopen Ben Gurion Airport, but it is not clear when that could happen. Some Israelis are making their way to Taba, Egypt, for passage into and out of Israel, but flights there are limited. Taba is about a 20-minute drive from Eilat, in southern Israel.
President Donald Trump warned on Monday that the largest U.S. strikes on Iran are yet to come.
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