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‘A battle of Jews against Jews’? Arab Israelis debate whether and how to join Israel’s democracy protests
TAYIBE, Israel (JTA) — Prominent figures among Israel’s Arab minority are calling on its members to join the mass protests against the Netanyahu government’s judicial overhaul plan, arguing that Arabs will be the first victims of any weakening of the Supreme Court.
“If the government succeeds it will make our chances for equality and a just peace more remote,” said Suheil Diab, former deputy mayor of Nazareth, Israel’s largest Arab city, and one of the organizers of a nonpartisan push to get Arabs to demonstrate alongside their Jewish counterparts.
“If we don’t repel the attack on the judiciary, we can’t go forward with our agenda,” Diab went on. “I want Arabs to participate and to know that participating is in their interest.”
The proposed reforms would give the Knesset — now controlled by a right-wing coalition — the power to override Israel’s Supreme Court, in a move that proponents say is needed because, in their view, the court has grown too liberal and out of step with popular sentiment. Leaders of some of the parties in the coalition have called for curbing rights of LGBTQ Israelis, non-Orthodox Jews and Arab Israelis. At least one of them has openly suggested that Arab citizens who are “disloyal” should be deported.
Diab and other Arab leaders fear that without the protection of the Supreme Court, the Arab minority might face measures limiting funding, access to jobs and opportunities and even their political representation. Even expulsion feels like a realistic concern given the far-right influence in the government, he said.
”We need to convince a distinct share of the Jewish majority that both of us are threatened,” Diab told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “The only way is a shared Jewish-Arab struggle.”
But while massive protests including tech entrepreneurs, army reservists, academics and others have shown the extent of determination among Jews to stop the government’s bid to legislate what it terms “judicial reform,” Arab Israelis, who make up one-fifth of the population, have hardly turned out.
This dynamic has been true in the Knesset as well as in the streets. Mansour Abbas, the leader of the Arab Ra’am Party, has said he opposes the changes, but when he was invited to participate in a press conference with other leaders of the political opposition, he declined.
Palestinian flags were seen at some of the early pro-democracy protests in Israel, such as at this one in Tel Aviv Jan. 14, 2023, but have appeared less frequently since. (Gili Yaari/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
A push to get Arabs to participate in the protests began Friday with publication of a petition calling for public activism, inked by more than 200 Arab personalities, including retired judges. A gathering here on Saturday sought to work through thorny questions about what Arab participation might look like, and what demands it might make.
Getting Israeli Arabs to the protests that have become a recurring feature of life in cities across Israel every Saturday night won’t necessarily be easy. The push is likely to run up against perceived disenfranchisement on the part of Arab Israelis, whose political parties have rarely been part of governing coalitions and whose participation in electoral politics has been portrayed in the past as illegitimate by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies.
Another likely obstacle is a narrow focus for the protest organizers, almost all Jewish.
In the first weeks of the protests in January, Palestinian flags raised by protesters drew criticism from right-wing and pro-government pundits. National Security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir called for a ban on the flag in public and warned that those waving Palestinian flags in future demonstrations would be arrested. Fewer Palestinian flags were seen in the following weeks, and issues relating to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank or to the new government’s attitude toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict were all but dropped from the agenda. An Israeli activist who asked to carry a Palestinian flag while speaking was declined.
The organizers do not seem interested thus far in broadening the agenda, and only a few Arab speakers have been featured in the demonstrations. Just hours after the Tayibe meeting on Saturday, Reem Hazzan, a leader of the predominantly Arab Hadash party in Haifa, was told by organizers who reviewed a copy of her planned speech to make changes to it. She refused and there was no Arab speaker.
Haaretz quoted unidentified organizers as saying the problem was that Hazzan refused to call in her speech for the Arab public to turn out for the protests. But Hazzan, in remarks to JTA, said she sees a deeper problem.
“We want to change the rules of the game, not just preserve what exists. What exists is not good,” she said. “We need to speak about the occupation and about discrimination. If you want Arabs to participate you must take into account that Arabs have an agenda.”
Exactly what that agenda should be was under debate during the gathering in Tayibe, a sprawling town in central Israel that like many Arab municipalities suffers from spiraling crime and violence.
“People say it’s a battle of Jews against Jews; others say they don’t want us there so why should we go and others point to times when the court sided against us,” said Mohammed Ali Taha, 82, former head of the Arab Writers Association, who spoke at the Tayibe gathering.
Arab Israelis cast their vote at a voting station in Tayibe, Nov. 1, 2022. (Jamal Awad/Flash90)
“It’s all true,” he continued. “But still we must join the protests because we will be the primary losers. When the far right rises, it strikes against the weak. We are the weak.”
With no constitution, Israel lacks any explicit guarantee of equality for all its citizens. Some laws, including those ensuring the right for immigration, advantage Jews. To the extent that Arabs have been able to challenge discrimination in recent decades, it has been largely through the Supreme Court inferring equality on them based on liberal legislation such as the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Freedom, passed in 1992, which specifies, “Every human being is entitled to protection of his life, body and dignity.” Critics of the proposed reforms warn that they could result in the rollback of that basic law.
The court has also at times ruled against Arab Israeli interests, such as when it refused to consider petitions against the 2018 Nation State Law, which enshrines Jewish settlement as a national value, declares that national self-determination in the state of Israel is “unique to the Jewish people” and demotes Arabic from an official language.
Tayibe’s deputy mayor, Malik Azzem, said that despite its mixed record, an independent Supreme Court is essential for Israeli Arabs.
“The High Court is our last defense for our rights as a minority,” he said. “The struggle for our rights is not separate from this struggle. We need to mobilize the public.”
He added that as an elected official, he fears that without the court’s oversight, the government would simply cut the budgets of Arab municipalities.
”People need to raise their voices and join,” Azzem said. “We should be at the center of the demonstrations. We are already late in dealing with this.”
Taha, the writer, whose works often focus on the Nakba, an Arabic term meaning catastrophe that is used to describe the plight of Palestinians after Israel’s 1948 War of Independence and which he lived through as a child, told the gathering: ”Without Jewish-Arab cooperation we cannot achieve anything. This is an opportunity for cooperation.”
He said he believes Arab Israelis are today more vulnerable than they have been at any time since the period that they lived under military rule, from 1948 to 1966. At that time they were so restricted that they could not travel within Israel without permits. The danger today, he says, is due to the clout of far-right ministers Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, who have expressed anti-Arab views and, in Ben-Gvir’s case, even called for the expulsion of “disloyal” citizens.
“If they succeed it will be worse for us than military rule was,” Taha said. To avert this, he argued, Arabs need to join the protests alongside Jews even if it means not raising Palestinian flags.
”It’s not the time and place for a protest about a Palestinian state,” he said. “This could cause conflict among the protesters.”
But to others, the idea of protesting without highlighting the need to end both the occupation and inequality is akin to denying one’s very identity.
“I’m against participating in any demonstration that is embarrassed to talk about context and the occupation. I support something broader,” said Sondos Saleh, a former member of Knesset for the Arab Ta’al party.
Sondos Saleh, an Arab Israeli politician then on the Joint List Party candidate list, speaks during a press conference in Tel Aviv, Feb. 23, 2021. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)
Merav Ben-Ari, a legislator for the largest opposition party, Yesh Atid, told JTA she would welcome greater Arab participation in the protests. ”Anything that strengthens the protests is excellent,” she said.
But she showed little enthusiasm for talking about many of the topics that animate Israeli Arabs in the political sphere, including the core one that liberal critics of the protest movement say is being given short shrift.
“How is the occupation connected?” Ben-Ari asked. “What is needed is to talk about the reform. Everyone who loves the country and cares about it has to fight against the reform and the harm to the Supreme Court.”
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A new collection of Yiddish rhymes and games for children (and Yiddish students!)
עס קומט באַלד צו גיין דער יום־טובֿ פּורים, האָב איך פֿאַר אײַך לייענער צוגעגרײט שלח־מנות: אַ גוגל־דאָקומענט מיט מאַטעריאַלן פֿאַר קינדער און תּלמידים, געשעפּטע סײַ פֿון עלטערע פֿאָלקלאָר־זאַמלונגען, סײַ פֿון שאַפֿונגען פֿון דער נײַערער צײַט. ער געפֿינט זיך דאָ. װײַטער קענט איר לײענען פֿאַר װאָס איך האָב זיך אונטערגענומען אַזאַ פּראָיעקט, און זיך דערװיסן נאָך פּרטים װעגן די מאַטעריאַלן װאָס געפֿינען זיך דערין.
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אינעם הײַפֿעלע ייִדישיסטישע משפּחות צעשאָטענע איבערן ערדקײַלעך קומט נישט זעלטן אױס צו פֿילן, אַז עפּעס פֿעלט אונדז מאַטעריאַל װאָס זענען אי אױף ייִדיש אי זײ נעמען אױס בײַ די קינדער.
אָט דער כּלומרשטער דוחק שפּירט זיך אין פֿאַרשידענע תּחומען: אין גראַמען, געזאַנג, שפּילן, מעשׂהלעך — קורץ, אַלצדינג װאָס טראָגט אַרײַן פֿרײד און כּישוף אין לעבן פֿון אַ קינד. נישט אײן מאָל בין איך געזעסן און געהאָצקעט אַ קינד אױפֿן שױס און געװאָלט פֿרײלעך מאַכן, צוזינגען עפּעס אַ לידעלע אָדער אַ גראַם, נאָר פּונקט איז מיר נישט געקומען אױפֿן געדאַנק מער װי „פּאַטשע פּאַטשע קיכעלעך“, אָדער פּשוט שמײכלען און מאַכן גרימאַסן.
איז אַװדאי גוט, אַן עופֿעלע װעט נישט זײַן קײן גרױסער איבערקלײַבער, אָבער װיפֿל איז דער שיעור איבערצוקײַען די זעלבע צװײ־דרײַ גראַמען, אַז מיר פֿאַרמאָגן אַזאַ רײַכן קינדער־פֿאָלקלאָר מיט שפּילן און גראַמען? און פֿאַר װאָס זאָלן מיר כּסדר טאַנצן אױף פֿרעמדע חתונות, אָנקומענדיק צו איבערזעצונגען פֿון ענגלישע לידעלעך, אַז ס׳איז פֿאַראַן הונדערטער קינדערלידער אױף ייִדיש, אָדער סתּם ייִדישע לידער, סײַ לעבעדיקע סײַ רויִקע, צוגעפּאַסטע צו פֿאַרשידענע טעמעס און סיטואַציעס?
איך זאָג אַ „כּלומרשטער דוחק“ װײַל אין דער אמתן איז עס אַ נעכטיקער טאָג. אָט האָט ש. לעהמאַן צונױפֿגעזאַמלט און אָפּגעדרוקט אַ שלל מיט קינדער־פֿאָלקלאָר אינעם פֿאָלקלאָריסטישן־פֿילאָלאָגישן באַנד בײַ אונז יודען אין 1923. אָפּטײלן מיט קינדערלידער און קינדער־פֿאָלקלאָר קען מען אױך טרעפֿן אין די זאַמלונגען פֿון י. ל. כּהן, באַסטאָמסקי, בערעגאָװסקי און פֿעפֿער, און נאָך אַזעלכע. הײַנט, װוּ איז רוט (רבֿקה) רובינס קלאַנגאַרכיװ בײַם ייִװאָ, װאָס האַלט אין זיך גאַנצע פֿינעף טאַשמעס מיט קינדערלידעלעך? און, און, און… איר זעט שױן מסתּמא אַלײן די צרה.
מיר זענען נישט חלילה אָרעם, נאָר פֿאַרקערט: ס׳איז פֿאַראַן צו פֿיל, און װער האָט דאָס די צײַט צו צעקײַען, דורכזיפּן, און אָפּקלײַבן פֿון די אַלע מאַטעריאַלן? בפֿרט אַז אַ סך פֿון די זאַמלונגען זענען גאַנץ שלעכט געדרוקט אָדער דער טינט איז שױן אָפּגעשפּרונגען. אַראָפּצולײענען װאָס דאָרט שטײט איז נישט קײן קלײנער קונץ. און עלטערן פֿון קלײנע קינדער, אַזױ אױך פֿאַרהאַװעטע און פֿאַרהאָרעװעטע מיט די טאָג־טעגלעכע אַחריותן, זאָלן גײן גריבלען אין װיסנשאַפֿטלעכע שריפֿטן?
דערצו נאָך, אַז מע האָט זיך שױן יאָ אַ ביסל אָריענטירט אין די זאַמלונגען, דאַרף מען ערשט דערטאַפּן די, װאָס קענען שטימען מיט אונדזערע הײַנטצײַטישע השׂגות. װי למשל בײַם באַװוּסטן קינדערגראַם: „ציגעלע מיגעלע קאָטינקע / רױטע פּאָמעראַנצן / אַז דער טאַטע שלאָגט די מאַמע / גײען קינדערלעך טאַנצן“. נו, איך װײס נישט װי בײַ אַנדערע, אָבער איך קען באַשטײן, אַז דאָס זאָל בלײַבן אַ קוריאָז פֿונעם אַמאָליקן לעבן אין דער אַלטער הײם. נישט יעדע סחורה איז פּאַסיק פֿאַר הײַנטיקע קינדער.
װען סע קומט, װידער, צו ייִדישע לידער איז דער מצבֿ שױן אַ סך פֿױגלדיקער, אָבער די מענטשלעכע טבֿע איז פֿאָרט אַזאַ, אַז מע גײט זעלטן אַרױס פֿון די אײגענע דלתּ אַמות. „די גרינע קאַטשקע“ און „פֿלי, מײַן פֿלישלאַנג“ קענען דאָך אַלע, אָבער פֿאַראַן אַ סך פֿײַנע אַלבומען, נײַערע און עלטערע, פֿון דער סעקולערער װעלט און פֿון דער פֿרומער װעלט, צעשאָטן איבער דער אינטערנעץ, נאָר גײן זוכן אױף דער הײסער מינוט װען די קינדער פֿאַרלאַנגען „מוזי־י־י־י־ק!“?
כאַפּט מען זיך צו די אײן־צװײ באַליבטע און באַקאַנטע און שױן. װאָס שײך געזאַנג, זענען די מלאָטעק־ביכער אַװדאי אַ געװאַלדיקער אוצר, אָבער יעדעס מאָל גײן אױפֿמישן אַ באַנד און האָפֿן, אַז מע װעט אָנטרעפֿן אױף עפּעס גוטס, איז אױך נישט קײן פּלאַן. אַז מאַכט זיך יאָ אַ פּאָר פֿרײַע מינוט און מע װיל זיך אױסלערנען אַ נײַ ליד, דאַרף מען ערשט װיסן װוּ צו געפֿינען די גוטע סחורה.
צום גליק האָב איך אין די לעצטע חדשים יאָ געהאַט צײַט זיך אַ טונק צו טאָן אין דעם ים פֿון קינדער־פֿאָלקלאָר און קינדער־מאַטעריאַלן, צעשאָטענע איבער זאַמלונגען און װעבזײַטלעך, אָפּקלײַבן פֿון זײ אַזוינע װאָס זאָלן זײַן צוטריטלעך פֿאַר עלטערן און צוציִיִק פֿאַר די קינדער, און מאַכן פֿון דעם אַ שטיקל װעגװײַזער. דאַכט זיך, אַז דאָס קען אױך נוציק זײַן פֿאַר לערערס און תּלמידים, װאָס זוכן פֿריש, אינטערעסאַנט לערנװאַרג. דער װעגװײַזער באַשטײט פֿון פֿינעף אָפּטײלן:
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- גראַמען און לידעלעך. אין דער קאַטעגאָריע גײען אַרײַן קינדערגראַמען, סײַ צו יעדער געלעגנהײט, סײַ פֿאַר ספּעציפֿישע פֿאַלן אָדער קאָנטעקסטן, למשל: אַז דאָס קינד גיט אַ גרעפּס, אָדער אַז דאָס קינד טוט זיך אָן דאָס העמד, אָדער אַז מע דערזעט אַ שנעקל, צי אַ משה־רבינוס קיִעלע, אָדער אַז סע רעגנט… און נאָך אַ סך אַזעלכע.
- שפּילן. נישט נאָר האַנט־ און פֿינגער־שפּילן און גלאַט פֿאַרשפּילענישן, װי, צום בײַשפּיל, „באַראַן־באַראַן־בוץ“, „שׂרהניו װאָרעניע“, „אַ זעקעלע מעל“, „אין אַ שטעטעלע פּיטשעפּױ“, נאָר אױך שפּילן פֿאַר עלטערע קינדער, װאָס מע האָט אַ מאָל געשפּילן אין חדר און אין די הױפֿן — „בלינדע קו“, „פֿײגעלע פֿליט“, „רודענע ראַנע“, און פֿאַרשידענע שפּילן אין באַלעמס, מטבעות און ניסעלעך.
- רעקאָרדירטע מוזיק. נישט נאָר אַלבומען געמאַכט פֿאַר קינדער, נאָר אױך אַן אָפּקלײַב פֿון די שענסטע אַלבומען פֿאָלקסלידער װאָס קענען אױסנעמען אױך בײַ קינדער.
- געזאַנג. אין דעם אָפּטײל װערט געבראַכט אַ רשימה לידער װאָס מע קען זינגען מיט אָדער פֿאַר די קינדער, סײַ רויִקע סײַ לעבעדיקע, סײַ קינדערלידער סײַ גלאַט פֿאָלקסלידער, װי אױך לידער מיט באַװעגונגען — אַ שטײגער, „בלעטער“, „מיכלקו“, און „פֿון אַ קלײנעם גרינעם הױז“. בײַ יעדן ליד װערט געגעבן אַ לינק צום טעקסט און צו אַ רעקאָרדירונג.
- מעשׂהלעך. פֿון די פֿאָלקס־מעשׂיות און װוּנדער־מעשׂיות, פֿון בערן און לצים און כעלעמער חכמים און באַהאַלטענע אוצרות, װאָס מע פֿלעג דערצײלן די קינדער שבת אױף דער נאַכט, אָדער אין שול צווישן מינחה און מעריבֿ, אָדער װינטער הינטערן אױװן.
צום סוף געפֿינען זיך עטלעכע הוספֿות: װײַטערדיקע רעסורסן פֿאַר די װאָס װילן אַלײן אַרײַנקוקן אין די רױע מאַטעריאַלן, איבערזעצונגען פֿון פּאָפּולערע ענגלישע לידער (אַ מאָל מוז מען דאָך נאָכגעבן!), און אַ רשימה חיה־קלאַנגען אױף ייִדיש. האָט איר געװוּסט אַז אױף ייִדיש מאַכט דער בער „בו־בו“?
אַ לעצטע באַמערקונג: כאָטש דעם גרעסטן טײל מאַטעריאַל האָב איך געשעפּט טאַקע פֿון עלטערע מקורים, האָב איך אױך אַרײַנגענומען שאַפֿונגען פֿון דער מאָדערנער צײַט, צי פֿון דער פֿרומער־חסידישער װעלט, צי פֿון די ייִדישע שולן, צי פֿון אונדז ייִדישיסטן פֿון 21סטן יאָרהונדערט. איך האָף, אַז אינעם דאָזיקן װעגװײַזער װעט יעדער טרעפֿן עפּעס װאָס װעט געפֿינען חן בײַ די אײגענע קינדער, און באַװײַזן דערמיט אײַנצופֿירן אַ גרעסערע מאָס געװאָרצלטקײט און פֿאַרשידנקײט אין דער שפּראַכיקער סבֿיבה פֿון די קינדער (אָדער תּלמידים). טאָמער געפֿעלט עפּעס נישט, אָדער מע װיל עפּעס צוגעבן, מעג מען איבערלאָזן אַ קאָמענטאַר אינעם גוגל־דאָקומענט אַלײן, אָדער קען מען אַלײן אױפֿמישן די זאַמלונגען געבראַכטע אין די הוספֿות און דערבײַ אױפֿדעקן די אוצרות, װאָס װאַלגערן זיך נאָך הײַנט אין די פֿאַרגעלטע בלעטלעך און װאַרטן אױף זײער תּיקון אין די מײַלער פֿון ייִדישע קינדערלעך.
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Mass shooter at Canadian elementary school tweeted antisemitic content 2 days before attack, ADL finds
(JTA) — The shooter who killed eight people and wounded dozens more in one of Canada’s deadliest mass shootings Tuesday allegedly tweeted antisemitic content two days before the attack.
“I need to hate jews because the zionists want me to hate jews. This benefits them, somehow,” Jesse Van Rootselaar, the alleged Tumbler Ridge school shooter, tweeted on Sunday, according to research by the Anti-Defamation League’s Center on Extremism.
Authorities in British Columbia have identified Van Rootselaar, 18, as the shooter who killed six people at Tumbler Ridge Secondary School and two family members at home before also dying, apparently from a self-inflicted gunshot wound.
According to the ADL, Van Rootselar had a “troubling pattern of online radicalization” that included using WatchPeopleDie, a platform that glorifies violence and has been linked to several mass violence events.
The ADL also found what it believes to be Van Rootselar’s X account, which it says “regularly shared antisemitic and racist content and material glorifying previous mass killers, including the 2022 Buffalo supermarket shooter and the 2019 Christchurch mosque shooter.”
Additionally, the ADL said, “The Tumbler Ridge shooter’s X profile photo also featured an image of the Christchurch shooter superimposed over a Sonnenrad, a neo-Nazi symbol, and a transgender pride flag.”
Other recent mass shooters have been WatchPeopleDie users. In August, alleged Minneapolis shooter Robin Westman entered a Catholic mass at an elementary school and allegedly used a gun featuring antisemitic and anti-Israel writing to kill two children and injure another 17 people before dying of a self-inflicted gunshot wound. The gun also included writing with the name of the man convicted of the deadliest antisemitic attack in U.S. history, the 2018 mass shooting on a Pittsburgh synagogue.
The alleged shooter behind the January 2025 Antioch High School shooting, Solomon Henderson, was found to have extensive online documents that praised Adolf Hitler and included links to “groyper” content.
Authorities in British Columbia say they cannot speculate on the motive of Van Rootselaar, who they said dropped out of school in Tumbler Ridge, a town of about 2,500, about four years ago. The dead included a 39-year-old teacher; five students, ages 12 to 13; and Van Rootselar’s mother and 11-year-old stepbrother.
Tuesday’s attack was the deadliest mass shooting in Canada since a 2020 attack in Portapique, Nova Scotia, left 23 people dead, including the shooter. A gun buyback program was implemented days after that shooting, but has proven both logistically challenging and unpopular.
“To the students, the teachers, the parents, and every resident of Tumbler Ridge: all of Canada stands with you. May the memories of those lost be a blessing,” Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney said in a statement Wednesday morning. “May this community, which has shown its resilience so many times before, once again find the strength to heal.”
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International social workers group set to vote on expelling Israeli union for ‘not acting to promote peace’
(JTA) — The Israeli Union of Social Workers could be booted from a global federation after at least three countries called for a vote on its expulsion on allegations of ethical breaches.
The countries — Ireland, Spain and Greece — charged that the Israeli union should have moved to seek exemptions from military service for its members or “issue a call for peace.” Their call for an expulsion vote escalated the International Federation of Social Workers’ January 2025 censure of the Israeli union over the alleged breaches, which the federation said violated ethics rules that say social workers “should not use weapons in their professional or personal capacities against people.”
The Israeli union has called for the vote to be abandoned while signaling that it remains committed to dialogue with Palestinian colleagues.
“Expelling or suspending a social workers’ union will not promote change — rather, it will promote polarization and radicalization, which arise in situations of isolation or perceived threat,” it said in a statement issued on Monday. “In our reality, this means that expulsion or suspension would hinder our ability to promote dialogue with our neighbors or with other countries. Those who oppose shared life between Israelis and Palestinians would welcome such an outcome. It would serve as an excuse to maintain extreme positions and continue fighting.”
In the statement, the Israeli union also said that the demand to request Israeli social workers be granted an exemption from military service was “entirely unimaginable within Israeli society.”
“Demanding that specifically during wartime (a war Israel did not initiate) social workers receive different treatment is not feasible in a society where military service is a universal civic duty,” the statement read.
The International Federation of Social Workers represents 141 national associations of social workers. It has previously sparred with the Israeli union, which it censured in 2018 for “failing to act as an independent professional voice on issues of occupation and Palestinian rights.” The 2018 censure was lifted in 2022 after the Israeli union invited the Palestinian Union of Social Workers to engage in dialogue.
The expulsion vote is set for Feb. 18 and will require a 75% majority to pass. Each member union gets one vote.
The vote comes as Israelis have faced marginalization in a range of international associations during the war in Gaza. The International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association, for example, suspended its Israeli affiliate in 2024 before reinstating it the following year.
The Jewish Social Work Consortium argued in a statement that the expulsion proposal at the International Federation of Social Workers “advances an ideologically driven effort to isolate Israeli social workers as a collective, based on nationality rather than actual professional conduct.”
“This is not principled critique or ethical debate. It is antizionism operating through professional institutions, denying Israelis moral complexity, collective legitimacy, and equal participation in global social work,” the statement continued. “When professional bodies adopt this framework, they normalize collective punishment under the guise of ethics.”
The consortium and several other Jewish groups have petitioned American and Canadian members of the international federation to “publicly oppose and refuse to endorse” the vote. The petition had gained over 10,000 signatures by Thursday morning.
“Ethical accountability must be based on individual conduct rather than identity or nationality,” the petition says. “This is not the time for silence as this motion carries grave consequences for our profession.”
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