Connect with us

Uncategorized

After police clash with Tel Aviv protesters who blocked highway, Netanyahu likens demonstrations to settlers who rioted

(JTA) — In a defiant televised address, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu compared protesters of his government’s proposed judicial overhaul to the West Bank settlers who recently rioted in a Palestinian village, burning houses and cars.

Netanyahu, speaking for about seven minutes shortly after 8 p.m., warned that the protesters were crossing “red lines” and would themselves face retaliation, without elaborating on what shape it might take.

His remarks came after what protesters billed as a “day of disruption,” in which demonstrations blocked roads across the country, including a central highway in Tel Aviv. Police fired stun grenades, water cannons and tear gas at protesters, and at least 11 were hospitalized. Dozens of protesters were arrested.

Later in the day, including during Netanyahu’s speech, a crowd of protesters surrounded a hair salon in an upper-class neighborhood where Sara Netanyahu, the prime minister’s wife, was getting a haircut. The crowd kept the salon surrounded for hours, until a convoy of Israeli border police came to evacuate her from the building.

Netanyahu alluded to the crowd surrounding his wife in his speech and likened the protesters to the settlers who rioted in the Palestinian village of Huwara after a Palestinian killed two Israelis there. The settler rioters injured dozens of Palestinians, and a Palestinian man was killed amid the riots in another village.

“In Huwara, in the face of the horrific murder of two wonderful brothers, I said to the lawbreakers, we will not tolerate a situation in which ‘every man does that which is right in his own eyes,’” Netanyahu said, quoting a biblical passage. “And I say it again to the lawbreakers who crossed red lines in Tel Aviv today, we will not tolerate a situation in which ‘every man does that which is right in his own eyes.’”

Netanyahu added, “We cannot accept violence, we cannot accept attacks on police officers, we cannot accept blocking roads, we cannot accept threats toward public figures and their family members, something that is happening at this very moment in the heart of Tel Aviv.”

Later in the speech, he added, “If you erase the red lines on one side, they will be erased on the other, and the path to chaos is very quick,” he said.

Benny Gantz, one of the opposition leaders, called for talks under the aegis of President Isaac Herzog, who has offered to mediate, as did four influential Knesset members. Netanyahu did not mention those appeals in his speech.

Leaders of Israel’s parliamentary opposition came out in support of the protests — and some also called on protesters to let Sara Netanyahu leave the salon. Labor Party leader Meirav Michaeli, a Netanyahu opponent, also noted that police arrested more protesters in Tel Aviv than rioters in Huwara.

“Huwara was a terrorists’ pogrom,” Opposition Leader Yair Lapid, the head of the Yesh Atid Party, tweeted after Netanyahu’s speech. “How can Netanyahu compare that to members of [Israeli commando unit] Sayeret Matkal, to Apache pilots, to army reservists, to doctors and students, to people that came out today to the street? These are the best people in the country.”

For weeks, protesters have been turning out in the streets in the hundreds of thousands in a bid to stop the advance of legislation that would gut the courts of their independence. Pieces of that legislation were approved in a committee vote on Wednesday, moving one step closer to passage. The proposed overhaul would enable a majority of Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, to override Supreme Court decisions, and would give the government full control over appointments to the court.

Most of the protests are coordinated with the police, and there have been minimal arrests until Wednesday.

In his speech, Netanyahu also favorably compared protests by right-wing activists in 2005, when a centrist government evacuated settlements from the Gaza Strip, to today’s demonstrations. “That struggle did not cross red lines,” he said. “We did not see then what we see today. Those protesters did not attack police officers, did not call for civilian uprising, did not call for refusal [of military service], nor to take their money out of the country. They did not  slander Israel in the world.”

In fact, around the time of the Gaza withdrawal,  there were attacks on policemen, protests that blocked roads and calls on soldiers to refuse orders to evacuate settlements.


The post After police clash with Tel Aviv protesters who blocked highway, Netanyahu likens demonstrations to settlers who rioted appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Continue Reading

Uncategorized

New documentary captures the lively history of Yiddish theater in America

The new documentary Immigrant Songs: Yiddish Theater and the American Jewish Experience, produced by the Milken Archive of Jewish Music, is fast, entertaining and a good introduction to the topic.

Focusing mainly on the musical side of the story, but covering ‘straight plays’ as well, the film opens with a superb ‘warm-up act’: “Hu Tsa Tsa,” a stock Yiddish vaudeville number performed by the widely mourned Bruce Adler, who died in 2008 at age 63. Bursting with charm and talent, Adler, scion of a top Yiddish vaudeville family, demonstrates that Yiddish theater used to be pretty damned lively.

What follows is the oft-told story of the rise and decline of the American Yiddish theater, beginning with its prehistory in the Purimshpiels — the annual performances that for centuries served as the only secular entertainment in the Ashkenazic world. From there the film takes us to Yiddish theater’s 1876 birth in Romania, courtesy of Avrom Goldfadn, a.k.a. “The Father of Yiddish Theater.”

The film also describes Yiddish theater’s arrival in America, which, thanks to massive Jewish immigration, quickly became its capital. We learn of its influence on American theater’s styles of acting and set design. And the film describes the decline of its audience, due to assimilation and the immigration quotas of the 1920s.

There’s an excellent section on “The Big Four” Yiddish theater composers — Joseph Rumshinsky, Alexander Olshanetsky, Abe Ellstein, and Sholom Secunda.  All in all, the documentary does a fine job of teaching the aleph-beyz, the ABCs, of the history of Yiddish theater to the uninitiated.

The most impressive aspect of Immigrant Songs is its well-crafted pace. Though there are a few snippets of vintage Yiddish cinema (Yiddish theater’s “kid brother”), most of the film consists of recent concert footage, some well-selected photographs and ephemera, and a lot of talking heads. Almost every prominent Yiddish theater historian was interviewed for it, along with several musicologists, an archivist, Yiddish actors, directors, producers, etc. (Full disclosure: I am one of them.) Director Jeff Janeczko cuts between the interviewees so smoothly — sometimes in mid-sentence — that it feels like they’re in the same room and feeding off each other’s energy. The movie just flies by.

There are a few errors. Marc Chagall is described as an important designer of Yiddish theater; actually he designed one minor production in Russia in 1921, and never did another. In a bizarre, and biblically illiterate, statement, one interviewee claims that Jews hadn’t developed a theater culture earlier because the Second Commandment’s prohibition of “graven images” forbade the construction of sets. (Actually it’s about idol worship.)

Another interviewee claims that the Yiddish play Der Yeshiva Bokher; oder, Der Yudisher Hamlet — The Yeshiva Student; or, The Jewish Hamlet (Yiddish plays then often had subtitles), is closely patterned on Shakespeare’s tragedy. In truth, the play — written by Isidore Zolotarevski, the prolific writer of shund (“trash”) melodramas — is not only awful, but is as close to Shakespeare as baked ham is to your grandmother’s kreplach.

The film’s biggest fault, however, is its short running time (45 minutes). This is a rich topic, and too much is left by the wayside in the interest of brevity. There’s nothing about what shund melodramas felt like, why they appealed to their audiences, and why they became the only thing a lot of people know about Yiddish theater.

There’s also nothing about the World War I-era wave of shtetl plays, which reflected immigrants’ homesickness without indulging in nostalgia, and provided some of Yiddish theater’s shining moments with plays like Green Fields, The Empty Inn and Tevye. And the most important play in the Yiddish canon, The Dybbuk, is never mentioned.

Perhaps most surprisingly, considering the film’s emphasis on music, there is no examination of Yiddish theater’s influence on Broadway’s music. (Cole Porter — ironically, the only gentile among the major composers of Broadway’s Golden Age — had a pronounced Jewish lilt in a number of his songs, and he actually attended Yiddish theater regularly.)

The film’s last section is about the renewed interest in Yiddish that began in the 1970s and ’80s with the klezmer revival. Much of it focuses on the 2018 Yiddish production of Fiddler on the Roof in Yiddish, whose success was predetermined the moment the production was announced.

For the overwhelming majority of American Jews, from the Orthodox to the unaffiliated, Fiddler is all they know about the lives of their ancestors. And though it’s a world-class piece of musical theater, as a work of social history Fiddler is as phony as a glass eye. Nevertheless, for American Jews it’s a sacred text.

Fiddler was a huge hit, but it was a gimmick, a one-off, whose success does very little for the future of Yiddish theater. Worse, the Yiddish — not the text, but the lines spoken by most of the actors — was often mispronounced and had the wrong intonation. (One elderly gentleman of my acquaintance, a native Yiddish speaker from Czechoslovakia, told me he didn’t understand a word the actors said, and spent the whole evening reading the English supertitles.)

What follows the Fiddler section in Immigrant Songs is mostly bromides. But the best current Yiddish theater reflects the kind of fresh thinking that keeps the form alive.

An occasional well-presented museum piece, like the Folksbiene’s 2016 revival of Rumshinsky’s operetta The Golden Bride, is a very worthwhile project (though it, too, suffered from poorly spoken Yiddish). But the most dynamic contemporary Yiddish theater is, in Jeffrey Shandler’s apt phrase, “post vernacular” — i .e., the use of Yiddish is self-conscious, a deliberate choice rather than something that’s done automatically, as it would have been a century ago when there were a lot more Yiddish speakers in the world.

An example of this is the 2017 neo-realist film Menashe, which could far more easily and conventionally have been made in English. Or a well-known piece done in Yiddish translation, like Shane Baker’s stunning Yiddish translation of Waiting for Godot, can become something much more valuable than a mere stunt. The Yiddish version, under Moshe Yassur’s straightforward direction, humanized the play, stripping it of the encrusted pretentiousness that had hidden its soul. (When it was presented in the International Samuel Beckett Festival in Ireland, multiple audience members approached the cast afterwards with the same reaction: “I don’t speak a word of Yiddish. But I’ve seen Godot five or six times, and this is the first time I understood it.”)

There’s a lot to be learned from Immigrant Songs. If you find yourself hungry for more, you couldn’t do better than to seek out YIVO’s online Yiddish theater course “Oh, Mama, I’m in Love!” But by all means, start with Immigrant Songs. It’s a very entertaining and informative appetizer.

The post New documentary captures the lively history of Yiddish theater in America appeared first on The Forward.

Continue Reading

Uncategorized

UK PM Starmer Says There Could Be New Powers to Ban Pro-Palestinian Marches

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer gives a media statement at Downing Street in London, Britain, April 30, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Jack Taylor/File photo

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer said the government could ban pro-Palestinian marches in some circumstances because of the “cumulative effect” the demonstrations had on the Jewish community after two Jewish men were stabbed in London on Wednesday.

Starmer told the BBC that he would always defend freedom of expression and peaceful protest, but chants like “Globalize the Intifada” during demonstrations were “completely off limits” and those voicing them should be prosecuted.

Pro-Palestinian marches have become a regular feature in London since the October 2023 attack by Hamas on Israel that triggered the Gaza war. Critics say the demonstrations have generated hostility and become a focus for antisemitism.

Protesters have argued they are exercising their democratic right to spotlight ongoing human rights and political issues related to the situation in Gaza.

Starmer said he was not denying there were “very strong legitimate views about the Middle East, about Gaza,” but many people in the Jewish community had told him they were concerned about the repeat nature of the marches.

Asked if the tougher response should focus on chants and banners, or whether the protests should be stopped altogether, Starmer said: “I think certainly the first, and I think there are instances for the latter.”

“I think it’s time to look across the board at protests and the cumulative effect,” he said, adding that the government needed to look at what further powers it could take.

Britain raised its terrorism threat level to “severe” on Thursday amid mounting security concerns that foreign states were helping fuel violence, including against the Jewish community.

“We are seeing an elevated threat to Jewish and Israeli individuals and institutions in the UK,” the head of counter-terrorism policing, Laurence Taylor, said in a statement, adding that police were also working “against an unpredictable global situation that has consequences closer to home, including physical threats by state-linked actors.”

Continue Reading

Uncategorized

War Likely to Resume After Trump’s Rejection of Latest Proposal, Says IRGC General

Iranians carry a model of a missile during a celebration following an IRGC attack on Israel, in Tehran, Iran, April 15, 2024. Photo: Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS

i24 NewsA senior Iranian military figure said that fighting with the US was “likely” to resume after President Donald Trump stated he was dissatisfied with Tehran’s latest proposal, regime media reported on Saturday.

The comments of General Mohammad Jafar Asadi, one of the top Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders, were relayed by the Fars news agency, considered as a mouthpiece of the the powerful paramilitary body.

“Evidence has shown that the Americans do not not adhere to any commitments,” Asadi was quoted as saying.

He further added that Washington’s decision-making was “primarily media-driven aimed first at preventing a drop in oil prices and second at extricating themselves from the mess they have created.”

Iranian armed forces are ready “for any new adventures or foolishness from the Americans,” he said, going to assert that the Iran war would prove for the US a tragedy comparable with what was for Israel the October 7 massacre.

“Just as our martyred Leader said that the Zionist regime will never be the same as before the Al‑Aqsa Storm operation [the name chosen by Hamas leadership for the October 7, 2023 massacre in southern Israel], the United States will also never return to what it was before its attack on Iran,” he said. “The world has understood the true nature of America, and no matter how much malice it shows now, it is no longer the America that many once feared.”

Continue Reading

Copyright © 2017 - 2023 Jewish Post & News