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American rabbis, wrestling with Israel’s behavior, weigh different approaches from the pulpit
(JTA) — Rabbi Sharon Brous began a sermon at her Los Angeles synagogue last month with a content warning. “I have to say some things today that I know will upset some of you,” she began.
That same morning, across the country in New York City, Rabbi Angela Buchdahl was confessing something to her congregants, too: The sermon they were about to hear “kept me up at night.”
Both women — among the most prominent and influential Jewish clergy in the United States — went on to sharply criticize Israel’s new right-wing government, which includes far-right parties that aim to curb the rights of LGBTQ Israelis, Arabs and non-Orthodox Jews.
In taking aim at Israel’s government from the pulpit, the rabbis were veering close to what many in their field consider a third rail. “You have a wonderful community and you love them and they love you, until the moment you stand up and you give your Israel sermon,” Brous told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. The phenomenon even has an informal name, she said: “Death by Israel sermon.”
Brous would know: A decade ago, she was the target of sharp criticism after she encouraged her congregants at IKAR, a nondenominational congregation, to pray for Palestinians as well as Jews during a period of conflict in Israel. The incident didn’t end her pulpit, but she has come to understand why many rabbis choose what she called “the path of silence” when it comes to Israel.
Now, she said, American Jews must depart from that path. “I want you to hear me,” she said in her sermon. “There is a revolution that is happening, and this moment demands an awakening on both sides of the sea, an honest reckoning.”
All over the country, non-Orthodox rabbis are making similar calculations in response to Israel’s new governing coalition, which has drawn widespread protests over its policy moves. (Orthodox communities, including their rabbis, tend to be more politically conservative and skew to the right of non-Orthodox communities on Israel issues.) Israel’s government is advancing an overhaul of the legal system that would sap the power of the Supreme Court, and is also contending with an escalating wave of violence.
Some rabbis feel more emboldened to speak aloud what they have long believed. Others are finding themselves reconsidering their own relationship to Israel — and bringing their congregants along on their journey. A few still feel that criticizing Israel from the pulpit is a misguided and even dangerous venture, one that could splinter American Jewish communities.
What cuts across the spectrum is a belief that Israel has been discussed too little from the synagogue pulpit. Brous said the tendency of liberal rabbis not to talk about Israel lest they anger their more conservative congregants has resulted in a painful reality: “American Jews have not developed the muscle that we now need to respond to this regime.”
Rabbi Ammiel Hirsch of the Stephen Wise Free Synagogue in New York City launched a new program called Amplify Israel, which he hopes will encourage Reform movement leaders to embrace Zionism even as they navigate a “deeply problematic and even offensive” new Israeli government. (Shahar Azran/Stephen Wise Free Synagogue)
Rabbi Ammiel Hirsch, meanwhile, believes today’s rabbis must be vocal in fending off the influence of “competing values” about Zionism from “various organizations that are either cool on Israel or don’t like Israel or just downright anti-Zionist.”
Last year, angered by a letter signed by dozens of rabbinical students denouncing Israel’s actions during its 2021 conflict with Hamas in Gaza, Hirsch launched an initiative based at his New York City Reform synagogue to equip rabbis with tools to counter what he said was “the growing influence of an anti-Zionist element” in the next generation of Jewish clergy.
The initiative, Amplify Israel, is housed at his Stephen Wise Free Synagogue, and employs another rabbi, Tracy Kaplowitz, to work full-time to galvanize leaders from across the Reform movement to support Israel. Kaplowitz jokes that her new job won’t be complete “until every Reform Jew is a Zionist.”
Hirsch knows the new coalition is complicating his task. “The new government is going to make our promotion of Israel more difficult in the United States,” he said, noting that the government “has elements in it that are deeply problematic and even offensive to most American Jews.”
He and Kaplowitz contend that it is possible, in their view, for rabbis to criticize aspects of the Israeli government from the pulpit while still remaining broadly supportive of the Jewish state and encouraging their congregants to be the same. They also say the need to build Zionist sentiment within the American rabbinate transcends any particular moment, including this one.
“If we have to transform how we connect to Israel each time there’s an election, we’ll be driving ourselves a little bit batty,” Kaplowitz said.
Rabbi Tracy Kaplowitz is a full-time Israel Fellow at the Stephen Wise Free Synagogue in New York City. She jokes that her job won’t be finished “until every Reform Jew is a Zionist.” (Ryen Greiss/Stephen Wise Free Synagogue)
Hirsch sits on the advisory board of another new pro-Israel initiative, the Zionist Rabbinic Coalition. Helmed by Stuart Weinblatt, senior rabbi at Conservative Congregation B’nai Tzedek in Potomac, Maryland, the group is an interdenominational network of more than 200 rabbis who advocate to ”strengthen the ties between American Jewry and the State of Israel.”
Weinblatt hews to an early generation’s view of how rabbis should approach Israel from the pulpit. He told JTA that he believes his colleagues should always be supportive of Israel in public, even if they choose to pressure the Israeli government and advocate against certain policies in private — which, he says, is “the appropriate vehicle” for voicing concerns. “My position has always been that support for Israel should be unconditional,” he said.
“If we as rabbis are sharply critical of Israel, the result can often lead to a distancing from Israel, which ultimately may diminish the connection people feel to Judaism and the Jewish people,” he added. “People do not always distinguish and differentiate between opposition to a particular policy and broader criticisms of Israel which can do lasting damage.”
Asked whether the Israeli government could ever conceivably take a step that would necessitate a public response from American rabbis, Weinblatt ruminated for days. He ultimately told JTA that the current debate around proposed changes to the Law of Return, the Israeli policy that allows anyone with at least one Jewish grandparent to claim citizenship, would be such an example, as that is a policy that would have a direct effect on Diaspora Jews.
Tightening who is eligible under the Law of Return is in fact a goal of some elements of Israel’s governing coalition, although the Diaspora minister assured an audience in the United States that, unlike with the proposed changes to the government’s judicial system — which have earned criticism across the political spectrum — there would be an effort to build consensus and no changes would happen overnight.
Still, the prospect of such a change so alarmed Rabbi Hillel Skolnick of Congregation Tifereth Israel in Columbus, Ohio, that he traveled to Jerusalem to address the Knesset, Israel’s lawmaking body.
“The members of my congregation and my movement have a spiritual connection with Judaism and also a political connection because we live in a democracy, so they see a Jewish democracy as an ideal that they can look to as a light unto the nations,” he said, in a speech he delivered as a representative of the Conservative/Masorti movement.
“By even questioning the idea of the Law of Return,” he went on, Israel “takes away from both the Jewish connection and the democratic connection they have with this country.”
Skolnick suggested that he was unsure of how to speak to his congregation about the new government and its agenda. “My question to you is, what message can I go home with?” he asked.
Rabbi Stuart Weinblatt, founder and chair of the Zionist Rabbinic Coalition, shown with Israeli President Isaac Herzog. Weinblatt believes American rabbis’ “support for Israel should be unconditional,” and that disagreements with its government should be hashed out in private. (Courtesy of Stuart Weinblatt)
This week, hundreds of American rabbis will be returning to their congregations with messages honed by a week in Israel. The Reform movement just concluded its biennial convention, which was held there for the first time since before the pandemic. Their visit coincided with major developments in the country’s twin crises: The Knesset advanced the judicial reform legislation, and three people were killed in a Palestinian shooting and subsequent settler riot in the West Bank.
In a sign of the balancing act that American rabbis are navigating, the Reform movement’s leader, Rabbi Rick Jacobs, who has been among the earliest and most outspoken critics of the new Israeli government, will also be a featured speaker at Amplify Israel’s conference this May aiming to encourage Zionist sentiment among Reform Jews.
At the convention, the leader of the Central Conference of American Rabbis called for Reform clergy to move away from defining Israel in stark black-and-white terms — an apparent reference to Jews who speak of “pro-Israel” and “anti-Israel” forces.
“In order to connect better with those in our communities around Israel in a nuanced and meaningful way, we must be able to move beyond the pro/con dichotomy which only serves to divide us in ways that are a distraction to the actual issues at hand,” Rabbi Hara Person told the attendees. During the conference, the rabbis attended and voiced support for Israeli protests against their government.
“We are seeing a shift for the better, in my opinion, about how Jews are feeling comfortable critiquing Israel’s policies,” Rabbi Sarah Brammer-Shlay told JTA last fall, before the Israeli elections. Brammer-Shlay was a signer of the 2021 rabbinical students’ letter who graduated from the Reconstructionist Rabbinical College and today is a rabbi and chaplain at Grinnell College.
That kind of shift has Weinblatt worried. “Sometimes, rabbis are actually out of sync and out of touch with their congregations, who do want to hear messages of support of Israel,” he said.
That may well be the case, particularly at synagogues with aging populations, but survey data suggests that American Jews are moving to the left on Israel at the same time that Israel itself has shifted to the right. The most recent Pew Research Center survey of American Jews, in 2021, found that most have a negative opinion of Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu; only one-third think Israel is making a sincere effort to achieve peace with Palestinians; and 10% support the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions movement against Israel.
While rabbis typically consider what they think their congregants want to hear, they aren’t bound to say it. And some rabbis say this moment is a time to take a stand, even if there is blowback.
Rabbi Jeremy Kalmanofsky of Congregation Ansche Chesed, a Conservative congregation on Manhattan’s Upper West Side, announced in December that his congregation would no longer recite the Prayer for the State of Israel, part of most congregations’ Shabbat morning liturgy since 1948. He said the extremism of Israel’s leadership meant the words no longer applied, and replaced the prayer with the more generally worded Prayer for Peace in Jerusalem.
”I couldn’t just say, ‘God, please guide our leaders well,’” Kalmanofsky said, pointing specifically to the fact that extremist politicians Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich were now government ministers who would be the beneficiaries of such prayer. “The things that they’re saying cannot possibly represent the Israel that I want to support.”
Kalmanofsky had not previously been outspoken as a critic of Israeli policy. He said he has faced some tough feedback from some in his community, including from those who believe this is a moment that demands more, not less, prayer for Israel — “not an unreasonable response,” he said. But a month into the liturgy change, he said he is confident he has made the right decision.
“Something really meaningful had changed in the public life of the state of Israel,” he said. “That deserved real recognition, and a real response.”
Continuing to focus on preserving a Jewish connection with Israel without “dealing like grown-ups” with its “very serious problems” would render the rabbinical voice irrelevant, Kalmanofsky said. “At best, we’re kind of like, ‘blind love, blind loyalty.’ And at worst, we’re totally obtuse, and have nothing meaningful to say about the real world.”
“If you’re going to have a pulpit,” Kalmanofsky added, “you’re going to have to use it once in a while.”
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The post American rabbis, wrestling with Israel’s behavior, weigh different approaches from the pulpit appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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New York’s Bruce Blakeman Vows to Protect Jews, Combat Anti-Israel Policies if Elected Governor
Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman and Legislator Mazi Pilip join business and real estate leaders to invite New York City entrepreneurs, brokers, educational institutions, and residents who want to relocate to Nassau County following the election of Democratic Socialist Mayor-Elect Zohran Mamdani on Nov. 7, 2025, in Mineola, New York. Photo: Michael Nigro/Sipa USA Reuters Connect
Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman, the Republican gubernatorial candidate in New York, is outlining an aggressive law-and-order platform centered in part on combating antisemitism and defending Israel as he surges in the polls with the campaign season heating up.
In responses to a series of policy questions presented by The Algemeiner, Blakeman pointed to his record in Nassau County, home to a large Jewish population, as a model for how he would govern statewide. He argued that stricter enforcement and a tougher stance on protests have helped prevent unrest seen elsewhere in the region.
“In Nassau we have not permitted the lawless rioting that has threatened the safety and security of the Jewish community in New York City and on college campuses,” Blakeman said, adding that demonstrators who break the law must “face arrest” and that local policies banning face coverings during protests have helped deter violence.
“As the leader of Nassau County, home to 1.5 million people, of which almost 300,000 identify as Jewish, I have made protecting the Jewish community a priority,” Blakeman told The Algemeiner.
“These professional paid agitators know that in Nassau they face arrest if they break the law,” he said, adding that Nassau has “made it illegal for them to wear masks for them to hide their identities.”
Concealing one’s identity with face masks became a common feature of the pro-Hamas, anti-Israel demonstrations that erupted on college campuses across the US, as well as in the streets of New York, during the Gaza war.
Blakeman’s comments come amid heightened concern over antisemitic incidents in New York and nationally, an issue that has become increasingly central in state and local political debates.
Blakeman, who was first elected Nassau County executive in 2021 and won reelection last year, has repeatedly taken aim at New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, accusing him of promoting anti-Israel positions and rhetoric he described as dangerous to Jewish communities.
When asked whether he would use the governor’s office to counter potential anti-Israel actions by New York City leadership, Blakeman pointed to his past support for anti-boycott measures targeting the Jewish state. As a former Hempstead councilman, he sponsored what he described as the nation’s first anti-BDS law in 2016, using the acronym for the boycott, divestment, and sanctions movement against the Jewish state.
“As governor, I will push for the New York State Legislature to pass similar legislation statewide,” Blakeman said, criticizing Democrats — including incumbent Gov. Kathy Hochul, who he is vying to unseat — for not advancing such measures into law.
“Currently, it is only an executive order because the left wing of the Democrat party will not allow a vote,” Blakeman added. “Kathy Hochul lacks the political courage to push for the law. That will change with me as governor.”
The BDS movement seeks to isolate Israel on the international stage as the first step toward its elimination. Leaders of the movement have repeatedly stated their goal is to destroy the world’s only Jewish state.
Blakeman dismissed the possibility that Mamdani, who has described Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a war criminal and vowed to arrest him if he visits New York, could take legal action against Israeli officials, stating unequivocally that the mayor “will not arrest” Netanyahu.
Blakeman also weighed in on controversies involving academic and extensive business ties to Israel. He rejected calls by some activists to sever ties between New York City and the Cornell Tech campus, which was developed in partnership with Israel’s Technion.
“I believe that act would be illegal and it will not happen when I am governor,” the candidate said.
Blakeman, who previously worked as a lawyer, argued that any attempt to remove or isolate the campus would be unlawful and contrary to principles of academic freedom. “Israeli technology is good for business and good for New York,” Blakeman said, adding that the state should embrace innovation from Israel’s tech sector.
Similarly, Blakeman criticized efforts that, he said, push out companies with Israeli ties, referencing a drone manufacturer that recently departed the Brooklyn Navy Yard. He echoed comments from Democratic Assemblyman Kalman Yeger, who called such moves economically harmful.
“Boycotting Israel or companies that do business with Israel is illegal in New York,” Blakeman said, suggesting he would enforce those laws more aggressively as governor.
On the question of whether New York City could divest from Israel bonds, Blakeman argued that such authority does not rest with city leadership. He did not outline specific steps he would take but indicated opposition to any such move.
Blakeman drew a direct line between criticism of Israel and antisemitism, saying that denying Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state constitutes a “fundamentally antisemitic position.” He said that Mamdani, an avowed anti-Zionist who has accused the Jewish state of enacting “apartheid” and committing “genocide” against the Palestinians, of holding such views and said that rhetoric targeting Israel can endanger Jewish communities more broadly.
“Mamdani denies Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish State. What he is saying is that other peoples have a right to a homeland but the Jewish people do not. That is a fundamentally antisemitic position,” he said.
“Mamdani’s continued hateful rhetoric against Israel endangers the Jewish community,” Blakeman continued.
He also criticized Democrats for what he described as support for Mamdani, a democratic socialist, framing the issue as a broader divide within the party over policy toward Israel.
“It is shocking to me that Democrats like the governor support an antisemitic figure like Mamdani,” he said, referring to Hochul’s endorsement of Mamdani during last year’s mayoral election.
Jewish New Yorkers and supporters of Israel more broadly have worried that Mamdani will weaponize his power as mayor to enact anti-Israel and antisemitic policies. Spectators argue that the election of a pro-Israel governor could serve as a useful bulwark against a city government with an increasingly hostile posture against Israel.
Blakeman’s comments to The Algemeiner highlight a growing fault line in New York politics, where debates over Israel, antisemitism, and public safety are increasingly intersecting with partisan divides. As tensions continue to rise, candidates across the political spectrum are staking out positions that could shape the state’s political landscape heading into the next election cycle.
Blakeman’s comments also come at a time when he has been surging in the polls just over seventh months out from the Nov. 3 election.
In just the past month, Hochul’s lead over Blakeman dropped 7 points, according to new Siena University poll released on Tuesday. The data showed Hochul holding a 13-point lead over Blakeman, 47 percent to 34 percent, but in February the margin was much wider, 51 to 31 percent.
According to Siena pollster Steven Greenberg, independents are mainly responsible for the narrowing gap.
“Interestingly, Hochul’s standing with New Yorkers is essentially the same as last month – a small plurality views her favorably, and a small majority approves of the job she’s doing as governor – as is Blakeman’s, yet the race between the two has tightened a little,” Greenberg said in a statement. “Three-quarters of Democrats continue to support Hochul, and more than three-quarters of Republicans continue to support Blakeman, but now independents favor Blakeman by seven points, after siding with Hochul by five points.”
Interestingly, New York City is one place where Blakeman made up ground.
“While Hochul maintains very narrow leads upstate and in the downstate suburbs, her lead in New York City fell from 46 points, 63 percent to 17 percent, last month to 29 points, 54 percent to 25 percent, today,” Greenberg added. “Is that movement or merely noise? Let’s see what happens next month after the budget and as the campaign unfolds.”
Days earlier, new internal polling released by Blakeman showed him within single digits of Hochul, trailing 52 percent to 43 percent in New York, a staunchly Democratic state.
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‘Jewish Blood Is Not Cheap’: Israel Passes Controversial Death Penalty Law for Palestinian Terrorists
Israeli National Security Minister and head of Jewish Power party Itamar Ben-Gvir gives a statement to members of the press, ahead of a possible ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, in Jerusalem, Jan. 16, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Oren Ben Hakoon
Israeli lawmakers on Monday passed a contentious law allowing the death penalty for Palestinian terrorists from the West Bank, a move supporters said was needed to strengthen deterrence and deliver justice, but which critics condemned as immoral and at odds with Judaism.
The legislation, pushed by firebrand National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Otzma Yehudit MK Limor Son Har-Melech — whose husband was killed in a terror attack in 2003 — would make capital punishment mandatory in certain terrorism cases. The bill eliminates the need for a unanimous verdict from the judicial panel and requires that any sentence be carried out by hanging within 90 days, marking one of the most far-reaching changes to Israel’s penal framework in decades.
Ben-Gvir hailed the measure as a “historic victory” for Israel, calling it a “moral and just” law that would end the cycle in which terrorists kill, are jailed, and later released through hostage and prisoner exchange deals or political pressure.
“Whoever takes a life, the state will take his life,” he said. “This law restores deterrence, restores justice, and sends a clear and bold message to our enemies: Jewish blood is not cheap.”
Son Har-Melech also said the law would mean “no more cycle of murder, imprisonment, and release in deals, but a clear eye. Whoever chooses to murder Jews because they are Jews forfeits their right to live.”
“This is a message of justice, deterrence, and national responsibility,” she added. “This is also true Jewish morality. One that does not settle for temporary salvation ensures that evil will not strike again.”
She added that she had vowed to make sure the grief she suffered as a result of her husband’s murder would not happen to others.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who had previously expressed reservations about the bill, entered the chamber to back it during Monday evening’s final vote.
Some opposition lawmakers warned the law crossed both a moral and strategic red line, arguing it would do little to deter terrorism while further eroding Israel’s legal and ethical standing. Labor MK Gilad Kariv said the legislation violated international law and could leave Israeli soldiers and prison guards exposed to war crimes accusations against their will.
“How can you call it justice if someone can be sentenced to death without a unanimous ruling?” Kariv added. “Is that the reverence for life that Jewish tradition teaches us?”
Kariv’s party, together with several other opposition factions and human rights groups, said it would petition the High Court of Justice to strike down the law.
One of those groups, Rabbis for Human Rights, said, “A death penalty policy runs contrary to the spirit of Jewish law and to the principle of the sanctity of life at its core. It ignores warnings from senior security officials who cautioned that the law would not deter but rather escalate violence, and it harms the Jewish and democratic character of the state.”
Some of the harshest objections focused less on sympathy for terrorists than on whether the law was morally coherent, legally defensible, or even likely to work.
Avishai Greenzeig, a rightwing legal commentator, blasted the legislation as “one of the dumbest laws” he had seen, according to a report in the Hebrew-language Arutz 7 site, arguing its vague drafting was so poor that courts would likely avoid using it in practice.
“Anyone who applauds this law is selling hot air to the public,” he said.
Supporters of the law have pointed to the US, where the death penalty is still practiced in a number of states, but critics say the Israeli legislation departs from the legal norms that make it defensible abroad.
“It’s easy to defend the law in the United States where many states still uphold the death penalty,” former Israeli Ambassador to Washington Michael Oren told The Algemeiner.
“But by denying those convicted of the right to appeal and by distinguishing between Arab and Jewish terrorists, the Israeli law cannot be defended in America’s court of public opinion,” he added.
Former MK Einat Wilf, founder of the new Oz political party, who has long argued that Israel must respond to Palestinian violence and rejectionism with strategic clarity rather than symbolic gestures, said the law would leave Israel paying a price abroad without gaining anything meaningful in return.
“As with so many things this government does – it is all empty words where we gain nothing and only pay,” she told The Algemeiner.
The law would only bring Israel “international condemnations, confused allies, frustrated friends,” she added.
The law’s passage prompted several protests, including by the Reform Movement in Israel, which held a demonstration on Tuesday outside of the Knesset.
“We recognize, unequivocally, Israel’s right and obligation to defend its citizens from terror and violence. We mourn all those who have suffered devastating loss through the many terrorist attacks Israelis have suffered,” the movement said in a statement, describing the law as “dangerous.”
It “contradicts the Jewish tradition’s teachings about capital punishment that emphasize the rarity with which it should be applied,” the group said.
Palestinians in the West Bank also gathered to protest in several cities, including Ramallah, Tubas, Nablus, and Jenin in the north, as well as Hebron.
The Palestinian Authority called it a “dangerous escalation.”
“Israel has no sovereignty over Palestinian land,” the PA foreign ministry said on X. “This law once again reveals the nature of the Israeli colonial system, which seeks to legitimize extrajudicial killing under legislative cover.”
The law also drew swift international condemnation. The United Nations urged Israel to repeal what it called a “discriminatory” measure that “violated international law,” while the foreign ministers of Germany, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom also criticized the bill.
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Jewish communities can help save trans lives — here’s how
In the 16 months since the 2024 election, the lives of hundreds of thousands of transgender, nonbinary and intersex people in the United States have been upended. A new survey shows that, during that time period, 9% of the country’s transgender population moved from one U.S. state to another over concerns for their personal safety. Andjust today, as we celebrate Transgender Day of Visibility, the Supreme Court released a decision that harms transgender people, as well as the entire LGBTQ+ community, by striking down a state law that protected LGBTQ+ youth and their families from so-called conversion therapy, a dangerous, disproven practice.
Jews have a religious obligation to protect transgender lives; a key tenet of our faith is the belief that to save a life is to save the whole world. Research shows that religious groups can play a particularly significant role in the lives of transgender youth. With the support of such groups, trans kids experience dramatically lower rates of depression and suicide. Conversely, when social support is stripped away, the risks rise.
That’s why more than 1,000 rabbis, cantors, and other spiritual leaders representing all major Jewish denominations — Orthodox, Conservative, Reform, Reconstructionist and Renewal — from 48 U.S. states and the District of Columbia recently signed an open letter publicly declaring that Jewish tradition compels us to support the full equality of transgender, nonbinary and intersex people.
The letter was spearheaded by Keshet, the leading national Jewish organization dedicated to LGBTQ+ equality, and the Religious Action Center for Reform Judaism — the organizations for which we respectively work. For us, the need for Jews to make a strong statement of support for the trans community was urgent.
In recent years, almost every state in the U.S. has proposed or passed legislation to take away the rights of transgender, nonbinary and intersex people. In the first quarter of 2026 alone, politicians in 42 state legislatures have introduced a staggering 740 laws targeting transgender people. At this horrifying rate, they’re on track to surpass last year’s 1,022 anti-trans bills, proposed in 49 states.
Only some of these bills will become law. But all of them aim to take away rights and erase transgender people from public spaces — by ending gender-affirming healthcare, restricting restroom use, forcibly outing students at school, banning books, and more. Kansas passed a particularly terrifying example of this sort of legislation in February, with a law that revoked the IDs of transgender people — passed in the dead of night, and put into effect the very next day.
Jewish communities are painfully aware of the dangers of policies and laws that try to legislate minority groups out of the public square. That clarity gives us a particular mandate to combat such efforts.
So many American Jews have ancestors whose lives were shaped by exclusionary laws, scapegoating, censorship and attempts to erase us from public life. So many of us who immigrated to this country have firsthand experience of that same torment. This strategy of disenfranchisement and persecution has appeared repeatedly throughout Jewish history, often preceding profound tragedy.
As Jewish leaders, we see echoes of those dangerous patterns today in rhetoric that portrays LGBTQ+ people as a threat to society. We know, from our own history, that these are not the actions of a functioning democracy.
Our congregants and community members have been asking us what they can do to support our trans youth in their circles. And LGBTQ+ Jews want to know how Jewish organizations are working to stand up for their existence, dignity and safety. We must answer both questions more vigorously and decisively.
Even as we work to protect and advance LGBTQ+ rights in the public square, we have the power — and the responsibility — to make our Jewish communities safe havens. We have a unique role to play.
There are things all of us can do to create Jewish communities of belonging and affirmation for our transgender, nonbinary and intersex community members:
- Commit to using the names and pronouns that LGBTQ+ members use for themselves.
- Push your Jewish community leaders to take proactive steps to turn your community into a safe and affirming space for all transgender and LGBTQ+ people.
- Establish gender-neutral restrooms. Then, create and post a policy that encourages people to use the restroom, locker room or other gendered facilities that align with their gender.
- Implement anti-harassment, anti-bullying and non-discrimination policies that affirm the dignity and safety of all community members.
The rights and lives of our neighbors are in our hands. As many of our political leaders fail to protect members of our community, we must lead by example to build a world of affirmation and belonging for all.
The post Jewish communities can help save trans lives — here’s how appeared first on The Forward.