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City of Miami Beach agrees to pay $1.3 million to settle Jewish congregation’s discrimination claims

(JTA) — The city of Miami Beach has agreed to pay $1.3 million to a small Orthodox synagogue that accused it of discrimination by sending inspectors more than once a week on average for two years

At the same time, Congregation Bais Yeshaya D’Kerestir agreed to make changes to its parking and noise practices.

The agreement brings to a close an extended dispute over whether the congregation, which meets in a single-family home owned by its rabbi, Arie Wohl, was a religious institution or a private gathering.

The congregation argued that because its services are invitation-only, the building’s use is similar to that of any other private home and so should not be subject to scrutiny by city inspectors. It sued in April 2022, claiming that city officials had visited more than 126 times over the course of two years to enforce various city laws, including 60 times to enforce pandemic restrictions on large gatherings. (Orthodox services require a minyan, or quorum of at least 10 men, in order to recite certain prayers.)

The congregation also claimed that the city installed a video camera in 2021 that surveilled only its property, not neighboring buildings. Miami Beach was “wrongfully discriminating against Plaintiffs’ First Amendment protected rights of religious exercise and assembly through discriminatory and arbitrary enforcement of the City’s zoning ordinances,” the congregation alleged in a court complaint.

The city issued repeated code violations because it said a religious institution was operating in a residential building. The congregation is “not engaging in private prayer, but, rather, the entity is operating a religious institution in violation of the City’s zoning laws,” the city said in a court filing.

The city said neighbors of the congregation filed multiple complaints against the property related to building code issues. And it said that inspections of the property to ensure compliance with pandemic restrictions were conducted remotely by driving by, not visiting.

“We respectfully disagree with the premise that the city discriminates against any person or religion, simply because the city enforces the city code,” City Attorney Rafael Paz told Axios in January.

But ultimately, to avoid a longer fight in court, the city agreed to settle, agreeing to pay the congregation $1.3 million — $100,000 more than the buyer on behalf of the congregation paid in 2020.

The home is located just blocks from one of Miami Beach’s multiple waterways and within walking distance of multiple other synagogues and Jewish institutions and businesses. About 20,000 Jews live in Miami Beach, down from 34,000 in 1994, according to a study from the University of Miami, and roughly 18% of the city’s current population is Jewish.

Under the terms of the settlement, according to the Miami Herald, the synagogue must improve the condition of its driveway, will not use outdoor speakers for prayer activities, and will also limit the number of cars parked in the area outside the property. The city and the congregation have also agreed to a new process to address future code violations, and the congregation has agreed to not apply for a religious tax exemption at the property.

“Even if we had gone to trial and won, it wouldn’t have felt like we had won anything,” Miami Beach Mayor Dan Gelber told The Miami Herald. “Ultimately, we do support the celebration of faith in our community.”

Congregation Bais Yeshaya D’Kerestir is far from the only synagogue to get entangled in local zoning issues. University Heights, Ohio, recently fought a court battle over compliance with a congregation called the Alexander Shul, which was settled in December with the synagogue paying $1.59 million. As part of that agreement, the city and the synagogue will construct a new synagogue that meets the state building code.


The post City of Miami Beach agrees to pay $1.3 million to settle Jewish congregation’s discrimination claims appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Hamas Says Located Body of Deceased Hostage, to Be Delivered Sunday

Heavy machinery operates at a site where searches for deceased hostages kidnapped by Hamas during the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel are underway amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, October 19, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ramadan Abed

Hamas said on Sunday that it has located the body of a hostage, which it said will be delivered to Israel on Sunday if field conditions were appropriate.

The group said any Israeli “escalation” would hinder search operations, shortly after Israel said it launched airstrikes and artillery fire at targets in southern Gaza amid disputes over ceasefire violations.

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Israel Strikes Gaza and Halts Aid, Accusing Hamas of Attacks in Gravest Test of Truce So Far

Smoke rises following an Israeli airstrike in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, October 19, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ramadan Abed

Israel launched a series of strikes in Gaza on Sunday and said it was halting aid into the enclave in response to attacks on its forces, the military said, in the most serious test yet of this month’s US-brokered ceasefire.

The Israeli military said it struck Hamas targets including a tunnel, weapons depots and its militants.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he had ordered the military to respond forcefully to what he described as Hamas’ violations of the ceasefire. The military said militants in the southern area of Rafah had launched an anti-tank missile and fired on its soldiers.

PATH TO PEACE IS UNCERTAIN

The armed wing of Hamas said it remained committed to the ceasefire agreement, was unaware of clashes in Rafah, and had not been in contact with groups there since March.

An Israeli security official said that the transfer of aid into Gaza has been halted until further notice, following what he described as Hamas’ blatant violation of the ceasefire agreement.

Fearing the truce may collapse, some Palestinians rushed to buy goods from a main market in Nuseirat camp and families quit their homes in Khan Younis further south, after airstrikes hit nearby.

The strikes were reminiscent of Israel’s response to what it viewed as serious violations of its ceasefire with Hamas’ Lebanese ally Hezbollah in late 2024, less than a week after it came into effect and after days of mutual accusations of truce breaches, though that ceasefire has since largely held.

But formidable obstacles remain in the way of a durable peace in Gaza, where a ceasefire collapsed in March after nearly two months of relative calm when Israel unleashed a barrage of airstrikes.

DISPUTE OVER BODIES OF DECEASED HOSTAGES

The new ceasefire took effect on October 11, halting two years of war, but the Israeli government and Hamas have been accusing each other of violations of the ceasefire for days.

Defense Minister Israel Katz said the “yellow line” to where Israeli forces had pulled back under the ceasefire agreement would be physically marked and that any violation of the ceasefire or attempt to cross the line would be met with fire.

Hamas detailed what it said was a series of violations by Israel that it says have left 46 people dead and stopped essential supplies from reaching the enclave.

On Saturday, Israel said the Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt, which had been expected to be reopened this week, would remain closed and that its reopening would depend on Hamas fulfilling its obligations under the ceasefire.

Israel says Hamas is being too slow in handing over bodies of deceased hostages. Hamas last week released all 20 living hostages it had been holding and in the following days has handed over 12 of the 28 deceased captives.

HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS AFFECTED BY FAMINE

The group says it has no interest in keeping the bodies of remaining hostages and that special equipment is needed to recover corpses buried under rubble.

The Rafah crossing has largely been shut since May 2024. The ceasefire deal also includes the ramping up of aid to Gaza, where hundreds of thousands of people were determined in August to be affected by famine, according to the IPC global hunger monitor.

The crossing has in previous ceasefires functioned as a key conduit for humanitarian aid to flow into the enclave.

Although the flow of aid through another crossing had, until Sunday’s decision to halt aid, increased significantly since the ceasefire began, the United Nations says far more is needed.

Key questions of Hamas disarming, the future governance of Gaza, the make-up of an international “stabilization force,” and moves towards the creation of a Palestinian state have yet to be resolved.

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It’s time for the pro-Palestinian movement to make a radical change

Over the past two years, activists across the world ramped up calls for divestment from Israel. On university campuses and at meetings of pension boards, the same call has become increasingly prominent: pull money away from anything tied to Israel.

But now that a fragile ceasefire may be taking hold, I want to offer a simple, slightly provocative suggestion: If you care about Palestinian lives, don’t just divest from Israel. Invest in Gaza.

And I mean that quite literally.

According to a joint damage and needs assessment conducted by the United Nations, World Bank and European Union a few months ago, about $53.2 billion will be required over the next decade to help Gaza recover from the destruction wrought by the war. (Some sources cite an updated figure of more than $80 billion.) Of this, at least $30 billion is to repair physical infrastructure —  homes, water systems, roads and more. Another $19 billion is needed to address the collapse of Gaza’s economy and public services: shuttered businesses, lost wages, halted schooling, broken clinics.

But even before anything is rebuilt comes the problem of the debris. According to that same assessment, somewhere between 41 and 47 million tons of rubble now litter Gaza — maybe more. Not a single new road can be laid, or foundation poured, until that is cleared. That work alone could cost hundreds of millions of dollars and take months of careful, often dangerous work.

And if Gaza is to be more than a symbol of tragedy — if it is to become a place where young people can live, work, and build a future — it will need productive investment. Physical infrastructure alone won’t deliver prosperity. The creation of markets and sustained economic growth requires investment in businesses, job creation, job training and entrepreneurship. That, too, must be part of the agenda.

Which means it’s time for the pro-Palestinian activists who have protested in cities and on college campuses all over the world since October, 2023, to change their tune. If you were marching for a ceasefire in Gaza; if you were pushing institutions to divest from Israeli-linked firms; if you’ve held a sign that says “Free Palestine” — it’s time to reconsider your tactics.

Imagine if even a fraction of the energy spent on divestment campaigns was channeled into reconstruction and development funds. Universities could create fellowships, specifically for Gaza residents, to give them the training necessary to bring their territory into a better future. Student groups could partner with international NGOs to fund the development and continued operations of schools or clinics. Municipalities that have severed ties with Israeli investments could reinvest that capital in Gaza’s public health or housing.

It’s easy to say, “We won’t fund oppression.” It’s harder — and far more meaningful — to say, “We will fund rebuilding.”

That pledge is desperately needed. There are encouraging headlines about funding for Gaza, but, as of yet, little cold, hard cash.

In theory, international donors will step in. The United States-backed “20-point plan” includes reconstruction of Gaza as a pillar, but does not attach a promise of concrete funding. The U.N. recently confirmed that multiple countries, including the U.S., have shown “willingness” to help fund the monumental effort, but offered no specifics. The Gulf states and other regional actors have expressed interest in supporting postwar rebuilding, but have not yet made any clear commitments. An exception is the European Union, which has pledged €1.6 billion to support Gaza’s reconstruction. That’s a very generous amount — but a tiny fraction of what’s required.

The political will may exist in principle. But in practice, many of these promises remain vague, contingent or politically fragile. And they come at a moment when investment in global foreign aid is trending in the opposite direction. President Donald Trump’s administration has shuttered USAID offices; bilateral development budgets are shrinking; and public tolerance — especially in Western democracies — for large-scale foreign aid packages is wearing thin.

Relying solely on states and slow-moving aid agencies isn’t going to be enough. Not at the scale or pace that’s necessary. Gaza’s future won’t just depend on donor generosity — it will require new sources of capital and creative partnerships that can go beyond patching the ruins and instead build a foundation for long-term prosperity.

Of course, there are legitimate concerns, including the unsettled future of Gaza’s governance, the potential for further conflict with Israel down the road, the risk of Hamas interference, and the specter of corruption. But those are not reasons to do nothing. They’re reasons to build mechanisms for transparency and oversight.

If activists demand accountability from Gaza’s reconstruction, while proactively investing in it, they’ll be making a future for the strip not just possible, but better.

And here’s the uncomfortable truth: While divestment campaigns are great at signaling values, they rarely create concrete results that bring positive change to the lives of everyday Palestinians. They have yet to rebuild a single school. They don’t help provide health care.

Gaza needs more than slogans. It needs billions of dollars. Now.

So, to those in the pro-Palestinian movement: you’ve spent months organizing, marching and lobbying. You’ve asked the world to listen. Now’s your chance to lead. If you truly believe in justice for Palestinians, this is the time to show it. Put your money where your mouth is. Don’t divest from Israel. Invest in Gaza.

The post It’s time for the pro-Palestinian movement to make a radical change appeared first on The Forward.

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