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For theatergoers at Broadway’s recent spate of Jewish shows, attendance is a form of witness

(JTA) — Jewish stories have had top billing on Broadway this season — and Jewish audiences have been flocking to the theater.

Audiences have lined up to see Tom Stoppard’s “Leopoldstadt,” the multigenerational saga of a Jewish family in Vienna, and the devastating consequences of the Holocaust upon its ranks. They have packed the house for “Parade,” a musical retelling of the infamous antisemitic show trial and subsequent lynching of Leo Frank in Marietta, Georgia, in 1915. And just off Broadway, “The Wanderers” (which closed April 2) invited us into the slowly disintegrating marriage of two secular Jews born to mothers who dramatically left the Satmar sect of ultra-Orthodox Judaism, a show replete with intergenerational trauma and a pervasive sense of ennui. 

None of these shows offers a particularly lighthearted evening at the theater. So why have they proven so popular? Critics have penned countless reviews of the three plays, analyzing the quality of the productions, the scripts, scores, performances of principal actors, set and design. But for our new book exploring what audiences learn about Judaism from Jewish cultural arts, my colleague Sharon Avni and I have been interviewing audience members after seeing “Leopoldstadt,” “Parade” and “The Wanderers.” We are interested in turning the spotlight away from the stage and onto the seats: What do audiences make of all this? What do they learn?

Take “Leopoldstadt,” for example, a drama so full of characters that when it left London for its Broadway run the production team added a family tree to the Playbill so that theatergoers could follow along. “Leopoldstadt” offers its audience a whistle-stop introduction to modern European Jewish history. In somewhat pedantic fashion, the family debates issues of the day that include Zionism, art, philosophy, intermarriage and, in a searing final scene, the memory of the Holocaust. 

For some of the theatergoers that we interviewed, “Leopoldstadt” was powerful precisely because it packed so much Jewish history into its two-hour run time. It offered a basic literacy course in European Judaism, one they thought everyone needed to learn. Others, however, thought that this primer of Jewish history was really written for novice audiences — perhaps non-Jews, or assimilated Jews with half-remembered Jewish heritage, like Stoppard himself. “I don’t know who this play is for,” one interviewee told us. “But it’s not me. I know all this already.”  

Brandon Uranowitz, left, who plays a Holocaust survivor, confronts Arty Froushan as a young writer discovering his Jewish roots, in the Broadway production of Tom Stoppard’s “Leopoldstadt.” (Joan Marcus)

Other interviewees thought the power of “Leopoldstadt” lay not in its history lessons, but in its ability to use the past to illuminate contemporary realities. I spoke at length with a woman who had been struggling with antisemitism at work. Some of her colleagues had been sharing social media posts filled with lazy caricatures of Jews as avaricious capitalists. Upon seeing “Leopoldstadt,” she realized that these vile messages mirrored Nazi rhetoric in the 1930s, convincing her that antisemitism in contemporary America had reached just as dangerous a threshold as beheld European Jews on the eve of the Shoah.

We heard similar sentiments about the prescience of history to alert us to the specter of antisemitism today from audiences who saw “Parade.” Recalling a scene where the cast members wave Confederate flags during the titular parade celebrating Confederate Memorial Day, Jewish audiences recalled feeling especially attuned to Jewish precarity when the theater burst into applause at the end of the musical number. “Why were we clapping Confederate flags?” one of our interviewees said. “I’ve lived in the South, and as a Jew I know that when you see Confederate flags it is not a safe space for us.” 

“Parade” dramatizes the popular frenzy that surrounded the trial of Leo Frank, a Yankee as well as a Jew, who was scapegoated for the murder of a young Southern girl. Jewish audience members that we interviewed told us that the play powerfully illustrated how crowds could be manipulated into demonizing minorities, comparing the situation in early 20th century Marietta to the alt-right of today, and the rise of antisemitism in contemporary America.

What we ultimately discovered, however, was that audience perceptions of the Jewish themes and characters in these productions were as varied as audiences themselves. Inevitably, they tell us more about the individual than the performance. Yet the fact that American Jews have flocked to these three shows — a secular pilgrimage of sorts — also illustrates the power and the peril of public Jewish storytelling. For audience members at “Leopoldstadt” and “Parade,” especially, attending these performances was not merely an entertaining evening at the theater. It was a form of witnessing. There was very little to be surprised by in these plays, after all. The inevitable happens: The Holocaust destroys Jewish life in Europe, Leo Frank is convicted and lynched. Jewish audiences know to expect this. They know there will be no happy ending. In the secular cultural equivalent to saying Kaddish for the dead, Jewish audiences perform their respect to Jewish memory by showing up, and by paying hundreds of dollars for the good seats.

The peril of these performances, however, is that audiences learn little about antisemitism in reality. The victims of the Nazis and the Southern Jews of Marietta would tell us that they could never have predicted what was to happen. Yet in “Parade” and “Leopoldstadt” audiences are asked to grapple with the naivete of characters who believe that everything will be all right, even as audiences themselves know that it will not. By learning Jewish history on Broadway, audiences are paradoxically able to distance themselves from it, simply by knowing too much.  

In the final scene of “Leopoldstadt,” Leo, the character loosely based on Stoppard himself, is berated by a long-lost relative for his ignorance of his family’s story. “You live as if without history,” the relative tells Leo. “As if you throw no shadow behind you.” Audiences, at that moment, are invited to pat themselves on the back for coming to see the show, and for choosing to acknowledge the shadows of their own Jewish histories. The cold hard reality, however, is that a shadow can only ever be a fuzzy outline of the truth.


The post For theatergoers at Broadway’s recent spate of Jewish shows, attendance is a form of witness appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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‘Sharia Stands Against the Oppressor’: CUNY Imam Issues Verbal Fatwa Targeting Jewish Professor at Interfaith Event

City University of New York (CUNY) students protesting Israel and US President Donald Trump’s immigration policies. Photo: Reuters via Reuters Connect

A New York City college has been walloped by what witnesses described as a portentous verbal fatwa which disrupted an interfaith event school officials hoped would unite students around traditional American values of pluralism, tolerance, and equality.

What most surprised the audience and the panelists who were headlining the event was that the heckler at the City College of New York (CCNY) in Manhattan last Thursday was himself a panelist, a local imam and graduate student, Abdullah Mady, who is enrolled in the Master’s in Translational Medicine (MTM) program. When called on to speak, Mady became irate and opened up a prolonged rant in which he called for imposing sharia law on Americans, defended amputating the limbs of misdemeanor level criminals and the wealthy, and denigrated a Jewish co-panelist, Baruch College professor Ilya Bratman.

CCNY and Baruch College are both part of the City University of New York (CUNY) system.

“I came here to this event not knowing that I would be sitting next to a Zionist, and this is something I’m not going to accept. My people are being killed right now in Gaza,” Mady bellowed before challenging the religious bonafides of Muslim students in the audience. “If you’re a Muslim, out of strength and dignity, I ask you to exit this room immediately.”

Mady uttered other pronouncements drawn from the jihadist tradition of radical Islam, in which extremism is offered as a solution to soluble political problems.

“I’m talking about the elite, the filthy rich, the ones that continue to steal from people as we speak today. Those are the ones that deserve their tips to be cut off,” Mady said. “Sharia … stands against the oppressor. When sharia is implemented, pornography — gone. Alcohol industry — gone. Gambling system — gone. Interest is gone, which is what they use to enslave you.”

Ilya Bratman, executive director of the Hillel at Baruch College, told The Algemeiner in an interview on Wednesday that he is no victim but warned that Mady’s ideology is infectious in an age when political actors amass a following by trampling on norms which protect the American system against demagoguery.

“Who are the victims? The students, because they are being indoctrinated, bamboozled, and radicalized,” he said. “The Muslim students are the victims in this story because in this environment they are forced to choose between being supportive of this point of view or disassociated with by their community. That’s very sad, I think. We need education, not indoctrination.”

Bratman noted that just feet away from the panel, a Holocaust survivor was delivering a lecture in another room on the anniversary of Kristallnacht, the infamous Nazi-led pogroms in November 1938 that devastated the German Jewish community. That event aimed to teach students how to identify and fight fascism, which Bratman says is fitting given that it took form in Mady’s invective, which promised that Americans could achieve utopia if only they adopt theocratic, anti-capitalist, and antisemitic beliefs.

“It was juxtaposed with another story just downstairs, where an element of fascism was coming through on an American campus,” Bratman explained. “He promoted isolationism, exclusion, superiority, intimidation, hostility, all targeting a very specific type of group, the Jewish people.”

Bratman added that CCNY is not responsible for what transpired, as school officials selected Mady as a panelist based on its belief that he was an average student and New Yorker. However, he noted that Mady’s power to direct masses of students poses a threat to safety and would have led to tragedy had he used his platform to incite violence.

“In this situation, the administration was not trying to do something negative but something amazingly positive,” Bratman explained. “But I think if this person stood up and said, ‘If you are a good Muslim, attack this Zionist.’ And I believe this strongly not because I think they are bad people, but because they have been so bamboozled, so radicalized by ideology. We are at a dangerous moment, a moment of escalation that is a symptom of our society today.”

On Wednesday, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul denounced Mady’s conduct as antisemitic.

“This is antisemitism, plain and simple,” Hochul said on the X social media platform, responding to the incident. “No one should be singled out, targeted, or shamed because they are Jewish. I expect to act swiftly to ensure accountability and protect every student’s safety.”

CUNY’s campuses have been lambasted by critics as some of the most antisemitic institutions of higher education in the country.

Last year, the US Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR) resolved half a dozen investigations of antisemitism on CUNY campuses, a consortium of undergraduate colleges located throughout New York City’s five boroughs. The inquiries, which reviewed incidents that happened as far back as 2020, were aimed at determining whether school officials neglected to prevent and respond to antisemitic discrimination, bullying, and harassment.

Hunter College and CUNY Law combined for three resolutions in total, representing half of all the antisemitism cases settled by OCR. Baruch College, Brooklyn College, and CUNY’s Central Office were the subjects of three other investigations.

One of the cases which OCR resolved, involving Brooklyn College, prompted widespread concern when it was announced in 2022. According to witness testimony provided by the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law — which filed the complaint prompting the investigation — Jewish students enrolled in the college’s Mental Health Counseling (MCH) program were repeatedly pressured into saying that Jews are white people who should be excluded from discussions about social justice.

The badgering of Jewish students, the students said at the time, became so severe that one said in a WhatsApp group chat that she wanted to “strangle” a Jewish classmate.

“Some of the harassment on CUNY campuses has become so commonplace as to almost be normalized,” the American Center for Law & Justice (ACLJ) alleged in July 2022. “Attacking, denigrating, and threatening ‘Zionists’ has become the norm, with the crystal-clear understanding that ‘Zionist’ is now merely an epithet for ‘Jew’ the same way ‘banker,’ ‘cabal,’ ‘globalist,’ ‘cosmopolitan,’ ‘Christ killer,’ and numerous other such dog-whistles have been used over the centuries to target, demonize, and incite against Jews.”

Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.

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‘Shoulder-to-Shoulder’: Israeli Medical Delegation Assists in Aftermath of Devastating Hurricane in Jamaica

A look at some of the damage caused by Hurricane Melissa in Jamaica. Photo: Provided

A team of 30 Israeli medical professionals who were deployed to Jamaica to assist the local population in the aftermath of the deadly Hurricane Melissa returned home to Israel on Tuesday, and its commander spoke to The Algemeiner about the challenges they faced as well as the devastation on the Caribbean island.

Professor Ofer Merin is the director general of Shaare Zedek Medical Center in Jerusalem and has been commander of the IDF’s Field Hospital operations for the past 20 years. A trained cardiac surgeon and trauma surgeon, he has been dispatched to oversee medical relief efforts in 10 disaster zones around the world, the most recent being in Jamaica. Merin spoke to The Algemeiner on Tuesday during his trip back to Israel with his delegation of medical professionals, which included doctors, nurses, and paramedical staff from hospitals all around Israel.

“We integrated into the two hospitals and worked shoulder-to-shoulder with the local people,” he said. “It’s by far easier to set up as a stand alone [field hospital] – you come, you set up your tent, you work and see the patients – but this way, you have to integrate and work with them [and] gain their trust, the patients and the healthcare providers.”

The Category 5 hurricane made landfall in western Jamaica on Oct. 28 and caused extensive damage, including the destruction of homes, power and communication outages, damaged sanitation systems, flooding and damages to infrastructure. Recovery efforts are still underway across Jamaica. There have been 45 confirmed deaths, 15 people are still missing as of last week, and more than 1.6 million have been affected, according to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Merin explained that two hospitals located in the disaster zone were severely damaged and completely non-operational. After speaking with Jamaica’s Ministry of Health, Merin said the decision was made for the Israeli team to assist local medical staff, and assist in treating injured patients and emergency cases at the hospitals instead of establishing their own field hospitals in the disaster areas.

“The challenge here was triaging the patients into the emergency rooms into hospitals that were overwhelmed, trying to figure out what was more urgent and less urgent, and working in a lower resources country than what we are used to in Israel,” he added. “Within two days we gained the trust of everyone over there, the patients [and] the staff members. They let us treat patients independently, and this was quite unique. We also assisted the healthcare providers, which were overworking day and night because of the numbers of patients, and some of them lost family members or their houses.”

Merin said he and his team received tremendous feedback from the locals, who were grateful for their help. “People in the street would say, ‘Oh, you’re from Israel? Thank you so much.’ Jamaicans knew we were there. We got such good feedback. It was really heartwarming. The Jamaican people were amazing. They hosted us with such hospitality and open hands and we gained their trust very quickly.”

Eden Bar Tal, the director-general of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said in a previously released statement that Israel’s humanitarian mission to Jamaica to help in the aftermath of Hurricane Melissa “reflects the moral and ethical commitment of the State of Israel to extend assistance to regions affected by disasters around the world.”

“Jamaica has a long and unique history of relations with Israel and the Jewish people,” Bar Tal added. “As one of the leading nations in the Caribbean region, Jamaica is an important partner, and we are committed to further strengthening relations between Israel and the countries of the region.”

Hurricane Melissa was the strongest storm to make landfall in Jamaica and the second strongest recorded in the region. The storm also caused extensive flooding and damage in Haiti, Cuba and the Dominican Republic. In 2010, after the devastating earthquake in Haiti, Israel also dispatched a medical delegation and established a field hospital on the island.

Members of Israel’s medical delegation who traveled to Jamaica to assist in the aftermath of Hurricane Melissa. Photo: Provided

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There’s something rotten in our approach to antisemitism. Tucker Carlson exposed it

The federal government has cracked down on antisemitism from the left, while ignoring or justifying antisemitism on the right. That’s a cold, hard and very uncomfortable fact.

After anti-Israel protests swept campuses amid Israel’s military response to the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attack, Congressional panels subjected university administrators to withering public cross-examinations over antisemitism. President Donald Trump’s administration levied millions in fines, and withheld or threatened to cancel billions in federal funding, including to university medical research.

It was a quick and harsh reaction to protests that, in some cases, veered into antisemitism and singled out Jewish students. “Nobody gets the right to harass their fellow students,” Vice President J.D. Vance said at the peak of the student protests. “Nobody gets a right to set up 10 encampments and turn their college campuses into garbage dumps. And nobody gets the right to block their fellow students from attending class.”

Contrast that to Vance’s reaction earlier this month, when the conservative broadcaster Tucker Carlson hosted the far-right activist Nick Fuentes on his popular podcast, kicking off a massive debate about the mainstreaming of extremist views on the right.

Fuentes, who has expressed admiration for Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin and called for the execution of “perfidious Jews,” told Carlson that the great challenge to American social harmony is “organized Jewry.” Carlson didn’t push back. And when asked for comment, Vance said he didn’t want to take part in Republican “infighting.”

Trump, too, declined to join the Carlson critics.“I mean, if he wants to interview Nick Fuentes, I don’t know much about him, but if he wants to do it. Get the word out. Let them,” Trump told reporters.

Get the word out? What, exactly, is going on?

Ignoring horseshoe theory, at our peril

Defenders of this lopsided response might argue that the administration actually has leverage over universities in the form of billions of taxpayer dollars. The government has legal recourse to hold colleges and individual students accountable.

Carlson’s choice to play nice with Nazis, on the other hand, is a matter of free speech — even if it is ominous, incendiary speech. What action could the government take against a privately-funded podcaster?

The obvious answer is: At least condemn it. But that has not happened at any level of this administration.

Carlson himself, in a long new interview with a New York Times reporter, downplayed Fuentes’ overt antisemitic statements and positioned himself as someone who, like Fuentes, merely questions U.S. policy toward Israel.

“Mr. Carlson said he abhors antisemitism and that he has numerous Jewish friends who share his qualms with the Israeli government,” wrote the Times reporter.

If that sounds awfully familiar, it’s because anti-Israel protesters at the other extreme say much the same things. Some of their best friends are Jewish, and they too hate what Israel’s leaders are doing.

American Jews are witnessing the horseshoe theory of politics in real time — the idea that the far-left and the far-right bend more toward each other than to the center. The ideology that the extremes are converging on is that Jews are the problem.

Both extremes, beginning with outrage at Israel, have a propensity to slide into overtly anitsemitic conspiracy theories that blame Israel for the Iraq War, 9/11, NYPD violence, manipulating Congress, and the Jeffrey Epstein scandal.

Meanwhile, the political leaders who can confront both these extremes through words and policy, only seem to be hammering away at one side: the left.

A virus among young conservatives

The organized Jewish community, too, is highly attuned to instances on the left when anti-Israel attitudes bend toward outright Jew hatred. The most vocal critics of New York’s Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani accused him of just that — fomenting antisemitism and supporting antisemites in opposing Israel.

Immediately after Mamdani’s election, the ADL announced it was debuting a special program to monitor his administration for antisemitism.

But the ample evidence that a growing segment of the right is slipping back into the well-worn alliance that characterized the United States in the 1930s, when isolationists and antisemites made common cause against the Jews, doesn’t raise the same institutional alarms.

Trump has engaged with the extremist right, where antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment have both flourished for years, since the beginning of his first presidential run. Yet his Jewish supporters have given him far more leeway than they would ever think of giving Mamdani.

Meanwhile, that antisemitic segment of the conservative movement has quietly expanded, and found increasing tolerance in mainstream conservative spaces. The conservative analyst Ron Dreher wrote recently that he estimates some 30 to 40% of the Republican Gen Z’ers who work in official Washington are Fuentes fans.

Antisemitism “is spreading like a virus among religious conservatives of the Zoomer generation,” he wrote.

Antisemitism for me, but not for thee

That boom might explain the disparity between Trump and Vance’s stance on college protesters and on Carlson and Fuentes.

Like so much else in our polarized society, antisemitism itself has become politicized. Your Jew-hatred is abhorrent, the thinking goes, but mine is free speech. Yours must be prosecuted. But I’m just asking questions.

The best hope American Jews have is that enough brave souls from across the political spectrum will step up and speak out, even against their own political tribe, knowing the dark fate of societies that go down this path.

Dreher, in a private meeting with Vance earlier this month, told the vice president that standing up to Nazis and their publicists like Tucker Carlson is not “infighting,” but a fight for the soul of the Republican Party, and of the U.S.

No word on how Vance responded. But can I suggest the ADL monitor him, too?

The post There’s something rotten in our approach to antisemitism. Tucker Carlson exposed it appeared first on The Forward.

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