Uncategorized
Growing number of young Jews turning to service to express their Jewish values
When Jon Cohen was in college a decade ago studying biology and chemistry with plans for medical school, he knew he wanted to make a difference in the world beyond the Florida State University campus in Tallahassee.
So he and some friends decided to launch a community project teaching science to children from low-income households living nearby. Every Friday, theyโd conduct experiments with the kids designed to spark excitement and curiosity about the world around them in a way that would leave an impact on them beyond school.
The idea of service was something Cohen had grown up with in his more affluent Miami suburb, and he wanted to take some time off between college and medical school to devote to it. When, as a college senior, Cohen saw an email about a Jewish service fellowship with Repair the World, he applied.
โI was really interested in seeing what justice-minded Judaism was like,โ Cohen recalls.
His family didnโt practice Judaism framed through the lens of morals and values, he said, but rather through rituals like Sabbath observances and attending synagogue. He didnโt go to a Jewish day school or summer camp, he didnโt know Hebrew, and when his parents divorced, they stopped observing Shabbat, leaving Cohen with few pathways for Jewish connection.
When Cohen started his fellowship in New York for Repair the World, he realized he had found a different model for Jewish action โ one that felt more meaningful. Cohen worked with Digital Girl, an organization that teaches computer coding to kids of all genders in underfunded schools in neighborhoods like Chinatown, Bedford-Stuyvesant and East New York where many people live in poverty.
Cohen is one of over 230 people who have โservedโ full-time through Repair the Worldโs fellowship. Another 740 have completed Repairโs service corps, a three-month, part-time Jewish service learning program for young adults. Since 2009, Repair has partnered with approximately 2,880 service organizations, resulting in over 516,000 acts of service and learning. The goal is to reach 1 million by 2026.
This kind of Jewish engagement is indicative of a sea change in the Jewish communal world: Service is now an integral part of American Jewish life and a meaningful form of Jewish expression, especially for younger adults. Service projects increasingly are how American Jews put their faith into practice and find purpose through humanitarian acts.
โYounger generations are deeply passionate about making the world a better place and improving their communities,โ said Robb Lippitt, chair of Repair the Worldโs board of directors. โConnecting this passion to their Jewish values is something that Repair does really well.โ
The organization sends Jewish young adults to serve both with Jewish and non-Jewish organizations addressing needs such as food, housing, and other local needs. Repair the Worldโs activities are structured with an eye toward making them meaningful Jewish experiences.
โEverything we do is done through both a Jewish and a social impact lens,โ said Cindy Greenberg, Repairโs president and CEO. โIn addition to hands-on service, we look at the issue area at hand and ask: Why is my service needed? What are the underlying societal challenges impacting this issue and how might it be healed? And what does Jewish wisdom have to say about these challenges and our obligation to repair the world?โ
Janu Mendel, the Southeast regional director of Repair the World, tends to vegetation at a local community farm in Miami. (Courtesy of Repair the World)
Greenberg said expanding the Jewish service movement will lead to a flourishing Jewish community and strengthen society generally.
Repair the World was founded 13 years ago to make service a defining element of Jewish life. Since then, studies have shown that Jewish young adults increasingly express their Jewish identity by caring for the vulnerable.
โOver 13 years, Repair the World has been the driving force of the Jewish service movement, ensuring that these experiences are grounded in serious Jewish learning,โ said Barry Finestone, president and CEO of the Jim Joseph Foundation, one of Repairโs funders. โRepairs organizational partnerships, fellowship programs, and proven best practices define the movement today โ and enable so many to find purpose in Jewish life while creating change.โ
While most of those who serve with Repair โ about three quarters โ are Jewish, much of the impact is in non-Jewish communities. About eight years ago, for example, the organization began partnering with St. Johnโs Bread and Life, a faith-based emergency food provider in Brooklyn that operates a food pantry, serves hot meals and hosts a mobile kitchen.
St. Johnโs serves approximately 1,000 hot meals a day, according to Sister Marie Sorenson, the chaplain there. The current Repair the World fellow serving with St. Johnโs has continued volunteer outreach, ensuring that unhoused and food-insecure individuals and families in the neighborhood have their nutritional needs met with compassion and respect. Repair also has organized volunteers to give thousands of toiletries, personal hygiene kits, baby wipes, diapers and baby formula to clients of St. Johnโs.
โBecause we are both faith-based service organizations, we have really connected well with each other,โ Sorenson said.
This commitment to food justice is connected to Repairโs service impact nationwide. Repair has mobilized volunteers to donate 200,000 pounds of food and prepared or served more than 100,000 meals to people in need throughout the country.
In the partnership with St. Johnโs, the Christian participants tend to be locals who have extra time or are retirees, whereas the Repair volunteers are โyoung people who value service, who value giving back to the community,โ Sorenson noted.
Repair is funded by a wide array of supporters, including Jewish federations across the country, the Jim Joseph Foundation, and the Charles and Lynn Schusterman Family Philanthropies. Repairโs expansive pandemic response, Serve the Moment, drew funding from philanthropist MacKenzie Scott and the Jewish Communal Response and Impact Fund, known as JCRIF.
Repair has also invested significantly in partnerships with other Jewish organizations to maximize reach and impact.
โThe power of Repairโs model is the opportunity it provides for young adult volunteers to learn from and work in deep partnership with the communities they are serving โ while engaging in Jewish life and learning,โ said Lisa Eisen, Repairโs founding board chair and co-president of Schusterman Family Philanthropies. โWe saw this so clearly through the pandemic, when Repair mobilized tens of thousands of young Jews to support people in need while also providing an avenue for them to stay connected to each other and Jewish community.โ
Eric Fingerhut, the president and CEO of the Jewish Federations of North America, described service programs as a gateway to greater Jewish involvement. โWe believe service is a powerful tool for expanding engagement in Jewish life across the system,โ Fingerhut said.
Volunteers paint and restore a community space during MLK Weekend of service in New York. (Shulamit Photo + Video)
Lippitt, Repairโs board chair, noted that Repairโs service work is especially important given the divisions in the country right now.
โItโs a vitally important bridge-building experience with our neighbors in these divided times,โ he said. โThe benefits that come at this moment in American history of getting out in the community and serving alongside people who may not see the world as you do are just immense for the community and for society.โ
Many of the young Jews who work with Repair the World come from cohorts that traditional Jewish organizations have struggled to reach. In the most recent data collected by the organization, Repair found that between 19 and 25% of participants identify as having a disability; 25% of participants and 44% of corps members identify as non-white; and 75% of fellows, 42% of corps members, and 22% of participants identify as LGBTQ.
After Jon Cohen finished his yearlong fellowship with Repair, he went to medical school as planned, but he soon realized it wasnโt the path he wanted. When an opportunity came up to join Repairโs staff in Miami, he jumped at the opportunity, staying for three years. He now is the director of community mobilization at Keshet, the Jewish LGBTQ+ rights organization, and serves on Repairโs board of directors.
โService has always been something that was important to me but never existed through Judaism until I did the fellowship,โ Cohen said of his experience. โIt was groundbreaking for me to learn about tikkun olam and all of my Jewish values. It was such an educational experience, and now I feel so proudly and passionately Jewish because of the foundation Repair the World gave me.โ
—
The post Growing number of young Jews turning to service to express their Jewish values appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
Uncategorized
Israelโs messy election result: Five scenarios for what could happen next
Israelโs election has produced a messy result: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahuโs governing bloc has suffered a major defeat, losing perhaps 11 seats compared with its victory in 2022. Yet the country could still end up with Netanyahu as prime minister. Or a broad unity government that preserves part of the existing order. Or a repeat election.
According to near-final results, Netanyahu and his allies have won just 53 seats in the 120-member Knesset, down from the 64 that gave them a comfortable majority four years ago. The opposition has secured 67 seats, one of the strongest showings for the anti-Netanyahu camp in decades. You might think this would be interpreted as a decisive rejection of the incumbent government and a mandate for political change โ yet things are not exactly so.
The complication is that the oppositionโs seats include 19 held by Arab parties, whose dramatic electoral gains appear to have been driven by a surge in turnout among Israelโs Arab citizens. The Jewish-led opposition parties together hold just 48 seats, leaving them well short of the 61 needed for a parliamentary majority. And several of their leaders have promised to avoid a coalition with the Arab parties.
That pledge was always difficult to reconcile with Israelโs electoral math โ as well as with the promise of equality in its Declaration of Independence. Indeed, the moderate camp has for decades depended on Arab votes for a parliamentary majority, even when Arab parties remained formally outside the governing coalition. The promises in this round were designed to reassure Jewish voters moving away from Netanyahuโs right-wing bloc, many of whom distrust the Arab parties on security, Palestinian nationalism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Now opposition leaders may have to choose between their principal campaign objective โ removing Netanyahu, which the country needs desperately โ and a secondary promise that should never have been made.
Further complicating the picture are Likud allegations of fraud โ expected standard operating procedure โ which on Thursday received a boost by reports of an investigation that Qatar might have bribed Israeli Arabs to vote.
A major wild card is President Trump, who seems determined to save Netanyahu and may pressure the main opposition leader, Gadi Eisenkot, to acquiesce. No one should be surprised if Trump engineers another Iran war โ or, conversely, promises peace plans with the Palestinians and Saudi Arabia โ to scramble the Israeli equation in ways that might help his fellow right-wing populist.
There are several possible routes to a government, each involving concessions and risks.
1. An opposition government supported by the Arab parties
The most direct path would be for Eisenkot to accept the parliamentary support of the Arab parties and form a government backed by the 67 lawmakers elected in opposition to Netanyahuโs bloc. This could involve bringing Raโam, the pragmatic Islamist party led by Mansour Abbas that joined the governing coalition in 2021, into the government, and perhaps relying on outside support from the Joint Arab List, which is less Zionist-friendly.
The latter arrangement would allow the Jewish-led opposition to control the cabinet while giving Arab parties considerable influence without requiring them to assume responsibility for policies they oppose.
They could concentrate initially on domestic priorities, on which they all agree, including restoring democratic institutions, establishing a state commission of inquiry into the Oct. 7 failures, addressing the cost of living, combating crime in Arab communities and reversing controversial authoritarian reforms of Netanyahuโs outgoing government. Additional parliamentary support on individual issues could help reduce dependence on any single faction.
Avigdor Lieberman, the anti-Netanyahu, anti-religious nationalist whose Yisrael Beiteinu party won seven seats, could prove the toughest obstacle. Opposed to a coalition that relies on an Arab safety net, he could potentially demand a turn as prime minister in exchange for his support. Conceivably, some from Netanyahuโs bloc might later join in as well.
2. A unity government under Netanyahu, excluding the far right
A second possibility is a broad national unity government joining Netanyahuโs Likud with most of the Jewish-led opposition while excluding his ultranationalist partners, especially the globally toxicย Itamar Ben-Gvir. Such an arrangement would command a substantial parliamentary majority and could be presented as an answer to Israelโs political divisions and security challenges.
Trump, who aggressively endorsed Netanyahu, will probably push for this, and Eisenkot could be receiving some phone calls from the White House.
Netanyahu would argue he should be the prime minister of such a government โ or at least go first in a rotation. Heโd argue his Likud is still the largest party, but that is actually irrelevant under the Israeli system โ only the blocs count.
For Netanyahu, unity would offer an opportunity to shed his most controversial partners while remaining at the helm, claiming national reconciliation.
For Eisenkot and other opposition leaders, the political cost would be enormous. Having campaigned to end Netanyahuโs rule and won a 67-seat majority, they would look weak. They also could find themselves responsible for government decisions that would enrage their supporters, like additional settlements in the West Bank.
3. Defections from the opposition give Netanyahu another majority
A third possibility involves Netanyahu persuading opposition lawmakers to change sides, allowing him to assemble a governing majority despite his blocโs electoral defeat.
Netanyahu could also attempt to recruit such individual lawmakers through ministerial appointments, policy concessions or promises of political influence. Parliamentary rules governing defections could complicate these efforts, particularly for lawmakers seeking to break away individually. But it is possible. One potential figure is, again, Lieberman, whose Yisrael Beiteinu party has been among Netanyahuโs fiercest opponents. A former defense minister and veteran coalition negotiator, Lieberman holds nationalist positions closer to the traditional right than to the liberal opposition, although his longstanding hostility toward Netanyahu would make any reconciliation dramatic โ and he has ruled it out. But he has also ruled out a coalition with the Arabs.
The prospect of major cabinet portfolios, a broader realignment of the right and the avoidance of another election could nevertheless become appealing options.
The broader implication is that Netanyahu could retain power through post-election maneuvering.
4. A unity government under Eisenkot, with Netanyahu in senior ministry
A fourth scenario, albeit unlikely, would flip the odd assumption that Netanyahu must lead a unity-government.ย Using his leverage in parliament, Eisenkot could become prime minister with Netanyahu accepting a senior cabinet position, perhaps as foreign minister or defense minister. Netanyahu would remain a prominent national figure, potentially representing Israel abroad or overseeing a major policy portfolio, while Eisenkot assumed responsibility for leading the government.
There would, however, be significant legal complications. Netanyahuโs ongoing criminal trial blocks him legally from serving as an ordinary cabinet minister rather than prime minister (which, due to a loophole, is possible). Assigning him a portfolio would require legislation and invite judicial scrutiny.
Another main obstacle: Netanyahu is pathologically fixated on retaining the premiership, and almost no one in Israel thinks he would accept such an arrangement over new elections.
5. Another election
The final possibility is that the parties fail to reach an agreement and Israel returns to the polls.
President Isaac Herzog plays an important procedural role, consulting parliamentary factions and assigning the task of forming a government to a Knesset member. The process could begin next week, and the initial mandate normally lasts 28 days, with a possible 14-day extension. Further procedures allow other candidates to seek a majority before another election becomes necessary.
A prolonged deadlock could leave Netanyahu heading a caretaker government while Israel prepares for another election โ which is why he probably would not mind.
Another election would raise questions about whether the exceptionally high Arab turnout that helped produce the oppositionโs majority could be sustained. Arab voter participation has historically fluctuated, and the latest result could represent either a lasting political transformation or a temporary surge driven by the campaign โ then suppressed by bitterness over their exclusion.
For the Jewish-led opposition, returning to the polls would risk squandering its electoral achievement while giving Netanyahu another opportunity to reshape the contest around security, national identity and the legitimacy of Arab parliamentary influence.
If I wore Eisenkotโs shoes
If I were Eisenkot, I would give Lieberman whatever is needed to buy his cooperation and form a government with an Arab parliamentary safety net, remove Netanyahu and secure the premiership.
I would immediately pursue broadly popular policies: a state commission of inquiry into Oct. 7, universal conscription including Arab and Haredi national service, a crackdown on Jewish terrorism in the West Bank and organized crime, particularly in Arab communities, and reversal of Netanyahuโs authoritarian reforms.
I would maintain a firm line against Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran, and close the legal loophole allowing criminal defendants to serve as prime minister.
I would do all that in the first month. In the second, I would invite Likud into a unity government on these terms. Competent governance, relief from the threats of global economic sanctions and incumbency could build momentum, making any subsequent election prospects more favorable.
All that would require focus, determination and a bit of courage. As a former military chief, Eisenkot should be up to the task.
Netanyahu would scream bloody murder. Give him a megaphone, recommend a valium, and send him a copy of Israelโs Declaration of Independence, which promises equality to the Arabs.
The oppositionโs leaders have a chance to show us whether they are worthy of leadership. Their decision will determine whether the election becomes a turning point in Israeli politics or another chapter in Netanyahuโs remarkable record of political survival.
The post Israelโs messy election result: Five scenarios for what could happen next appeared first on The Forward.
Uncategorized
We Jews have three choices: Separating, assimilating or integrating
ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืื ืฉืืจื, ืืึทืืข ืืื ืืึทืืข ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง, ืืึธืื ืืืืืข ืืขืืึทื ืื ืืขืืืข ืืฉืงืคึฟื ืืื ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืืขืื. ืคึฟืื ืืขืกืืืืขืื ืืึธื ืืขืืขืจ ืืืื ืขืจ ืคึฟืื ืืื ืืขืืืืื ืืขื ืืจืึธืคึผ ืืืืฃ ืึทื ืึทื ืืขืจ ืึทืกืคึผืขืงื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืขืื.
ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืจ ืืขืืืึธื ืื ืึทืจืืืกืฆื, ืฆื ืืขืจ ืืืขืื ืืืื, ืืืื ืฆืื ืึทืจืฒึทื ืฆืืืจืขื ืืขื ืืื ืืืจ ืืขื ืืึทืืืึผืกืืืฒึทื ืืืขืื ืืืจ ืืึทืฉืขืคึฟืขืจ. ืฉืืจื, ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืฆืืืืืืขืจ ืืฒึทื, ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืจ ืงืึธื ืฆืขื ืืจืืจื ืืื ืขืืืืื ืืง, ืืึธืจืื ืืืง ืคึฟืึทืจื ืคึฟืืืืฉื ืืื ืืฒึทืกืืืงื ืืืืืืืฒึทื ืคึฟืื ืืืจ ืืื ืืฆืืง โ ืืขืจ ืืืื ืฆืืงืขืจ ืืืื ืืืึธืก ืืึธื ืืขืืึธืื ืืืฒึทืืขืจ ืคึฟืืจื ืื ืืืืื ืึพืืึธืจืืงืข ืงืืื ืืืึธืก ืืฒึทื ืคึฟืึธืืขืจ ืืึธื ืึธื ืืขืืืืื.
ืึท ืืึดื ืืืึธืก ืืขืื ืืื ืึท ื ืืึพืืึดืืืฉืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื ืืึธื ืืจืฒึท ืืขืืืขืืงืืืื: ืืื ืึธืคึผืฆืืืื ืืขืจื, ืืื ืฆื ืึทืกืืืืืืจื ืึธืืขืจ ืืื ืฆื ืืื ืืขืืจืืจื.
ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืคึฟืืื ืืื ืืึทืืจืึธื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื, ืึธืืขืจ ืคึฟืืื ืึทื ืขืจ ืืึธื ื ืืฉื ืขืคึผืขืก ืืึทืืื ืืขืจืก ืืฒึทืฆืืืจืึธืื ืืื ืึท ืืึดื, ืงืืฒึทืื ืืขืืืืื ืืืขื ืืืืก ืฆื ืืึทืืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื ืืื ืฉืืื ืืื ืืื ืฉืื, ืืขืช ืืืืฃ ืืขืจ ืืึทืก ืคึฟืืจื ืขืจ ืืื ืืื ืึท โื ืึธืจืืึทืืขืจโ ืืืจืืขืจ. ืขืจ ืืึธื ืืืืขืจ ื ืืฉื ืฆื ืคึฟืึทืจืขืคึฟื ืืืขืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื.
ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืขื ืืึธืจื ืืฉื ืืึทืืื ืืขืจืก ืืื ืืขื ืืืึธืก ืขืจ ืืื ืึท ืืึดื โ ืืคึฟืจื ืืืื ืขืจ ืืึทืื ืืื ื ืืฉื ืคึฟืึทืจ โืจืขืืืืืขืโ โ ืึธืืขืจ ืืืื ืืึธืก ืคึฟืึทืจืืฒึทืื ืืืืฃ ืึท ืืขืื ืกืฉืืืืืขืจ, ืืืึธืก ืคึผืึทืกื ืืื ืืขืกืขืจ ืฆื ืืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื ืึทืจืื ืืื, ืงืืฒึทืื ืึธืคึฟื ืืืืก ืืื ืฆื ืึทืกืืืืืืจื. ืืึธืก ืืืืกื: ืขืจ ืคึฟืึทืจืืึธืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืข ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืึผืื ืึธื ืฆืื ืขืืขื ืึท ืืืขืืืืขืืข ืืื ืืขืจ โืืื ืืืืขืจืกืึทืืขโ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื.
ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืื ืืืืขืจ ืืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื ืืื ืืื ืืขื ืืฒึทืืจืึธื ืืืึธืก ืขืจ ืงืขื, ืืืืงื ืคึฟืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื, ืืขืื ืืขืจ ืืึทื ืฆืขืจ ืืขื ืืฉืืืื, ืืึทืจืฃ ื ืืฉื ืึทื ืืืืืคึฟื ืืื ืืึทืจืฃ ืืื ืืืื ื ืืฉื ืึทืกืืืืืืจื. ืืฒึทื ืืจืืจื ืืื ืืื ืฆื ืืื ืืขืืจืืจื ืืื ืืขืจ ืึทืืืขืืืื ืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื ืืืืงื ืืื ืึท ืืึดื, ืืื ืื ืฆื ืืึทืจืฒึทืืขืจื ืคึฟืื ืืฒึทื ืืืืืขื ืขื ืืึทืืื ืืขืจื ืึธืจื.
ืคึฟืึทืจืฉืืืื ืืื, ืึทื ืึผืื ืืื ืืขืืื ื ืฆื ืืื ืืขืืจืืจื ืืื ืืึธืื ืึทื ืืฉืคึผืขื ืืืืฃ ืืขืจ ืืจืืืืขืจืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื, ืืึทืจืฃ ืืขื ืืึธืื ืฉืืึทืจืงืืื ืืื ืงืืึธืจืงืืื ืืืขืื ืืขืจ ืืืืืขื ืขืจ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื, ืืื ืืฒึทื ืฉืืึธืืฅ ืืื ืื ืืืจืืืช ืืืึธืก ืื ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืืจืขื ืื ืืื ืืื.
ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืื ืฉืืจื ืืขื ืขื ืื ืคึผืจืึธืืืึธืืืคึผื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืื ืึทืืืง ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืึดืืืฉืขืจ ืืฉืคึผืื ืืืจืืืืก ืื ืืืจืืช. ืืขืจ ืืึทื ืืื ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืึทืฉืขืคึฟืืืงื ืืื, ืงืืืึพืึผื, ืืื ืืขืจ ืืจืืืกื ืืืงืขืจ ืืืขืื; ืื ืคึฟืจืื ืืื ืื ืืืึธืก ืืขืจื ืขืจื ืืื ืืืื ืื ืืื ืขืจืืขืืข ืืืขืื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืฉืคึผืื. ื ืึธืจ ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืึธื ืืขืืึทื ืืื ืืึธื ื ืึธื ืึทืืฅ ืึท ืฉืืึทืจืงืข ืืื ืขืจืืขืืข ืืืขืื ืงืขื ืืื ืฉืืขืื ืึทื ืืงืขืื ืืขืจ ืืจืืืกื ืืืงืขืจ ืืืขืื ืืื ืื ืืึทืืฒึทื ืคึฟืืืกื.
ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง, ืืึธืืืจ ืืืฆื ืึทืจืืืขืจืืืื ืฆื ืืขืจ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืืึทื ื.
ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื: ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืคึฟืื ืื ืืึดืื, ืึธืืขืจ ืึท ืืึดืืืฉ ืืึทื ื?
ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืืึธืก ื ืึทืฆืืึธื ืึทืืข ืืจืืฉืึพืืื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง. ืืืื ืืืืึพืืืืืึธืจืืืขืื ืืื ืืขืืขืจ ืืึดื ืืืืฃ ืืขืจ ืืืขืื ืืขืจ ื ืึทืืืจืืขืืขืจ ืืขืึพืืืืช ืคึฟืื ืืืึพืืคึผืืืช ืื โืืื ืขื ืืืโ โ 0.48 ืงืืืึทืืจืึทืึพืืขืืขืจ โ ืืึทื ื ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื. ืืึธืก ืืื ืืื ืืืขืจ ืืืืืืงืข ืืจืืฉื.
ืขืก ืืขื ืขื ืืึธ ืืจืฒึท ืฉืืขื ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืืขืืขื ืก ืงืืืคึฟื ืืืจื ืืึดืื ืืื ืืึธืงืืืขื ืืืจื ืืื ืชื ืดื: ืืึฟืจืื, ืฉืื ืืื ืืจืืฉืืื. ืขืก ืืืึธืื ืืขืืึทืจืคึฟื ืืฒึทื ืืขืจ ืืื ืงืืึธืจ, ืึทื ืกืณืืื ื ืืฉืืึธ ืงืืื ืึธืจื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืึท ืืืืืงืช ืืืขืื ืืขืจ ืืืกืืึธืจืืฉืขืจ ืืื ืืขืืึทืืขืจ ืคึฟืึทืจืืื ืืื ื ืฆืืืืฉื ืื ืฉืืขื ืืื ืืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง โ ืืืืคึฟื ืขืก ืืึธืื ื ืืฉื ืืฒึทื ืึทืืขืืืข ืืืึธืก ืืืืื ืืื, ืืก ืืฉืืื, ืืึทืื โJudenreinโ.
ืืื ืืขืจ ืคึผืจืฉื ืืื ืฉืืจื ืืืืขื ืขื ืืืจ ืืื ืืื ืืืขืจ ืคึฟืึธืืขืจ ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืึธื ืึธืคึผืืขืงืืืคึฟื ืคึฟืื ืขืคึฟืจืื ืืืชื ืื โืืขืจืช ืืืืคึผืืโ ืืื ืื ืึทืจืืืืงืข ืคึฟืขืืืขืจ, ืืืื ืืคึฟืืจืืฉื ืฆืื ืืึธืจื ืฆื ืืึทืขืจืืืงื ืืฒึทื ืคึฟืจืื ืฉืืจื. ืฉืคึผืขืืขืจ ืืขื ืขื ืืึธืจื ืืืื ืืึทืขืจืืืงื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืื ืึธืึฟืืช ืืฆืืง ืืื ืืขืงืึฟ, ืฆืืืึทืืขื ืืื ืืืืขืจืข ืคึฟืจืืืขื ืจืึฟืงื ืืื ืืื.
ืืึธืก ืึทืืฅ ืืื ืืึธืงืืืขื ืืืจื ืืื ืืขืจ ืชึผืืจื โ ืึท ืืึธืงืืืขื ื ืืืึธืก ืืืขืจื ืืึทืืจืึทืื ืืื ืืืกืืึธืจืืฉ ืืขืืืืื ืืืจื ืืขืจ ืืื 50 ืคึผืจืึธืฆืขื ื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืฒึทื ืืืงืขืจ ืืืขืืึพืืึทืคึฟืขืืงืขืจืื ื.
ืืึธืืฉ ืึทืจืึทืืขืจ ืงืขื ืขื ืืขื ืื ืึทื ืืื ืฉืืึทืืขื ืืืื ืคึฟืื ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืืจื ืืฒึทื ืืื ืืฉืืขืื ืืื ืืึธืื ืืขืจืืืขืจ ืึท ืืขืืืืืืข ืชึผืึฟืืขื ืืืืฃ ืื ืืึธืืืงืข ืืขื ืืขืจ, ืืื ืืึธืก ืึท ืืขืืชืืืงืข ืืขื ื ืฆืืืื ืฆืืืื ืกืืืืช.
ืขืจืฉืื ืก, ืืขื ืขื ืื ืึทืจืึทืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืืืื ืขื ืืฒึทื ื ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ื ืืฉื ืื ืึธืคึผืฉืืึทืืืงืข ืคึฟืื ืืฉืืขืื, ื ืึธืจ ืืขื ืขื ืึทืจืืืขืจืืขืคึฟืืจื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืืื ืึทื ืืขืจืข ืืขืื ืื ืืืจื ืืขื ืึทืกืืจืืฉื ืงืขื ืื ืืื ืฉืืื ื ืคึฟืื ืื ืืึดืื, ืกื ืืจืืึฟ.
ืฆืืืืืื ืก, ืึทืคึฟืืื ืืืขื ืืืจ ืืืึธืืื ืึธื ืืขื ืืืขื ืึทื ืืื ืืขื ืขื ืื ื ืืฉืืขืื, ืงืืื ืืื ืืขืจืคึฟืึทืจ ื ืึธื ื ืืฉื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื, ืืืฒึทื ืืฉืืขืื ืืื ืืขืืืขื ืืขืจ ืืื ืคึฟืื ืฉืืจืืก ืืื ืกื ืืืจ. ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืืขืื ืืฒึทื ืืจืืฉื ื ืึธื ืืฒึทื ืืขืื ืืื ืืื ืึทืืืขืงืืขืฉืืงื ืืืฒึทื ืคึฟืื ืืจืฅ ืึผื ืขื.
ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ื ืืฉื ืืืืื ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืคึฟืื ืื ืืึดืื; ืขืก ืืื ืึท ืืึดืืืฉ ืืึทื ื.
ืืืืื ืืื ืืื ืึท ืฆืืคึฟืขืืืงืขืจ ืืื ืขื ืืขืจืืขืืขืจ ืืฆืึฟ: ืืฒึทื ื ืืึธื ืืื ืขืก, ืืึธืจืื ืืึธืกืื ืขืก. ืขืก ืืื ื ืืฉืืึธ ืงืืื ืืืืชืืืงืขืจ ืืืืืง ืืื ืืฒึทื ืืืืืึธ ืคึฟืื ืืืืืขืจ ืืื ืืึธื ืขืก ืืืจ ืคึฟืึทืจืงืืืคึฟื ืืื ื ืึธื ืืขื ืืืึธืก ืขืก ืืื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืืฒึทื ืืืืื ืืื; ืคึฟืจืึดืขืจ ืืื ืขืก ืืขืืืขื ืืฒึทื ืก, ืืื ืืืฆื ืืื ืขืก ืืฒึทื ืก.
ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืึธืืขืจ ืึทื ืืขืจืฉ. ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืืื ืืึทืฉืึทืคึฟื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืคึฟืึทืจื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง, ืึผืื ืืึธืก ืคึฟืึธืืง ืืึธื ืงืขื ืขื ืืืืกืคึฟืืจื ืืฒึทื ืชึผืืืืช: ืึทื ืืคึผืืขืงื ืืขื ืืืืืขืจืฉืื ืก ืึธื ืืืขืื ืืืื ืืื ืืขื ืคึฟืืืืฉื ืืืขืื ืืืืคึฟื ืืขืกืื ืืืคึฟื, ืืื ืคึฟืื ืืึธืจื, ืืื ืืึธืก ืืึทืจืฅ, ืึทืจืืืกืคึผืึธืืคึผืขื ืึธื ืื ืึธื ืขืจืงืขื ืื ื ืืื ืืึทืืฒึทืกืืขืจืื ื ืืื ืืขืจ ืืึทื ืฆืขืจ ืืืขืื.
ื ืืฉื ืืืืืืกื ืจืืคึฟื ืื ืืึทื ืฆืข ืืืขืื ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื โืืึธืก ืืืืืืงืข ืืึทื ืโ. ืืขืจืืื ืืขืจืงืขื ื ืืขื, ืึทื ืึทืคึฟืืื ืื ืขืจื ืืืคึฟื ืคึฟืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืืืืืืง.
ืืื ืึทื ืืขืจืข ืืืขืจืืขืจ: ืื ืคึฟืึทืจืืื ืืื ื ืฆืืืืฉื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืขืึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ื ืืฉื ืืืืื ืืืกืืึธืจืืฉ ืึธืืขืจ ืฆืืคึฟืขืืืง. ืื ืืื ืืืืชืืืง ืืื ื ืฉืืืืืง. ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืืื ืืึธืก ืคึฟืึธืืง ืืืืื ืึท ืฉืืืืืช ืืืึธืก ืืขืจ ืืืืืขืจืฉืืขืจ ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืืขืื, ืืื ืื ืคึฟืืืข ืืืืกืคึฟืืจืื ื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืึธืคึผืืขื ืืืง ืคึฟืื ืืืืืข.
ืืืขื ืืืจ ืงืขืืคึฟื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืืื ืืืขืจ ืืึทื ื, ืืจืึทืืื ืืืจ ื ืืฉื ืืืืื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืืื ืืืขืจื ืืืขืื, ื ืึธืจ ืืืื ืืืืึฟืช ืืื ืืืขืจืข ืฉืืื ืืื. ืืืื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืืื ืืื ืขืก ืฆืื ืืืื, ืึทื ืืื ืืึธืื ืืึธืื ืืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง ืืืืกืคึฟืืจื ืืฒึทื ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืืฒึทื ืืึทื ื, ืืฉืขืช ืืื ืงืขื ืขื ืืฉืืื ืืืืกืคึฟืืจื ืืืืขืจ ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืืขื ืืึทื ื ืืืึธืก ืืขืืขืจื ืฆื ืืื.
ืืืขื ืืขืจ ืืึธืืืงืขืจ ืคึผืื ืงื ืืืขื ืืฒึทื ืงืืึธืจ ืืฒึท ืืื ืื, ืืืขื ืืื ืื ืืฒึทื ืืจืื ืืขืจ ืื ืงืืึธืจ ืฆื ืืึทืื ืืืื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืึทื ืืขืจืข.
The post We Jews have three choices: Separating, assimilating or integrating appeared first on The Forward.
Uncategorized
Mike Rogers campaign event for Jews brings out Haley Stevensโ fiancรฉe
(JTA) โ BIRMINGHAM, Mich. โ The Republican Jewish Coalition typically isnโt known for drawing committed Democrats to its events.
But thatโs what happened Wednesday night at the Townsend Hotel in suburban Detroit, when a campaign event for GOP U.S. Senate nominee Mike Rogers attracted several Jews from the other side of the aisle. Those included Jason Turkish, a Democratic lawyer and megadonor best known as the fiancรฉ of pro-Israel Democratic U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens.
Turkish did not speak at the event. But just before it started, he had gone public with his declaration that he was voting for Rogers, and his conviction that Abdul El-Sayed, the Democratic nominee and former county health director who beat his partner in the primary, was antisemitic.
โThis choice for me, in the end, was very simple,โ Turkish told reporters from the sidelines. He cited recent instances of El-Sayed not answering whether Iran or Israel poses a bigger threat to the United States, and of the candidate only softly distancing himself from a PAC ad that blamed Israel for the price of groceries.
โHistory will remember who stands where in this moment, and it will not remember Abdul El-Sayed kindly,โ Turkish said.
Turkishโs public stance against his partyโs nominee, whom Stevens herself has endorsed while not directly campaigning for him, was yet another indication of the deep distrust and anger many of Michiganโs pro-Israel Jewish voters have voiced toward El-Sayed throughout this campaign. Republicans are hoping that will translate into more Jewish lifelong Democrats, like Turkish and former Stevens campaign chair David Kramer, pulling the lever for Rogers instead.
โI love it,โ Rogers, a former congressman, told reporters about Turkishโs endorsement. From the stage, the candidate was clear about what he thinks of El-Sayed: โHeโs beyond antisemitic. He hates Jews.โ
Turkish insisted that despite his Rogers vote, he was not a Republican.
โI will vote for Democrats up and down the ballot,โ he said. โThis isnโt some major departure. You can support Democrats up and down the ballot and make a choice to choose country over party in one race.โ
When asked by reporters at a different campaign event about Turkish, El-Sayed responded, โIโm building a movement to take on the challenges that Donald Trump is facing. If folks have issues that are more important to them than that, thatโs fine.โ
Most of the Jews in the RJC room were committed Republicans, who booed a mention of progressive Jewish megadonor George Soros and cheered the name of far-right Jewish U.S. Rep. Randy Fine.
The newfound Jewish discomfort with the Democratic nominee and the desire to send a message to the party were a key part of the pitch that Rogers and Texas GOP Sen. Ted Cruz made to the estimated 500 attendees at the RJC event.
โPeople who are lifelong Democrats who want to vote for Democrats for every other office, Iโm not advocating that,โ Cruz joked to the room. โBut even if thatโs where you are,โ he urged, โsay there is a line that is too far, and this is that line.โ
RJC spokesperson Sam Markstein told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that he had to fetch more chairs for overflow seating. Markstein said turnout for Wednesdayโs event was double what the RJC had drawn for a similar gathering in 2024 in support of Rogersโ first, unsuccessful Senate run โ when the GOP was stronger nationally than it is now.
Hundreds of Jews in the state have signed a pledge to vote for Rogers, though a rival pledge to vote for El-Sayed has nearly twice as many signatures.
El-Sayedโs comments following the March terror attack on the Temple Israel preschool, in which he stated, in part, โHurt people hurt people,โ haunt his perception among Jews months after he apologized for them. An Israeli strike in Lebanon had killed members of the attackerโs family.
At the RJC event, signs read โNo, Abdul: Hurt People Help Peopleโ and โMike Will Keep Us Safe.โ Some attendees carried a parody picture book called โHurt People Hurt People,โ featuring an El-Sayed-like โDr. Contextโ caricature who consoles the Big Bad Wolf instead of the Three Little Pigs.
The RJC has made a $2 million ad buy with pro-Rogers commercials featuring members of Temple Israel, some of whom spoke to the crowd. A separate Jewish organization, the Combat Antisemitism Movement, has made its own ad buy for Rogers via a new political advocacy arm, featuring one of the same Temple Israel moms.
The GOP sales pitch to Jews has also veered into darker territory, which was evident Wednesday night. Onstage, both Cruz and Rogers claimed that El-Sayed receiving Senate-level security clearance for intelligence briefings would pose a risk to national security.
โThe risks are too high that he would share sensitive information with the Muslim Brotherhood,โ Cruz said, echoing a growing conservative attack line against the Democrat. He also called El-Sayed a โjihadist leprechaun.โ
Rogers said that Hasan Piker, the anti-Israel streamer who campaigned with El-Sayed, โshould go back to Turkey, where he belongs.โ
Asked later by JTA about his comment, Rogers said he was referring to Pikerโs dual Turkish citizenship, and said, โI just thought if he wanted to go back there because he hates America so much, Iโd pay for the ticket.โ
Rogers appeared to distance himself from comments that U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. made at a Grand Rapids campaign event earlier this week with the candidate present. Kennedy had claimed that Arabs โdonโt produce scienceโ and โdonโt win the Nobel Prize.โ
โSometimes the campaign takes lefts and rights,โ Rogers told reporters, when asked about Kennedy. โWhat Iโm concerned about is whatโs happening here. Our Arab community is showing lots of support.โ The substantial Arab American community in this swing state makes it a key player in elections, and Republicans have been walking a tightrope between weaponizing El-Sayedโs faith against him and keeping on board Arab Americans who voted two years ago for President Donald Trump.
Rogers sought to make clear to the Jews in the room that he was aligned with Cruz, a pro-Israel stalwart who has picked public fights with far-right commentator Tucker Carlson. Cruz, though, has been a vocal proponent of war in Iran, while Rogers recently told JTA in an interview that โwe met our objectivesโ in Iran and should wind down the war there.
On Wednesday, Rogers took a more hawkish tone on Iran. โIโd love to see this wrapped up, but I donโt think we can leave it where they have any ability to hurt our friends and neighbors,โ he said. โSo their army, navy, air force has to be as diminished as they can.โ
Both men also took time from the stage to denounce antisemitism from the right.
At their donor events, Rogers said, โWithout fail. I would get three or four or five young, white men who would come up and say, โYouโre not going to take Jewish money, are you?โโ
Rogers chalked up the problem to college campuses, calling for efforts to โget Qatari money out of our colleges.โ
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Mike Rogers campaign event for Jews brings out Haley Stevensโ fiancรฉe appeared first on The Forward.
