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Hating Israel Isn’t New; How the CIA and State Department Undermined the Jewish State
“Teddy Roosevelt’s great-great-great grandson is an anti-Israel protester at Princeton,” blared a New York Post headline on May 4, 2024.
The Post reported that Quentin Colon Roosevelt, an 18-year-old freshman, and descendant of the 25th President, is an anti-Israel activist at the Ivy League university. But far from being hip and new, Quentin’s brand of anti-Zionism is old hat — he is merely continuing a long family tradition of anti-Israel activism.
There is an abundance of literature on Franklin D. Roosevelt’s views on Jews and Zionism, the belief in Jewish self-determination. Both FDR and his wife Eleanor had made antisemitic remarks. In a private conversation in 1938, then-President Roosevelt suggested that by dominating the economy in Poland, Jews were themselves fueling antisemitism. And in a 1941 Cabinet meeting, FDR remarked that there were too many Jewish Federal employees in Oregon. In his final days, FDR promised Saudi leader Abdul Aziz Ibn al Saud that he would oppose the creation of Jewish state in the Jewish people’s ancestral homeland.
FDR is the president who led the United States to victory against Adolf Hitler. He also employed Jews in high-ranking positions in his government. But he is also the president whose administration failed to save more Jews fleeing Nazism, and who refused to bomb the railway tracks leading to Auschwitz and other death camps where millions of Jews met a ghastly end. Accordingly, it makes sense that his beliefs regarding Jews have been the subject of books and belated study.
Less examined, however, is the Oyster Bay branch of the Roosevelt clan, and their beliefs regarding Zionism. In part, this is easily explained by the unique place that FDR holds in American history. He is the only president to serve four terms, and presided over both the Great Depression, World War II, and arguably the beginning of the Cold War. His branch of the family, the Hyde Park Roosevelts, were Democrats and remained active in public life for decades after his 1945 death.
At first glance, the Oyster Bay Roosevelts were more of a turn of the 19th century affair. They were Republicans, and their scion was Teddy Roosevelt, a war hero turned governor of New York state who, thanks to an assassin’s bullet, found himself as the nation’s leader in 1901.
The famously ebullient Roosevelt helped redefine the country’s idea of a president, and served as an inspiration for his cousin Franklin. But Teddy largely presided over an era of peace and tranquility, not war and upheaval.
Teddy was a philosemite. He was the first occupant of the Oval Office to appoint a Jewish American to the Cabinet. He championed the rights of Jews, both at home and abroad, and was harshly critical of the numerous pogroms that unfolded in czarist Russia.
As Seth Rogovoy has noted, Roosevelt’s “special relationship with Jews was forged during his time serving as police commissioner in New York City, a post he assumed in 1904.” When an antisemitic German preacher named Hermann Ahlwardt gave speeches in the city, Roosevelt assigned a contingent of Jewish police officers to guard the man.
Roosevelt was also a Zionist. In 1918, shortly after the Balfour Declaration, he wrote: “It seems to me that it is entirely proper to start a Zionist state around Jerusalem.” He told Lioubomir Michailovitch, the Serbian Minister to the United States, that “there can be no peace worth having … unless the Jews [are] given control of Palestine.” Six months later Roosevelt died in his sleep.
Not all his descendants would share his belief in Jewish self-determination, however.
Two of Teddy Roosevelt’s grandchildren, Kermit and Archie, served their country in the CIA during the early years of the Cold War. Both were keenly interested in Middle East affairs, and were fluent in Arabic. Both were well read and highly educated, authoring books and filing dispatches for newspapers like the Saturday Evening Post, among others.
They were also prominent anti-Zionists.
Kermit Roosevelt, known as “Kim,” played a key role in anti-Zionist efforts in the United States and abroad. He was not, by the standards of his time, an antisemite. But he was ardently opposed to the creation of Israel.
As Hugh Wilford observed in his 2013 book America’s Great Game: The CIA’s Secret Arabists and the Shaping of the Modern Middle East: “the anti-Zionism of the overt Cold War foreign policy establishment is well known” but “less widely appreciated is the opposition to Jewish statehood of the individuals responsible for setting up the United States’ covert apparatus in the Middle East.”
This began with the OSS, the CIA’s precursor. And it included men like Stephen Penrose, a former American University of Beirut instructor, and Kim Roosevelt’s boss during his wartime service in the OSS.
“Documents among Penrose’s personal papers reveal him engaged in a variety of anti-Zionist activities at the same time that he was commencing his official duties with the OSS,” Wilford notes.
Like many of his fellow Arabists, Penrose was the son of American missionaries who, failing to convert the native population to Christianity, sought to foster Arab nationalism instead. Penrose described himself as a “chief cook” who was “brewing” opposition to Zionism. He became one of Kim Roosevelt’s mentors.
In a January 1948 Middle East Journal article entitled, “Partition of Palestine: A Lesson in Pressure Politics,” Kim called the 1947 UN vote in favor of a Jewish state an “instructive and disturbing story.”
Roosevelt believed that the US media was unduly supportive of the creation of Israel, and claimed that almost all Americans “with diplomatic, educational, missionary, or business experience in the Middle East” opposed Zionism.
Kim’s pamphlet was reprinted by the Institute for Arab American Affairs, a New York-based group whose board he sat on. He also began working with the Arab League’s Washington, D.C., office and “turned elsewhere for allies in the anti-Zionist struggle, starting with the Protestant missionaries, educators, and aid workers.”
This nascent group soon received financial support from the American oil industry, which maintained close links to Kim’s OSS/CIA colleague, William Eddy.
As Wilford noted, the Arabian consortium ARAMCO “launched a public relations campaign intended to bring American opinion around to the Arab point of view.”
In addition to missionaries and big oil, Kim gained another important ally in the form of Elmer Berger, a rabbi from Flint, Michigan. Berger served as executive director of the American Council for Judaism, an anti-Zionist group that, among other things, opposed the creation of a Jewish army during World War II at the height of the Holocaust. Berger and Roosevelt became drinking buddies and close collaborators on their joint effort against the Jewish State.
Kim eventually became “organizing secretary” for a group called The Committee for Justice and Peace. The committee’s original chair, Virginia Gildersleeve, was both a longtime friend of the Roosevelts of Oyster Bay and the dean of New York City’s Barnard College, which today is part of Columbia.
Gildersleeve was “also a high-profile anti-Zionist” who “became involved with the Arab cause through her association with the Arabist philanthropist Charles Crane and the historian of Arab nationalism George Antonius.”
Crane, a wealthy and notorious antisemite, had lobbied against the creation of a Jewish state since the beginning of the 20th century, even advising then-President Woodrow Wilson against supporting the Balfour Declaration.
By 1950, the Committee had managed to recruit famed journalist Dorothy Thompson to their cause. Thompson was reportedly the basis for actress Katharine Hepburn’s character in the 1942 movie Woman of the Year. A convert to anti-Zionism, Thompson’s extensive network of reporters and celebrities proved crucial to Kim and Berger’s efforts to rally opposition to the Jewish State. In a 1951 letter to Barnard College’s Gildersleeve, Thompson wrote: “I am seriously concerned about the position of the Jews in the United States.” People, she claimed, “are beginning to ask themselves the question: who is really running America?”
Another ally emerged that year: the Central Intelligence Agency.
The CIA began funding the Committee, as well as its successor, the American Friends of the Middle East (AFME). Beginning in June 1950, Kim’s correspondence with Berger began making veiled references to the ACJ head taking on “official work” in Washington. This, Wilford believes, is a reference to working with the CIA. Indeed, the well-connected Kim and Archie Roosevelt had known top CIA officials like Allan Dulles since childhood.
With support from figures like Eddy, AFME also began encouraging Muslim-Christian alliances — ostensibly to counter Soviet influence, but also to attack the Jewish state. This led to some awkward alliances, including with Amin al-Husseini, the founding father of Palestinian nationalism and an infamous Nazi collaborator.
Husseini had ordered the murders of rival Palestinians, incited violence against Jews since the 1920s, and had led forces, equipped with Nazi-supplied arms, to destroy Israel at its rebirth in 1948. Now, along with the Secretary General of the Arab League, and Saudi King Ibn Saud, he was meeting with Eddy to discuss a “moral alliance” between Christians and Muslims to defeat communism. Kim himself knew Husseini, having interviewed him for the Saturday Evening Post after World War II.
AFME lobbied for the appointment of anti-Zionist diplomats and in favor of Eisenhower administration efforts to withhold aid from Israel. And both Berger and Thompson pushed for favorable coverage of the new Egyptian dictator, Gamal Nassar, who would wage war on the Jewish state for nearly two decades. Initially, they were successful, with TIME magazine writing that Nasser had the “lithe grace of a big, handsome, all-American quarterback.” Of course, there was nothing “all-American” about Nasser, who would become a Soviet stooge.
AFME officials like Garland Evans Hopkins would draw rebukes after claiming that Jews were bringing violence against themselves — a staple of antisemitism. Hopkins claimed that Zionists “could produce a wave of antisemitism in this country” if they continued acting against “America’s best interests in the Middle East.”
AFME itself would eventually lose influence, particularly after its boosting of figures like Nasser was revealed as foolhardy. Berger would go on to advise Senator J. William Fulbright (D-AR) in his efforts to get pro-Israel Americans to register as foreign agents.
In 1967, as Arab forces gathered to annihilate Israel, Berger blamed the Jewish State, accusing it of “aggression” and its supporters of “hysteria.” Top ACJ officials resigned in protest. That same year, Ramparts magazine exposed CIA support, financial and otherwise, of AFME.
Kim and Archie Roosevelt, however, would continue their careers as high-ranking CIA officers before eventually starting a consulting business and making use of their extensive Middle East contacts.
For some college protesters, attacking Israel — and American support for Israel — might seem new and trendy. Yet, both the CIA and big oil were precisely doing that, decades ago, forming alliances with anti-American dictators, antisemitic war criminals, the press, Protestant groups, academics, university administrators, and fringe Jewish groups claiming to represent “what’s best” for American Jewry.
As William Faulkner once wrote: “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”
The writer is a Senior Research Analyst for CAMERA, the 65,000-member, Boston-based Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis
The post Hating Israel Isn’t New; How the CIA and State Department Undermined the Jewish State first appeared on Algemeiner.comhttps://www.algemeiner.com/.
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The PA Just Made More ‘Pay-for-Slay’ Payments; Here’s How the US and EU Could Stop It
The opening of a hall that the Palestinian Authority named for a terrorist who killed 125 people. Photo: Palestinian Media Watch.
Palestinian Media Watch (PMW) reported yesterday that the Palestinian Authority (PA) is continuing its Pay-for-Slay payments outside the PA areas, beyond US and EU donor oversight.
Families in Jordan and Syria confirmed the salaries were paid earlier this week. Yesterday, families in Lebanon also reported receiving their Pay-for-Slay payments. Families in Egypt were told to expect the payments, “Thursday or the beginning of next week.”
So, how is the PA keeping these monthly terror salaries flowing without triggering EU and US scrutiny?
The PA’s own budget exposed the foreign Pay-for-Slay payments
The PA’s 2017 budget book included a breakdown of how many “Martyrs and wounded” families receive monthly allowances — both inside and outside PA-controlled areas. (The PA has not published the figures about the number of Martyr family recipients since 2017.)
Although the file is no longer available online, PMW downloaded it at the time.
The relevant section on page 622 states:
13,500 families of Martyrs and wounded received monthly allowances. The Institution [for Care of the Families of the Martyrs and the Wounded] pays monthly allowances to the families of the Martyrs and the wounded through the institution’s branches abroad.
The budget continues:
21,500 families of martyrs and wounded inside the homeland (the PA areas and Israel) received allowances. Providing financial allowances to the families of the Martyrs and the wounded inside the homeland through the institution’s branches.
This was the PA admitting — in its budget — that it maintained an organized foreign-branch system to pay 13,500 terror “allowances” outside the “homeland.”
The minimum foreign Pay-for-Slay total: NIS 18.9 million per month
Under PA regulations, the minimum monthly payment to “Martyrs’ families” is 1,400 shekels.
The 2017 figure for overseas recipients:
- 13,500 families × 1,400 shekels = 18,900,000 shekels per month
This figure of 18.9 million is clearly a minimum for 2026:
- Payments rise based on family status (+400 shekels for a wife and +60 shekels for each child). For simplicity, PMW has ignored the extras.
- The number of eligible “Martyrs” families has certainly increased since 2017.
- PMW did not calculate the exiled Palestinian released terrorist prisoners who have continued to receive monthly payments.
The method: The PA hides foreign payments under the PLO heading
This money avoids EU and US donor scrutiny because the PA does not pay terrorists’ families outside the country through the PA’s local Commission of Prisoners. Instead, the PA routes payments through the PLO, where donors are not demanding transparency.
Donors scrutinize PA payments; donors do not scrutinize PLO payments. The PA exploits that gap.
Looking at the PA transfers to the PLO in 2025 confirms PMW’s analysis.
In 2025, the PA reported transferring to the PLO 269,434,600 shekels, averaging 22.5 million shekels per month, listed as “transfer expenses” — the budget category used to describe the terrorist payments.
That number aligns cleanly with what the PA already documented in 2017:
- Foreign terror payments in 2017 were NIS 18.9 million/month (minimum)
- A 2025 monthly transfer average of NIS 22.5 million/month to cover these “transfer expenses” reflects an expected increase over eight years
Case study: Ahlam Tamimi — paid in Jordan, protected from scrutiny
This month, Ahlam Tamimi should have received 6,000 shekels, bringing her total PA salary since arrest to 1,158,800 shekels.
Tamimi is one of the most notorious freed terrorists. She orchestrated the Sbarro restaurant bombing, in which 15 people — including 8 children — were murdered. Two victims were US citizens. After being released in the Gilad Shalit deal, Tamimi was exiled to Jordan.
According to PA law, released prisoners continue receiving monthly salaries. Tamimi has therefore continued receiving her PA salary while living outside PA areas. As a celebrated PA figure, there is no reason her payment would have stopped, meaning she certainly would have received her salary this week with the thousands of other Jordanian Pay-for-Slay recipients.
If the US and EU want to seriously eliminate Pay-for-Slay, they must stop ignoring PA transfers to the PLO.
PMW recommends that the US and EU demand full disclosure of the recipients of “transfer expenses” in the PLO’s budget, including the names and countries of where the PA is paying terrorists and their families beyond donor oversight.
As long as the donors turn the other way and ignore the foreign payments, even the PA “reform” of Pay-for-Slay will remain a sham, and Pay-for-Slay will continue, on schedule, every month.
The author is the Founder and Director of Palestinian Media Watch, where a version of this article first appeared.
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Chabad attack suspect had previously sought ‘spiritual guidance’ from rabbi
The 36-year-old man arrested after repeatedly crashing into the entrance of the Chabad-Lubavitch world headquarters in Brooklyn on Wednesday night has a history of engaging with Chabad.
Rabbi Levi Azimov, who leads Chabad of South Brunswick in New Jersey, said the suspect, who has not yet been identified by police, attended a Purim service at Chabad in March of last year. He visited there twice more, seeking spiritual guidance, Azimov told the Forward.
“I was able to talk to him for a few minutes and see that he’s not exactly stable,” Azimov said.
Video confirmed by eyewitnesses shows the suspect repeatedly ramming his grey Honda sedan into the doors at 770 Eastern Parkway in the Crown Heights neighborhood, the main headquarters of the Chabad movement and one of the most recognized Jewish buildings in the world.
The video shows the driver yelling at bystanders to move out of the way before he drove down a ramp leading to the doors.
Video from Daniel David Yeroshalmi via Storyful:
Police arrived at the scene around 8:45 p.m. and arrested the individual. There were no reported injuries. A bomb squad conducted a sweep of the vehicle and found no explosive devices, police said.
According to Chabad spokesperson Yaacov Behrman, the suspect had arrived at 770 Eastern Parkway earlier in the night and removed two metal bollards that block cars from going down the driveway toward the building.
The incident took place on the 75th anniversary of the date that Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson became the leader of the Lubavitch movement. Thousands were gathered Wednesday night at the movement’s headquarters — Schneerson’s former home.
Rabbi Motti Seligson, a spokesperson for the movement, said on X that the ramming “seems intentional, but the motivations are unclear.” The evening’s festivities would carry on elsewhere undeterred, he said. Rabbi Mordechai Lightstone, Chabad’s social media director, said in a post on X that the attack did not appear to be antisemitic.
The attack follows a rash of antisemitic incidents across the city. On Tuesday, a rabbi was punched in Forest Hills, Queens, and last week, a playground frequented by Orthodox families in the Borough Park neighborhood in Brooklyn was graffitied with swastikas two days in a row. In both incidents, the suspects have been arrested. Antisemitic incidents accounted for 57% of reported hate crimes in New York City in 2025.
The incident is being investigated as a hate crime, said Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch.
Additional reporting by Jacob Kornbluh and Louis Keene.
The post Chabad attack suspect had previously sought ‘spiritual guidance’ from rabbi appeared first on The Forward.
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Shiri Shapira’s Yiddish stories reflect the anxieties of millennials
שירי שאַפּיראַס ליטעראַרישע שאַפֿונג איז שױן באַקאַנט די לײענערס פֿון „פֿאָרװערטס“. די העלדן פֿון אירע דערצײלונגען, װאָס זײַנען אַרײַן אינעם בוך „די צוקונפֿט“, זײַנען ישׂראלדיקע מענער און פֿרױען פֿון אַ גאַנץ יאָר, די מחברטע בתוכם. זײערע דאגות זײַנען װעגן פּרנסה, משפּחה, געזונט און וכּדומה. אָבער הינטער אָט דעם טאָג־טעגלעכן שטײגער שטעקט אַ נײַע פּערזענלעכע דערפֿאַרונג, װאָס אַנטפּלעקט זיך אין אַ קריטישן מאָמענט און עפֿנט אָפֿט מאָל אַ נײַע תּקופֿה אין זײער לעבן.
בײַם 13־יאָריקן מײדל אין דער דערצײלונג „די צוקונפֿט“, װאָס עפֿנט דאָס בוך, האָט זיך די נײַע תּקופֿה אָנגעהױבן אין 2001. די טעראָר־אַטאַקע אױף ניו־יאָרק האָט זיך צונױפֿגעפֿאַלן מיט אַ טעראָר־אָנפֿאַל אין איר שטאָט:
„אין יאָר 2001 איז געקומען דער ערשטער טעראָר־אָנפֿאַל אין אונדזער שטאָט. די השפּעות אויפֿן טאָג־טעגלעכן לעבן זענען געווען גרויס. מע האָט אָנגעפֿירט אָנסופֿיקע שמועסקרײַזן צום אָנדענק פֿון איין קרבן פֿון אונדזער שול, וועמען איך האָב ניט געקענט; יעדן פֿרימאָרגן האָב איך געדאַרפֿט קוקן אויף זײַן שמייכלענדיק, פּרישטשעוואַטע פּנים אויפֿן בילד, וואָס מע האָט געהאַט פֿאַרגרעסערט און אויפֿגעהאָנגען לעבן דעם שולטויער.“
אַזױ האָט דאָס יאָר 2001 אַרײַנגעבראַכט די „טעראָר־אָנפֿאַלן פֿון דער צוקונפֿט […] הױך ביז אין הימל אַרײַן, גלאַנציקע, זילבערנע“, װאָס זײַנען געװאָרן אַ באַשטאַנדטײל פֿון דער נײַער טאָג־טעגלעכקײט אי פֿאַר שאַפּיראַ אי פֿאַר מדינת־ישׂראל אי פֿאַר דער גאַנצער װעלט.
דאָס װאָרט „צוקונפֿט“ איז סײַ דער טיטל פֿונעם גאַנצן בוך און סײַ דאָס קעפּל פֿון דער ערשטער און דער לעצטער דערצײלונג. דער דאָזיקער באַגריף דינט װי אַ שליסל צו שאַפּיראַס שאַפֿונג. בײַ דער מחברטע און אירע העלדן איז די צוקונפֿט געפֿערלעך און אומזיכער. אַזאַ מין געפֿיל שפּיגלט אָפּ די אַלגעמײנע שטימונג פֿונעם „מילעניאַל“ דור (געבױרן צװישן די 1980ער און 1990ער יאָרן), צו װעלכן זי געהערט.
„די צוקונפֿט“ איז אױך דער נאָמען פֿון אײנער פֿון די װיכטיקסטע ייִדישע צײַטשריפֿטן, װאָס איז פּובליקירט געװאָרן אין ניו־יאָרק צװישן די יאָרן 1892 און 2010. אין אַ קאַפּיטל זכרונות דערצײלט שאַפּיראַ װעגן דעם, װי זי האָט קאַטאַלאָגירט אַרטיקלען פֿונעם דאָזיקן זשורנאַל פֿאַרן ייִדישן ביבליאָגראַפֿישן פּראָיעקט אינעם העברעיִשן אוניװערסיטעט אין ירושלים. אַזױ בױט זי אַ טעמאַטישע בריק צו ייִדיש, װאָס פֿאַרנעמט אַ חשובֿן טײל פֿון איר לעבן.
לכתּחילה האָט זי געהאָפֿט, אַז זי װעט קענען לײענען די צײַטשריפֿט און „זיך לערנען אָן אַ שיעור וועגן ייִדישער געשיכטע.“ אָבער אַנשטאָט דעם האָט זי געלײענט די טאָגלעכע נײַעס װעגן טעראָריסטישע אָנפֿאַלן אין ישׂראל בעת דער אַזױ־גערופֿענער „יחידים־אינטיפֿאַדע“. די ישׂראלדיקע הײַנטצײַטיקײט מאַכט בטל דעם שײנעם צוקונפֿט־חלום פֿון די אַמאָליקע ייִדישע סאָציאַליסטן: „ווער רעדט נאָך וועגן עפּעס אַ צוקונפֿט? די צוקונפֿט איז שוין אַ געוועזענע זאַך.“
שירי שאַפּיראַ פֿאַרמאָגט אַ שאַרפֿן חוש פֿאַר צײַט און הײַנטצײַטיקײט. די צײַט אין אירע מעשׂיות פֿליסט כּסדר מאָנאָטאָן אָבער צומאָל ברענגט זי אַרײַן בײַטן אינעם לעבן פֿון יחידים און פֿונעם כּלל. די סתּירה צװישן דעם גלײַכמעסיקן צײַטגאַנג און דעם פּלוצעמדיקן צײַטבראָך פֿילט מען ספּעציעל שאַרף אין ישׂראל. יעדער טאָג טראָגט אין זיך אַ פּאָטענציעלע סכּנה.
װי אַזױ קען אַ פּשוטער בשׂר־ודם זיך געבן אַן עצה אין דעם הײַנטיקן פּאָליטישן װירװאַר? װאָס איז טאַקע די נאַטור פֿון דער צײַט?
שאַפּיראַ דערמאָנט זיך: „מיידלווײַז האָב איך געהאַט אַ רושם, אַז פֿאַר דער פֿאַרגאַנגענהייט בין איך אָנגעקומען צו שפּעט, און אַז פֿאַר דער צוקונפֿט טויג ניט קיין מענטש, וועמענס פֿאַרגאַנגענהייט איז אים פֿאַרווערט.“ אַ סבֿרא, אַזאַ מין קשיות האָבן זי געשטױסן צו שטודירן פֿילאָסאָפֿיע אינעם אוניװערסיטעט.
דער פֿילאָסאָפֿישער יסוד איז װיכטיק פֿאַרן פֿאַרשטײן שאַפּיראַס ליטעראַרישער שאַפֿונג. אָבער װי אַ געניטע שרײַבערין קען זי קונציק אַרײַנפֿלעכטן די פֿילאָסאָפֿישע חקירות אינעם נאַראַטיװן לײַװנט פֿון אירע דערצײלונגען.
שאַפּיראַס העלדן לעבן אין ישׂראל און רעדן העברעיִש. לרובֿ קענען זײ ניט קײן ייִדיש. זי אַלײן איז אַ העברעיִשע שרײַבערין װאָס האָט איבערגעזעצט אַ היפּשע צאָל ליטעראַרישע װערק פֿון דײַטשיש אױף העברעיִש. איז אױף װאָס דאַרף מען ייִדיש? אַן ענטפֿער אױף אַזאַ פֿראַגע לאָזט זיך געפֿינען אין אירע דערצײלונגען.
דאָס עלטערע פּאָרפֿאָלק בני און דליה, אין דער דערצײלונג „ערדציטערניש“, האָט איבערגעלעבט אַן ערדציטערניש אין ירושלים. זײער מאָדערנע דירה איז ניט געשעדיקט געװאָרן, אָבער אַ סך געבײַדעס אינעם פּאַלעסטינער פּליטים־לאַגער שואַפֿאַט אינעם מזרחדיקן טײל פֿון דער שטאָט זײַנען יאָ חרובֿ געװאָרן און אַרום 700 מענטשן זײַנען אומגעקומען. זײער אַראַבישע אױפֿראַמערין איז פֿאַרפֿאַלן געװאָרן און קײנער װײסט ניט, װאָס עס איז מיט איר געשען.
בײַ דעם פּאָרפֿאָלק גייט דאָס לעבן װײַטער װי פֿריִער. זײ האָבן אין גיכן פֿאַרגעסן אָן דער אױפֿראַמערין, בפֿרט אַז זײ האָבן אַפֿילו ניט געװוּסט, װי אַזױ מען זאָל אַרױסרעדן איר נאָמען. ייִדן און אַראַבער זײַנען תּושבֿים פֿון דער אײגענער שטאָט אָבער באַװױנען פֿאַרשײדענע װעלטן.
יעדן אָװנט עסן בני און דליה װעטשערע, קוקן אַ טעלעװיזיע־פּראָגראַם און כאַפּן בעת־מעשׂה אַ דרעמל. אָבער עפּעס נײַס קומט טאַקע פֿאָר אין זײער לעבן. זײ פֿאַרשרײַבן זיך אױף ייִדיש־קורסן. כאָטש זײ געדענקען כּמעט גאָרנישט פֿון ייִדיש, װאָס זײערע עלטערן האָבן אַ מאָל גערעדט האָפֿן, אַז „זיי וועלן זיך לערנען כאָטש עפּעס, איידער סע קומט דאָס קומעדיקע ערדציטערניש.“
דאָס ערדציטערניש דינט װי אַ מעטאַפֿאָר פֿאַר דראַמאַטישע און טראַגישע געשעענישן, װאָס טרעפֿן זיך אין ישׂראל. אַזוינע אומגליקן רײַסן איבער דעם מאָנאָטאָנעם צײַטגאַנג אָבער אין גיכן גײט דאָס לעבן װײַטער װי פֿריִער. און אין די דאָזיקע מאָמענטן קומט ייִדיש אַרײַן װי אַ מין געשפּענסט פֿון דער ייִדישער געשיכטע, בײַ װעמען מען קען אָנלערנען „כאָטש עפּעס“ פֿאַרן קומעדיקן איבערבראָך.
שאַפּיראַ דערמאָנט זיך װעגן אַ געפֿיל, װאָס האָט זי מײדלװײַז באַאומרויִקט: „איך בין געווען גאָר יונג און האָב געמיינט, אַז אַלע מענטשן אַחוץ מיר געבן זיך אַן עצה אין אַלע פֿאַלן, אַז אַלע זענען גוט פֿאַרוואָרצלט אין זייער לעבן, און נאָר איך שוועב אין דער לופֿטן, ניט וויסנדיק וווּ זיך אַהינצוטאָן.“ און דװקא ייִדיש שאַפֿט אַ מין גײַסטיקן מקום־מלקט װוּ מען קען „זיך אַהינטאָן“ און געפֿינען היסטאָרישע װאָרצלען.
צומאָל װערט שאַפּיראָס טאָן ביטער־איראָניש, בפֿרט װען ס׳גײט װעגן דעם לײדיקן גורל פֿונעם שרײַבער אין דער הײַנטיקער געזעלשאַפֿט. די העלדין פֿון דער דערציילונג „זעלבסטפּאָרטרעט װי אַ העברעיִשע שרײַבערין“ חלומט װעגן אַן אידעאַלן לײענער:
„ער קומט צום אָוונט לכּבֿוד מײַן ערשט בוך, מײַן דעביוט. […] דאָ זיצט אַ מאַן, שיין ווי די וועלט, און הערט זיך צו צו מײַן פּלאַפּלערײַ וועגן דער שווערער,
אויסגעצויגענער אַרבעט אויפֿן טעקסט, אַפּלאָדירט ענערגיש, ווען די מוזיקערס ענדיקן זייער טייל.“
דער מאַן האָט צװײ מאָל איבערגעלײענעט איר בוך און האָט טיף פֿאַרשטאַנען איר נשמה. זײער באַגעגעניש ענדיקט זיך אין בעט: „דערגרייכנדיק צום שפּיץ, לאָזט ער אַרויס אַ זיסן זיפֿץ, אַ זאַטן געזאַנג, ווי אַן ענטוזיאַסטישע, שאַרפֿזיניקע רעצענזיע.“
שאַפּיראַס דערצײלונגען זײַנען פֿײַנע מוסטערן פֿון דער עכטער ערנסטער ליטעראַטור, װאָס זוכט ענטפֿערס אױף די הײסע פֿראַגן פֿונעם מענטשלעכן קיום. זײ שפּיגלען אָפּ די איצטיקע צײַט װי אַ פֿליסיקער מאָמענט פֿונעם גרױסן היסטאָרישן איבערבראָך.
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