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How Judy Blume’s ‘Are You There God? It’s Me, Margaret’ broke taboos around interfaith marriage
(JTA) — When Judy Blume’s young adult novel “Are You There God? It’s Me, Margaret” appeared in 1970, intermarried families were a small segment of the American Jewish population. Perhaps 17% of Jews were married to someone who wasn’t Jewish; today, 42% of married Jews have a spouse who is not Jewish, and in the past decade, 61% of Jews married non-Jewish partners.
Through the 1960s, middle-grade and young adult fiction rarely acknowledged the existence of these families, reflecting and reinforcing their outsider status. Today it is routine for authors to address the reality of inter-religious and culturally mixed families, portraying them with insight and compassion. (See “Not Your All-American Girl” by Wendy Wan-Long Shang and Madelyn Rosenberg, “Becoming Brianna” by Terri Libenson and “The Whole Story of Half a Girl” by Veera Hiranandani.)
This change was made possible partly by Blume’s story of sixth-grader Margaret Simon and her one-sided conversations with God.
Blume’s status as a pioneer in young adult literature is usually associated with her honest approach to the emotional, physical and sexual milestones of growing up, with her works still attracting readers and still finding an honored place on lists of banned books. That legacy is being celebrated in April with a new documentary, Amazon Prime Video’s “Judy Blume Forever,” and a theatrical release by Lionsgate of a feature film version of “Are You There God?”
Yet her treatment of contested identity in intermarried families is as revolutionary as her openness about bras, menstruation and sexual feelings. Actors Lena Dunham and Molly Ringwald, comedian Samantha Bee and many authors, including Raina Telgemeier, Tayari Jones and Gary Shteyngart, have cited Blume’s influence on both their lives and their work. Book lists for intermarried families frequently list the novel as a resource.
Margaret Simon is 11 years old at the start of “Are You There God?” Her Jewish dad and Christian mom have pointedly ignored the possibility that their daughter might have questions about her identity. Along with other issues of teen angst, she feels compelled to decide if she is Jewish, Christian or neither. Without any guidance, the last alternative leaves her in a frightening void. As she pointedly asks God, in her ongoing series of questions for Him, “I can’t go on being nothing forever, can I?”
Margaret’s parents, Barbara Hutchins and Herb Simon, fell in love and defied their respective parents by marrying out of their faiths. They assure Margaret that she has no religion, but can choose one when she is older, oblivious to the fact that this solution seems more of a burden than a promise of future freedom. Their avoidance of any serious engagement with either religion or culture renders any possible choice unlikely.
Blume situates Margaret’s search within the specific landscape of post-World War II America. When the Simons decide to leave their Upper West Side home in New York City and move to suburban New Jersey, their decision suggests a coded reference to their religious status. Long Island is “too social,” an implied euphemism for “too Jewish.” Living there might have made it harder for their relatively unusual situation to be discreetly ignored. On the other hand, the more affluent Westchester and Connecticut are “too expensive” and “too inconvenient.” Farbrook, New Jersey has enough Jews for it to feel right for Herb, but not so many as to make their mixed family stand out.
Margaret also suspects that her parents’ are determined to put distance between the Simons and Sylvia, her paternal grandmother, who lives in New York City. This gregarious woman shows up at their new home unannounced and toting deli foods, making it clear that Margaret’s one unambiguous connection to Judaism is not going to disappear. While Barbara’s parents utterly rejected her when she married a Jew, Sylvia has pragmatically decided to accept what she cannot change. In the postwar era, more Jews began to abandon or minimize religious practice, while still maintaining ethnically distinct customs. Like holiday observance or synagogue attendance, ethnic Jewish culture is also absent from the Simon home. Sylvia’s Jewish food, her frequent trips to Florida, even her combination of sarcasm and smothering warmth, provide Margaret with markers of the tradition her parents have eschewed.
Still, when Sylvia repeatedly asks Margaret if her (nonexistent) boyfriends are Jewish, the young girl is baffled. Given her own lack of consciousness of herself as Jewish, why would Margaret care?
Rachel McAdams and Abby Ryder Fortson in the forthcoming film adaptation of “Are You There God? It’s Me, Margaret.” (Dana Hawley/Lionsgate © 2022)
In the larger world of Farbrook, Margaret’s new friends seem to have more secure identities, conveniently defined by membership either in the “Y” (Young Men’s Christian Association) or the Jewish Community Center. Perfunctory attendance at Hebrew school until after one’s bar mitzvah is the furthest extent of her peers’ Jewishness. Margaret explains that her parents are “nothing” and that, prior to their marriage, they were Jewish and Christian, as if those identities could be cast off like an article of clothing. When Mr. Benedict, her enthusiastic young teacher, distributes a questionnaire, Margaret completes the prompt “I hate” with “religious holidays.” He attempts to draw her out about this troubling answer, and she scornfully observes that her teacher acted as if “he had uncovered some deep, dark mystery.”
On one level, he has. Her mother’s blandly universal definition of God as a “nice idea,” who “belongs to everybody,” is clearly a denial of the fractures in her family members’ lives.
Blume also captures the essence of mid-century non-Orthodox Judaism as comfortably accessible, yet also somewhat empty. On a visit to Grandma Sylvia’s elegant temple, the atmosphere is quietly decorous, the sanctuary filled with well-appointed congregants and beautifully arranged flowers. Sylvia’s rabbi greets Margaret with an enthusiastic “Good Yom Tov,” which he translates as “Happy New Year,” although it is actually a generic holiday greeting.
When Margaret later visits Presbyterian and Methodist churches, she notes the remarkable similarity among all three experiences.
The novel’s one incident of specific religious practice involves Margaret’s brief, unfinished confession in a classmate’s Catholic church. Having participated in bullying, Margaret tries to assuage her guilt through a ritual alien to both her father’s Judaism and her mother’s Protestant Christianity. She even momentarily confuses the priest with the silent God of her conversations. Nothing could be further from her parents’ rejection of religion, or from Grandma Sylvia’s loving assurance to Margaret that “I knew you were a Jewish girl at heart.”
When Margaret’s Christian grandparents decide to resume contact, the suppressed anger in the Simon home finally erupts. Herb is furious, and accuses his in-laws of only wanting to meet Margaret “to make sure she doesn’t have horns!” — a caustic reference to a persistent antisemitic myth. Blume had subtly foreshadowed this disruption of the status quo in a parallel event at school. When a Jewish student, backed by his parents, refuses to sing Christmas carols, the implicit agreement of the town’s Jews to quietly conform is broken. A Christian girl, in what seems an act of retaliation, then refuses to sing Hanukkah songs. These acts of resistance reinforce Margaret’s marginal status. Her intermarried family represents neither conformity with postwar norms nor an assertion of Jewish pride.
Blume appears to tip the scales in her portrayal of Mary and Paul Hutchins, Margaret’s maternal grandparents. Entirely unlikeable, simultaneously pushy and cold, they insist that the granddaughter they had never acknowledged is Christian. After their failed visit, Grandma Sylvia returns, along with her sweet and obviously Jewish new boyfriend, Mr. Binamin (“rhymes with cinnamon”). Readers rooting for the triumph of Margaret’s Jewish roots may breathe a sigh of relief here, but hope for a satisfying ending is illusory. Margaret’s search for a stable sense of self is still unfinished, and will not be satisfied by choosing membership in either the Y or the JCC.
For young readers, the novel’s discussion of religious identity proved as life-changing as its honest portrayal of puberty and menstruation. “I related to that kind of conflict of religion,” the comedian Chelsea Handler, who grew up in a mixed Jewish-Mormon home, told Blume in 2020. “At that time, I just found out my mom was Mormon, on top of thinking she was Jewish, and your books were such a reprieve for me and such a joy.”
More than 50 years ago, Judy Blume tackled a difficult subject, about both changing demographics and the search for authenticity in American Jewish life. Margaret’s conclusion that “twelve is very late to learn” about the essence of who you are still poses a challenge, while her persistent search for a meaningful identity offers a degree of optimism.
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The post How Judy Blume’s ‘Are You There God? It’s Me, Margaret’ broke taboos around interfaith marriage appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Israel Issues Veiled Warning to Turkey as Countries Clash Over Gaza Role
Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan attends a press conference with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz at the Presidential Palace in Ankara, Turkey, Oct. 30, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Umit Bektas
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz on Tuesday warned regional powers — in an apparent swipe at Turkey — to abandon any ambitions of restoring an empire, as tensions mount over postwar reconstruction in Gaza and competing efforts to assert regional influence.
At a joint press conference with Greek Defense Minister Nikos Dendias in Athens, Katz said Israel was determined “not to allow actors seeking to undermine regional stability to establish a foothold through terrorism, aggression, or military proxies — in Syria, in Gaza, in the Aegean Sea, or in any other arena.”
“Those who dream of dragging the region backward, establishing control through terror, or rebuilding empires at the expense of sovereign states will encounter a resolute alliance of free, strong nations capable of defending themselves,” Katz continued.
Last week, US President Donald Trump announced the establishment of the “Gaza Board of Peace” as part of his administration’s 20-point peace plan intended to end the war in Gaza and advance the process into phase two.
Despite vocal opposition from Israel, Trump has invited Turkey — along with Egypt, Argentina, and several other countries — to take part in his newly created initiative.
Israeli officials have repeatedly rejected any Turkish role in Gaza’s postwar reconstruction, warning that Ankara’s push to expand its regional influence could bolster Hamas’s terrorist infrastructure. Turkey has been a longtime backer of Hamas, the Palestinian terrorist group that ruled Gaza before the war and currently controls just over 40 percent of the enclave’s territory.
Beyond now holding a seat on the Board of Peace, Turkey, a NATO ally, is also seeking a role in a multinational force expected to be deployed to the war-torn enclave to oversee reconstruction efforts, prompting Israeli warnings that Ankara could use its position to shield Hamas from disarmament.
Multiple media outlets reported that Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan has yet to decide whether to accept Trump’s invitation to join the US-led initiative in Gaza, with the country’s participation in the international force still uncertain.
On Monday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed that neither Turkish nor Qatari forces would be allowed in Gaza under the US-backed postwar reconstruction bodies, acknowledging a “certain dispute” with Washington over the issue.
“Turkish or Qatari soldiers will not be in the Strip,” the Israeli leader said in a speech to the Knesset.
Qatar and Turkey “are barely members of an advisory committee of one of the three commissions, in which they don’t have any authority or any influence or any soldiers,” Netanyahu continued.
Even as talks advance on phase two of Trump’s peace plan, Netanyahu stressed that Israel is still awaiting the return of slain hostage Ran Gvili’s remains, as stipulated in the first stage of the agreement.
“Phase two means one simple thing: Hamas will be disarmed, and Gaza will be demilitarized,” he said. “We are committed to these goals, and they will be achieved, either the hard way or the easy way.”
Under Trump’s Gaza peace plan, the international board of peace would oversee an interim technocratic Palestinian government in the enclave, supported for at least two years by an International Stabilization Force (ISF).
The ISF — comprising troops from multiple participating countries — will oversee the Gaza ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, train local security forces, secure Gaza’s borders with Israel and Egypt, and protect civilians while maintaining humanitarian corridors.
In addition, the ISF would seemingly be expected to take on the responsibility of disarming Hamas — a key component of Trump’s peace plan to end the war in Gaza which the Palestinian terrorist group has repeatedly rejected.
Earlier this month, Erdogan warned that the ISF would fail to earn the trust of the Palestinian people without Turkey’s involvement, signaling Ankara’s determination to assert influence over Gaza’s postwar future.
“It would be impossible for any mechanism to gain the trust of the Palestinian people without Turkey’s involvement,” the Turkish leader said.
“We are in a key position for such a mission due to our deep historical ties with the Palestinian side, the security and diplomacy channels we have maintained with Israel in the past, and our regional influence as a NATO member country,” he continued.
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An activist criticized Miami Beach’s Jewish mayor on Facebook — then police came knocking
Miami Beach’s Jewish mayor and his police chief are facing blowback after detectives questioned a local activist over a Facebook post in which she accused the mayor of endorsing violence against Palestinians.
Two weeks ago, Raquel Pacheco commented on a Facebook post by Mayor Steven Meiner, in which he wrote that Miami Beach “is a safe haven for everyone.” He compared Miami Beach with New York City, which he said was “intentionally removing protections against select groups, including promoting boycotts of Israeli/Jewish businesses.”
“The guy who consistently calls for the death of all Palestinians, tried to shut down a theater for showing a movie that hurt his feelings, and REFUSES to stand up for the LGBTQ community in any way (even leaves the room when they vote on related matters) wants you to know that you’re all welcome here. 🤡🤡🤡” Pacheco commented.
Five days later, police showed up at Pacheco’s door.
Pacheco recorded the encounter, which showed a detective telling her the Facebook post “can probably incite someone to do something radical,” and that Pacheco should “refrain from posting things like that because that could get something incited.”
“This is freedom of speech,” Pacheco told the officer. “This is America, right?”
Pacecho later acknowledged Meiner hadn’t explicitly called for the death of all Palestinians, but told Axios that she viewed Meiner’s public support for Israel as amounting to an endorsement of genocide.
In a statement, Miami Beach Police Chief Wayne Jones said he “had serious concerns that her remarks could trigger physical action by others,” in the context of “the real, ongoing national and international concerns surrounding antisemitic attacks and recent rhetoric that has led to violence against political figures.”
Jones added that “at no time did the mayor or any other official direct me to take action.” Meiner’s office did not respond to the Forward’s request for comment.
The video of the encounter has gone viral on social media, with many commenters expressing disbelief at what they view as a clear misuse of police power.
“Wtf,” conservative media personality Megyn Kelly posted to X alongside the video.
The free speech advocacy group FIRE called the incident “offensive to the First Amendment,” arguing that the Facebook post fell short of the legal threshold to be considered incitement.
‘One-sided propaganda’
This isn’t the first time Miami Beach has cracked down on speech related to Israel.
In March, Meiner threatened to evict and defund a movie theater that scheduled screenings of No Other Land, an Oscar-winning documentary about a group of Israeli and Palestinian activists trying to save a village in the West Bank from demolition.
Meiner called the film “a one-sided propaganda attack on the Jewish people.” He ultimately backed away from his resolution to revoke the theater’s lease from the city after it became clear the City Commission would not vote for his proposal.
A year earlier, in response to pro-Palestinian protests, Meiner sponsored legislation that made it a criminal offense for anyone to obstruct a street or sidewalk after being ordered to leave by police.
At a City Commission meeting discussing the ordinance, Meiner muted the microphone of two Jewish residents who opposed the legislation and were speaking out against Israel’s conduct in Gaza.
“This is a nonpartisan commission meeting, and I’m not going to allow you to debase and lie about the Israeli government,” Meiner said.
From Yeshiva of Flatbush to Miami Beach mayor
Meiner was raised in an Orthodox Jewish family in Brooklyn, where he attended Yeshiva of Flatbush. His father worked for the Internal Revenue Service and his mother was a public school teacher and guidance counselor.
Meiner attended Brooklyn College and Brooklyn Law School, moving to Miami Beach in 2007 to work as a lawyer for the Securities and Exchange Commission. He left that job amid accusations of unwanted sexual advances toward colleagues. Meiner denied the allegations and said he believed they were motivated by his colleagues’ antagonism to his staunch pro-Israel stance.
In 2019, Meiner won a seat on the City Commission of Miami Beach, and in 2023, was elected mayor of Miami Beach, which is a nonpartisan office. He has branded himself as the “law and order mayor” and encouraged New Yorkers to move to Florida after the election of Mayor Zohran Mamdani.
An estimated 20% of households in Miami Beach are Jewish, according to a 2024 survey by the Greater Miami Jewish Federation, with a higher percentage of Jews there feeling a strong emotional connection to Israel than the national average.
That background shapes Meiner’s approach to leadership. In September, Meiner appeared on the podcast “Standpoint with Gabe Groisman” and spoke about his experience governing as an Orthodox Jew, including how he responds when confronted with opposition.
“There are people who tell me, ‘Just let them speak. Don’t even counter them.’ That, to me, is not wise,” Meiner said. “They can have their free speech, but people need to be educated and know when something is vile and antisemitic.”
The post An activist criticized Miami Beach’s Jewish mayor on Facebook — then police came knocking appeared first on The Forward.
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Syria Gives Kurds Four Days to Accept Integration as US Signals End of Support
Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters walk near an armored vehicle, following clashes between SDF and Syrian government forces, in Hasakah, Syria, Jan. 20, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Orhan Qereman
Syria on Tuesday announced a ceasefire with Kurdish forces it has seized swathes of territory from in the northeast and gave them four days to agree on integrating into the central state, which their main ally, the United States, urged them to accept.
The lightning government advances in recent days and the apparent withdrawal of US support for the continued holding of territory by the Syrian Democratic Forces represent the biggest change of control in the country since rebels ousted Bashar al-Assad 13 months ago.
US envoy Tom Barrack in a social media post described the offer of integration into the central Syrian state with citizenship rights, cultural protections, and political participation as the “greatest opportunity” the Kurds have.
He added that the original purpose of the SDF, which Washington had supported as its main local ally battling Islamic State, had largely expired, and that the US had no long-term interest in retaining its presence in Syria.
The United States is monitoring with “grave concern” developments in Syria, a White House official said, and urged all relevant parties to continue negotiating in “good faith.”
“We urge all parties to exercise maximum restraint, avoid actions that could further escalate tensions, and prioritize the protection of civilians across all minority groups,” the White House official said.
FOUR-DAY CEASEFIRE
The SDF said it accepted a ceasefire agreement with the Damascus government and that it would not engage in any military action unless attacked.
A Syrian government statement said it had reached an understanding with the SDF for it to devise an integration plan for Hasakah province or risk state forces entering two SDF-controlled cities.
The government announced a four-day ceasefire starting on Tuesday evening and said it had asked the SDF to submit the name of a candidate to take the role of assistant to the defense minister in Damascus as part of the integration.
Northeast Syria, wedged between Turkey and Iraq, is home to both Kurds and Arabs and was largely overrun by Islamic State fighters a decade ago before the SDF drove them back with air support from a US-led coalition.
However, advances by the SDF’s main component, the Kurdish YPG force, were concerning to US ally Turkey, which regarded it as an offshoot of the PKK group that had waged a years-long insurgency inside Turkey.
Since Assad was overthrown in December 2024, Syria has been led by former rebel leader Ahmed al-Sharaa, who at one stage controlled the al Qaeda offshoot in the country, and who has emerged as a close ally of Turkey.
Northeast Syria remains sensitive to Ankara, and is of wider international concern because of the presence of SDF-guarded facilities holding thousands of detained Islamic State militants and civilians associated with them.
ISLAMIC STATE DETAINEES
About 200 low-level Islamic State fighters escaped Shaddadi prison in northeast Syria on Monday when the SDF departed, but Syrian government forces recaptured many of them, a US official said on Tuesday.
The Syrian Interior Ministry said on Tuesday that about 120 Islamic State detainees escaped, 81 of whom had been recaptured.
The SDF said it had also withdrawn from al-Hol camp housing thousands of civilians linked to the jihadist group near the Iraqi border.
A senior Syrian government defense official said Damascus had notified the US of the SDF intention to withdraw from the vicinity of al-Hol camp and that government forces were ready to deploy there.
The SDF has previously said it was guarding some 10,000 IS fighters.
Syrian military sources said government troops had advanced on Tuesday in eastern areas of Hasakah province and south of the town of Kobani on the border with Turkey.
The SDF remains in control of Hasakah City, the provincial capital, which is ethnically mixed between Kurds and Arabs, and the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli.
The government statement said it would not try to enter Hasakah or Qamishli cities during the four days it had given the SDF to outline a plan for integrating into the Syrian state.
MONTHS OF DEADLOCK
Tensions between the SDF and Damascus spilled into conflict this month after deadlock over the fate of the group’s fighters and territory as it resisted government demands to dissolve into the defense ministry.
On Sunday the SDF agreed to withdraw from the Arab-majority provinces of Raqqa and Deir al-Zor, and on Monday government forces pushed into Hasakah province.
Reports indicated that SDF commander Mazloum Abdi and Sharaa held a rocky meeting on Monday, after Abdi’s signature appeared on a 14-point agreement with the government.
The United States, which has established close ties with Sharaa under President Donald Trump, has been closely involved in mediation between the sides.