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Human Rights Watch Finally Finds a Line Too Far on Israel

Omar Shakir, then a US citizen representing New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) in Israel and the Palestinian territories, stands next to Kenneth Roth, executive director of HRW, while speaking before departing Israel at Ben-Gurion International Airport, near Tel Aviv, Nov. 25, 2019. Photo: Reuters / Ammar Awad.

Sometimes, members of a non-governmental organization raise an anti-Israel argument so extreme that it confounds the group’s own leadership. That happened earlier this month, when Human Rights Watch (HRW) shelved a report produced by its internal staff.

Two members of HRW’s “Israel/Palestine” team resigned when the NGO’s executive director and his colleagues rejected the far-reaching thesis of the team’s report, titled “Our Souls Are in the Houses We Left Behind.”

HRW’s former executive director was so disturbed by the report that he called the anti-Israel analysis “indefensible.” The officers paused the publication, despite the advice of their legal department, a protest letter signed by 200 employees, and the group’s past sweeping accusations of Israeli genocide and apartheid.

The Our Souls report essentially told the following tale: Israel ethnically cleansed Palestinians from Mandatory Palestine in the 1947-1948 Arab-Israeli War. The Palestinian refugees acquired a “right of return” to their pre-war homes through the 1948 UN General Assembly Resolution 194(III). By refusing to repatriate the refugees, Israel deprived them of their right of return. That illegal deprivation continues to this day. And the ongoing nature of the malfeasance constitutes a “crime against humanity” under the 1998 Rome Statute.

Every step in the Our Souls legal journey is groundless.

There was no policy of ethnic cleansing of Arabs in the Arab-Israeli War. The overwhelming majority of Arabs who relocated during the Arab-initiated war did so due to wartime dangers, not ethnic cleansing. Although Zionist commanders displaced some Arabs by force of military order, those were lawful acts of self-defense against the Arab invasion. By contrast, the Arab invaders who displaced Jews during the war had no justification of self-defense. After the war, the world community adopted the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention. The treaty prohibited “forcible transfers and deportations” but preserved the right of self-defense and said nothing about ethnic cleansing.

Most Arabs who left their homes during the Arab-Israeli War did not leave Mandatory Palestine and therefore did not become refugees. They were “internally displaced persons” not subject to any legally binding protection. Among the two populations — refugees and internally displaced persons — few are still alive.

The post-war UN relief agency created to serve Palestinians labeled them and their descendants “refugees.” But that self-styled moniker lacked any legal significance under the global refugee treaty, called the 1951 Refugee Convention. The uprooted Palestinians and their descendants enjoyed no higher legal status than the uprooted Jews and their offspring. And no other refugee group in the history of the world has had a “right of return” that extends generations.

UN Resolution 194(III) did not create any refugee right of return. The document was a non-binding compromise proposal, which the Arab states violently rejected because they refused to “live at peace” with Israel. For years after the war ended, Arab terrorists continued to infiltrate Israel and attack civilians. Any Palestinian wish for “return” today is subject to negotiation of the “refugee” issue in the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords of the 1990s. Meanwhile, Israel already has millions of Arab citizens and permanent residents.

Where there is no right of return or deprivation of any related right, there can be no ongoing “crime against humanity.” Such a crime is defined a “widespread or systemic attack” comparable to murder, enslavement or torture. It applies to atrocities like Hamas’ October 7, 2023, invasion of Israel but not disputes over refugee rights.

The Our Souls concoction of grievances ignores overriding international norms. By letting approximately 6.4 million Palestinians “return” to Israel, a country of only 10 million, the report would demographically abolish the Jewish state in violation of UN Charter Article 2, which prohibits any threat to “the political independence” of a state. The proposed population transfer would also violate Israel’s sovereign powers of immigration, property ownership, and national security. Moreover, the scheme would breach the “refugee” provision of the Oslo Accords. And finally, the implicit denial of Israel’s right to exist would be antisemitic, according to the internationally recognized “IHRA” definition of antisemitism.

The Our Souls scandal was not HRW’s first implosion over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In 2009, the organization’s own founder wrote a scathing condemnation of the NGO’s discriminatory animus towards Israel. In 2023, an HRW senior editor resigned, saying the group’s anti-Israel bias “shattered professionalism.”

Other NGOs have faced similar upheavals. Four members of the board of Amnesty International Israel resigned when the parent organization declared that Israel committed genocide in the Gaza war. The CEO of Oxfam Great Britain, a vocal critic of Israel, recently resigned and sued the charity, claiming it had improperly accused Israel of genocide and maintained a “toxic antisemitic culture.”

NGOs like HRW, Amnesty International, and Oxfam have no judicial authority or superior legal wisdom. They are interest groups posing as neutral arbiters of law. As they keep spreading their extreme anti-Israel indoctrination, their hostility spirals to delusional extremes. No wonder they sometimes antagonize each other.

Joel M. Margolis is the legal commentator of the American Association of Jewish Lawyers and Jurists, U.S. affiliate of the International Association of Jewish Lawyers and Jurists. He is the author of The Israeli-Palestinian Legal War.

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Gunfire at Synagogues and Bombings at Jewish Schools: We Must Not Retreat

FBI agents work on the site after the Michigan State Police reported an active shooting incident at the Temple Israel Synagogue in West Bloomfield, Michigan, US, March 12, 2026. Photo: Rebecca Cook via Reuters Connect

On the night of Purim, gunfire struck Temple Emanu-El in Toronto. Families had gathered to celebrate one of the most joyful nights in the Jewish calendar. Children wear costumes on Purim. The Megillah is read aloud. The story of survival is retold with laughter and noise. This year, the sound that reached the synagogue walls was different. Bullets struck the building. No one was injured, but the meaning of the moment was unmistakable.

The attack happened during a holiday that commemorates an ancient attempt to destroy the Jewish people. The story of Purim describes a decree calling for the extermination of Jews in the Persian empire. The ending is remembered as a victory of survival and courage. Jews have celebrated that memory for centuries. It reminds them that Jewish history has often required vigilance alongside celebration.

The gunfire in Toronto belongs to that same long narrative. It also reflects a reality that many Jewish communities are now confronting across North America and Europe. Synagogues are no longer viewed solely as places of prayer. They have become targets. Security guards stand outside buildings that once left their doors open. Cameras watch entrances that once welcomed anyone who wished to enter.

Recent attacks include the assault on a synagogue in Michigan — where security prevented the loss of so many innocents — and the bombing of a Jewish school in Amsterdam. And these are only a fraction of the attacks we are seeing.

These changes did not arrive overnight. They emerged slowly as incidents accumulated. Vandalism became more common. Threats increased. Demonstrations near Jewish institutions sometimes turned hostile. Communities adapted because they had to. Responsible leaders took steps to protect congregants and children. Security training replaced assumptions of safety.

In my work teaching personal safety and threat awareness to Jewish communities in New York, I see a pattern that security professionals understand well. Violence rarely appears without warning. It develops through signals that people either recognize or ignore. Communities that train themselves to observe early indicators of danger develop a very different mindset. The conversation moves from fear to preparation. Many families have begun discussing how to recognize early signs long before a situation becomes violent.

Adaptation has consequences beyond physical protection. When protective measures become routine, they shape expectations. A generation of Jewish children is growing up understanding that their synagogue may require guards and barriers. They see adults discussing security plans before holidays. They learn early that Jewish spaces can attract hostility.

Parents struggle with what that reality means for their children. Every family wants to raise confident and proud young people. At the same time parents carry a responsibility to protect them. Those responsibilities sometimes collide. A parent may quietly suggest removing a Star of David necklace before entering a crowded public place. Another may encourage a child to avoid drawing attention to Jewish identity outside familiar environments.

The intention behind those conversations is safety. The lesson that children absorb is more complicated. Identity becomes something that must be measured against risk. Visibility becomes a calculation.

Jewish communities have encountered this dilemma before. In many countries during the 20th century Jewish institutions tried to blend into their surroundings. Buildings were designed to appear anonymous from the outside. Public celebrations were kept small and quiet. These strategies were understandable responses to hostility. They also carried a hidden cost. A community that minimizes its own presence begins to internalize the idea that its existence is controversial.

The deeper question raised by the recent attacks is therefore larger than a few incidents. What does it mean for Jewish identity when celebration takes place under visible threat?

Purim is meant to be loud and joyful. Children shake noisemakers during the reading of the Megillah to drown out the name of Haman, the villain of the story. The holiday invites laughter and participation. When a synagogue is targeted during that celebration, the message being sent is meant to interrupt that spirit. Violence directed at Jewish institutions seeks to narrow the space in which Jewish life can exist comfortably in public.

From a security perspective, intimidation works only when it quietly reshapes behavior. That is why attacks on places of worship carry symbolic weight. They are meant to change how people gather, how they celebrate, and how visible they are willing to be.

The responsibility for confronting that intimidation does not fall on Jewish communities alone. Democratic societies depend on the ability of religious groups to gather freely. When a synagogue becomes a target, the principle being challenged is the freedom of a minority to live visibly and confidently within the broader society.

Political leaders often express support for Jewish communities after incidents occur. Words matter, yet words alone cannot shape the culture in which these incidents take place. A society communicates its values through consistency. Hatred directed at Jews must be treated with the same seriousness that any other form of bigotry receives. When condemnation becomes selective, trust erodes.

Jewish communities also face an internal decision about how they will respond. Fear can lead to retreat. Retreat may offer temporary comfort, yet it quietly reshapes identity over time.

Another response is possible. Communities can acknowledge danger without allowing it to define their future. Preparation and awareness can strengthen confidence rather than diminish it. Schools, synagogues, and community centers increasingly understand that training and preparedness save lives. In many cities, institutions now conduct active shooter training because the first minutes of a crisis often determine whether people escape safely.

Purim itself carries that lesson. The holiday remembers a time when Jews faced an existential threat and responded with courage and unity. The story has endured for centuries because it speaks to a recurring experience. Jewish life has often continued under pressure that might have erased weaker communities.

A community that continues to celebrate its traditions openly sends a message of its own. Jewish life will not be reduced to silence or caution. Holidays will still be celebrated. Synagogues will still gather families and children.

The story of Purim ends with survival. Each year Jews retell it as a reminder that history does not belong only to those who threaten violence. It also belongs to those who refuse to surrender their place in the world.

Do something amazing,

Tsahi Shemesh is an Israeli-American IDF veteran and the founder of Krav Maga Experts in NYC. A father and educator, he writes about Jewish identity, resilience, moral courage, and the ethics of strength in a time of rising antisemitism.

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The Oscars Drop the Ball By Abandoning America’s Soldiers

Javier Bardem and Priyanka Chopra Jonas on stage during the Oscars show at the 98th Academy Awards in Hollywood, Los Angeles, California, US, March 15, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Mike Blake

As a film critic, I was not at all surprised when Javier Bardem exclaimed: “Free Palestine” at the Oscars. I also want Palestinians to live good lives, and I would be interested to see how Bardem hopes that will happen.

I did not expect a single actor to say a word about Israelis who have been killed, or the millions who are in bomb shelters numerous times a day.

While Adrien Brody spoke about antisemitism when he won Best Actor for The Brutalist, I didn’t expect Timothée Chalamet, if he won, to say anything about antisemitism.

I hoped there might be something about a free Iran, or a speech against the brutal regime that killed thousands of its own people and assaulted women and killed gay people. But that would be too much to ask for.

No, I didn’t expect any words about the attacks on synagogues, because the victims were Jews.

Nothing about shutting off the Internet in Iran, because, you know, nobody cares if Jews can’t be blamed.

The one thing I did think was that somebody — anybody — would wish our troops in military conflict well. One need not support the war, or like President Trump, to do so. When American troops are risking their lives, is it so tough to pick one actor to say “We all wish our troops will come home safe at the end of this”?

I admire the talents of many of the actors. But do they think that security comes from a magic genie? Is it controversial to wish that American troops come back safely? Pick any other country on the map, and if they were militarily involved with soldiers dying, would a major entertainment awards ceremony not mention them? I am talking about only democratic countries.

I wonder if some of the actors wanted to say something, but were told not to by their agents, thinking that it might somehow be controversial — though I struggle to see how it’s not controversial to have nobody say anything about troops.

I’ve interviewed both American and Israeli soldiers who’ve been badly injured and lost limbs. Their morale is raised when everyday people show they care about them, let alone famous people.

All those who stood on the stage are great actors. But there is no awards ceremony on TV for soldiers risking their lives daily. There is no “Best Escape of a Missile” or “Best Pilot To Win in a Dogfight.” There should be award ceremonies for that, and I would like to hear their speeches.

That not a single presenter said a word about American troops is a sign of decay that is highly disconcerting and unfortunate. There are role models in all different areas of life, and many look up to actors. On the Red Carpet, people hyper-analyze what gown someone is wearing, who designed it, and who looked better. Some people care about those things. I don’t, but I don’t begrudge anyone caring about it.

I do begrudge that the message to the youth is that we shouldn’t really care much about the men and women that are fighting for our country.

And this seems to be a uniquely American problem.

The author is a writer based in New York.

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Maryland man who sent threatening letters to Jewish institutions sentenced to 3 years in prison

(JTA) — A Maryland man who sent more than 40 threatening letters to Jewish institutions, including the Weitzman National Museum of American Jewish History in Philadelphia, was sentenced to three years in prison Monday.

Clift Seferlis, 55, of Garrett Park, Maryland, was sentenced to 37 months in prison and three years of supervised release as well as a $40,000 fine and a $2,200 special assessment on Monday.

He had previously pleaded guilty to 17 counts of mailing threatening communications and eight counts of obstructing the free exercise of religious beliefs arising from threats to Jewish institutions, which were sent from March 2024 through at least June 2025.

“For more than a year, the defendant terrorized Jewish communities across the country, robbing his victims of their peace and security,” Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon said in a statement. “The defendant’s sentence should be a warning to all that religious-based terror will not be tolerated in this country.”

During a sentencing hearing in Philadelphia’s federal courthouse, Seferlis, who told FBI agents that he had previously given tours at the museum, expressed remorse for the letters, which included threats to destroy buildings and harm individuals over the war in Gaza.

“My words are the worst of my venom, and they are awful and inflicted pain,” Seferlis said. “And if there was any way I could take it back, I would.”

In a joint statement, the Weitzman National Museum of American Jewish History and the Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelphia expressed gratitude for the sentencing, writing, “It is critically important that those who seek to intimidate Jewish institutions are identified, investigated and held accountable.”

The post Maryland man who sent threatening letters to Jewish institutions sentenced to 3 years in prison appeared first on The Forward.

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