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In Chicago, politicians are comparing ICE to the Gestapo — are they right?

On Halloween afternoon in Evanston, Illinois— just a couple miles north of my home — masked, armed men went on a rampage: They deliberately caused a fender-bender accident, shoved women to the ground, repeatedly punched a young man in the head and dragged him across the pavement, and pointed pistols at and pepper-sprayed passersby. These masked men were agents of the United States Customs and Border Protection.

“As soon as I walked up,” local resident Jennifer Moriarty recalled in an online interview, “an agent grabbed me by my neck and threw me back and threw me to the ground and was on top of me.”

As horrifying as the assault was, it had sadly become the norm for our community: For the previous two months, the greater Chicago area was the target of a Department of Homeland Security (DHS) crackdown on immigrants and, increasingly, those who came forward to protect their immigrant neighbors.

The following day, Daniel Biss, Evanston’s mayor, spoke to hundreds  who gathered to protest the federal government’s campaign. “We in Evanston are on fire,” Biss said. “We know what is being done to our people… We know the violence and the emergency and the authoritarian nightmare that is coming at us.”

Demonstrators gather within the “free speech zone” near an ICE processing and detention facility in Broadview, Illinois. Photo by Jamie Kelter Davis/Getty Images

He then evoked the memory of his grandmother, who as a young woman in Europe in 1940 had not comprehended the dangers she faced. “By the time she knew the truth,” said Biss, “it was too late to protect herself, and she and her siblings and her parents were put on a cattle car, and the day they got off that cattle car was the last day her parents lived.”

The analogy is an extraordinary one, but Biss is not alone in evoking the specter of the Holocaust to describe the daily reality here — a reality that was subsequently visited upon Charlotte, North Carolina and is planned for New Orleans next. Several members of Chicago’s city council called out “the Gestapo tactics” of the twin DHS agencies, Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). And as far back as February, JB Pritzker — the first Jewish governor of Illinois — publicly decried the Trump administration’s “authoritarian playbook,” warning “It took the Nazis one month, three weeks, two days, eight hours and 40 minutes to dismantle a constitutional republic. All I’m saying is when the five-alarm fire starts to burn, every good person better be ready to man a post with a bucket of water if you want to stop it from raging out of control.”

The very name of the DHS campaign — “Operation Midway Blitz” — served to conjure up the WWII bombing of London. And the daily itinerary of its agents called to mind aspects of 1930s Germany. Every morning, federal agents departed their local headquarters in the near-west suburb of Broadview in unmarked SUVs, wearing gator-style face-coverings and carrying semi-automatic weapons.

They cruised the streets of a rotating group of targeted neighborhoods or suburbs, looking for dark-skinned workers whom they deemed would be easy pickings: tamale vendors, landscape workers, day laborers at Home Depot, drivers in the ride-share lot at O’Hare. They made only cursory efforts to determine whether their targets were citizens, legal residents, or undocumented individuals. The DHS talking point that agents are only seizing the “worst of the worst” criminals is easily refuted by the data: When the Trump administration finally released names of people they arrested in the Chicago operation, 598 of the 614 had no criminal record at all.

The DHS arrestees were manhandled and taken to Broadview, where they were held in gruesome conditions and pressured to sign self-deportation agreements. Many detainees are so fearful of indefinitely staying at Broadview — or a similarly cruel detention facility — that they sign. They often leave behind families and shattered lives.

The federal agents made a point of flouting the law, as if celebrating their indifference to anything other than their own cruel mission. If an immigrant refused to leave their car, agents routinely smashed the window, dragged the person from the vehicle, and sped off, leaving their victim’s car unattended and unsecured. When agents found themselves surrounded by residents calling attention to their presence, they brandished guns, hurled epithets, fired pepper bombs, and lobbed teargas canisters.

An investigation by Block Club Chicago found that federal agents employed tear gas and other chemical weapons 49 times in the Chicago area from Oct. 3 through Nov. 8.  Even an admonishment from U.S. Circuit Court Judge Sara Ellis did not stop them; after her temporary restraining order, federal agents used chemical weapons at least four more times.

Ellis’s 233-page opinion in the use-of-force case, released on Thursday, is a compendium of immigration enforcement run amok. With access to aerial, bodycam, and cell phone footage, along with extensive testimony, the court found a consistent pattern of violence from government operatives, and an equally consistent pattern of lying about that violence from their superiors. In determining whether the government had violated the plaintiffs’ Fourth Amendment rights, Judge Ellis noted that “repeatedly shooting pepper balls or pepper spray at clergy members shocks the conscience… Tear gassing expectant mothers, children, and babies shocks the conscience… Tackling someone dressed in a duck costume to the ground and leaving him with a traumatic brain injury, and then refusing to provide any explanation for the action, shocks the conscience.”

When assessing the government’s truthfulness, Ellis wrote that “[CBP Commander Gregory] Bovino appeared evasive over the three days of his deposition, either providing ‘cute’ responses to Plaintiffs’ counsel’s questions or outright lying.”

The use of force, along with the targeting of individuals based on their ethnic identity and the government mandate to deport one million immigrants per year, brings to mind for me the Polenaktion, the mass arrest and deportation of 17,000 Polish Jews from Germany in 1938.  At the same time, I ask myself, are such equivalences accurate and helpful? Holocaust scholar Daniel H. Magilow, in an astute discussion of ICE/Gestapo comparisons, reminds us that while “analogies can be useful for clarifying complex ideas… they risk oversimplifying and trivializing history.”

For my parents, who came of age as Brooklyn Jews as the Nazis were coming to power in Europe, the question had hovered over their lives: “Could it happen here?” After two months of brutal and lawless behavior, I was asking, “Is it happening here? Now?”

So I called my nonagenarian parents to ask them what they thought. My dad said Operation Midway Blitz did remind him of “Gestapo tactics, a Gestapo presence, the Gestapo’s impact on society.” My mom added a note of caution: “We should be careful talking about them like all individuals in ICE are the same. It takes a while to answer the question ‘who are they,” how Gestapo-ish all the people in ICE are.”

Who are the officers of ICE and CBP? It is a question that Illinois Senator Dick Durbin addressed in a letter to DHS Secretary Kristi Noem. Durbin pointed to loosened standards for ICE hiring and training, and to recruiting advertisements — targeted to white applicants — urging them to join up to “defend your culture.” (A recent article in Haaretz also raised alarms that imagery on DHS’s social media used antisemitic dog whistles and was intended to appeal to neo-Nazis.) Durbin asked Noem whether there was any vetting to check if applicants were January 6 rioters or members of white nationalist groups and, if so, whether those extremists were getting hired.

Such concerns go back many years. A ProPublica investigation in 2019 uncovered a secret Facebook group for current and former CBP personnel that revealed “a pervasive culture of cruelty aimed at immigrants.” In 2022, twenty-seven civil rights organizations wrote the Justice Department to warn that CBP was collaborating with white supremacist paramilitary groups on the U.S. southern border.

Whether one accepts the “Gestapo” analogy or not, it is clear that Chicago residents are heeding the dire warnings coming from politicians and activists alike. When the “five-alarm fire” commenced, the response of thousands of residents was rapid and well-organized. Secure chat groups were launched; ICE-watch trainings were at capacity. In my neighborhood and beyond, during the worst days of the crackdown, one could see on every street-corner people on patrol with orange whistles around their necks, ready to document and peacefully confront the armed federal incursion.

During the Halloween incident in Evanston, CBP agents stuffed three people — including Jennifer Moriarty — in an SUV. They then drove erratically around Evanston and Chicago’s Rogers Park neighborhood, attempting to goad other drivers into more traffic accidents. But wherever they went, the orange whistles were sounding. “When I was on the ground and when I was in the car,” Moriarty recalled, “looking out at all the people, all the faces of the community members… I never felt I was doing anything wrong. And all those people were also there, doing all the right things, as well.”

My experience when I joined a local patrol was the same as Moriarty’s. I had a sense of pride and wonder that so many neighbors were united in non-violent opposition to racist attacks. Whether DHS agents were akin to the Gestapo, in the end, did not matter to me. What mattered was that there was definitely a Resistance.

The post In Chicago, politicians are comparing ICE to the Gestapo — are they right? appeared first on The Forward.

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Israel, Australia Probe Iran’s Suspected Role in Sydney Attack as Tehran Issues Conflicting Statements

Police officers stand guard following the attack on a Jewish holiday celebration at Sydney’s Bondi Beach, in Sydney, Australia, Dec. 15, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Flavio Brancaleone

Israeli and Australian authorities have launched an investigation into whether Iran was behind the deadly attack on a Hanukkah celebration at Sydney’s Bondi Beach on Sunday that killed 15 people who attended the Jewish gathering and wounded at least 40 others.

As Australian authorities continued their probe into the weekend massacre at Bondi Beach in southeastern New South Wales, new evidence revealed that the deadly shooting was planned to include explosive devices that were successfully defused.

According to the British outlet The Telegraph, Israeli officials believe Iran orchestrated the attack, probing potential links to the regime’s terrorist proxies.

“We believe Iran is behind the attack. We are also investigating a connection with Hezbollah, Hamas, and a Pakistani terrorist organization,” an Israeli official told the paper, listing some of the Islamist groups backed by Tehran.

Israel had previously warned Australia about Iranian plots amid rising threats against Jews and Israelis abroad, and Israeli officials are now investigating whether Iran was the mastermind behind the mass shooting targeting Sydney’s Jewish community, Israeli media reported.

“In recent months, Iran has increased its activity to orchestrate attacks against Israeli and Jewish targets around the world,” a senior Israeli security official told Israel Hayom.

“There is no doubt that the direction and infrastructure for the [Bondi Beach] attack originated in Tehran,” he continued. 

Israeli officials have accused the Australian government of ignoring earlier warnings and intelligence from this year that flagged potential terrorist attacks and rising threats, saying authorities failed to take sufficient action to protect the local Jewish community and prevent a massacre before what transpired in Sydney over the weekend.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of pouring “fuel on the antisemitic fire” and ignoring Israeli warnings, as tensions rise over Canberra’s anti-Israel stance and its failure to address a sharp rise in antisemitic attacks.

The Australian government’s policies, particularly its recognition of a Palestinian state in September, “pour fuel on the antisemitic fire, reward Hamas terror, embolden those who menace Australian Jews, and encourage the Jew hatred now stalking your streets,” the Israeli leader said. 

“Antisemitism is a cancer. It spreads when leaders stay silent. You must replace weakness with action,” he continued. 

Albanese rejected such accusations, saying his priority was to unite the nation and prevent terrorists from sowing division or turning Australians against each other.

“Now more than ever, we must support the Jewish community during this incredibly difficult time — not just those grieving the loss of loved ones and friends, but all members of the Jewish community throughout Australia,” Albanese said. 

According to Australian news outlet ABC, Naveed Akram, one of the terrorists allegedly behind the Sydney attack, was previously on the radar of the Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO), which had been monitoring him for six years due to his links with an Islamic State (ISIS) cell in the country.

Amid already tense relations with Iran, Australia has not dismissed the possibility of Iranian involvement in the attack, with authorities reportedly working alongside Israeli intelligence agencies in their investigation.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei publicly condemned the “violent attack” in Syndey, though his statement was vague and made no mention of antisemitism, the local Jewish community, or any specific target.

“Terror violence and mass killing shall be condemned, wherever they’re committed,” he said in a post on X.

However, Iranian state and semi-official media pushed a starkly different narrative, spreading conspiracy theories that framed the attack as a plot orchestrated by Israel. Other outlets expressed support for the attack, even praising it, claiming that the rabbi who was killed during the massacre, Eli Shlanger, was a “staunch advocate of genocide in Gaza.”

The Iranian news agency Mehr openly called “the Zionist regime” as the main suspect, portraying the attack as a “false flag” operation allegedly designed to serve Israeli interests.

Tensions between Australia and Iran have escalated sharply this year, after Canberra severed diplomatic relations with Tehran and expelled the Iranian ambassador in August, citing the regime’s role in threats and terrorist attacks against the local Jewish community.

The government identified the Islamist regime in Tehran as the mastermind behind at least two major antisemitic arson attacks in Australia, saying it was likely responsible for additional incidents.

In November, Australia officially designated Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a state-sponsored terrorist organization.

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Israel Slams ICC decision to Continue Gaza War Investigation as ‘Politics in the Guise of International Law’

A general view of the International Criminal Court, in The Hague, Netherlands, March 12, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Wolfgang Rattay

Israel lambasted a decision by appeals judges at the International Criminal Court on Monday to reject one in a series of legal challenges brought by Jerusalem against the court’s probe into its conduct of the Gaza war.

On appeal, judges refused to overturn a lower court decision that the prosecution’s investigation into alleged crimes under its jurisdiction could include events following the deadly attack on Israel by Palestinian terrorist group Hamas on Oct. 7, 2023.

The ruling means the investigation continues and the arrest warrants issued last year for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former defense chief Yoav Gallant remain in place.

Israel’s Foreign Ministry called the ruling an example of the ICC‘s disregard for the sovereign rights of countries who are not members of the court, in a post on social media platform X.

“Israel rejects the ICC Appeals Chamber’s decision, by a narrow majority, to deny Israel’s right to receive advance notice, as demanded by the principle of complementarity particularly with regard to a democratic state with an independent and robust judicial system,” the ministry posted.

“This is yet another example of the ongoing politicization of the ICC and its blatant disregard for the sovereign rights of non-party states, as well as its own obligations under the Rome Statute,” it continued, adding: “This is what politics in the guise of ‘international law’ looks like.”

The ICC was founded in 2002 under a treaty giving it jurisdiction to prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes that were either committed by a citizen of a member state or had taken place on a member state’s territory.

The ICC has no jurisdiction over Israel as it is not a signatory to the Rome Statute, which established the court. Other countries including the US have similarly not signed the ICC charter. However, the ICC has asserted jurisdiction by accepting “Palestine” as a signatory in 2015, despite no such state being recognized under international law.

Israel has adamantly denied war crimes in Gaza, where it has waged a military campaign to eliminate Hamas following the terrorist group’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of and massacre across southern Israel.

A ceasefire agreement in the conflict took effect on Oct. 10, but the war destroyed much of Gaza’s infrastructure.

This ruling focuses on only one of several Israeli legal challenges against the ICC investigations and the arrest warrants for its officials. There is no timeline for the court to rule on the various other challenges to its jurisdiction in this case.

Last November, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu, Gallant, and now-deceased Hamas terror leader Ibrahim al-Masri (better known as Mohammed Deif) for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza conflict.

Khan initially made his surprise demand for arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant on the same day in May that he suddenly canceled a long-planned visit to both Gaza and Israel to collect evidence of alleged war crimes. The last-second cancellation reportedly infuriated US and British leaders, as the trip would have offered Israeli leaders a first opportunity to present their position and outline any action they were taking to respond to the allegations.

However, the ICC said there were reasonable grounds to believe Netanyahu and Gallant were criminally responsible for starvation in Gaza and the persecution of Palestinians — charges vehemently denied by Israel, which has provided significant humanitarian aid into the enclave during the war.

Israel also says it has gone to unprecedented lengths to try and avoid civilian casualties, despite Hamas’s widely acknowledged military strategy of embedding its terrorists within Gaza’s civilian population and commandeering civilian facilities like hospitals, schools, and mosques to run operations and direct attacks.

US and Israeli officials have issued blistering condemnations of the ICC move, decrying the court for drawing a moral equivalence between Israel’s democratically elected leaders and the heads of Hamas, which launched the war in Gaza with its Oct. 7 atrocities.

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Israeli Tech Sector Annual Deals, Listings Jump to $59 Billion, PwC Says

Yoni Assia, CEO of eToro, speaks before ringing the opening bell to celebrate the company’s IPO on Nasdaq, in New York City, US, May 15, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Brendan McDermid

Appetite for Israeli technology innovation has remained undiminished this year, with a surge in acquisitions and IPOs led by Alphabet’s $32 billion purchase of Israeli cybersecurity company Wiz, PwC Israel said on Monday.

The consultancy said in a report that such deals jumped by 340% to nearly $59 billion, from $13.4 billion in 2024. Excluding the Wiz deal, the value of transactions doubled to $32 billion.

There were seven IPOs with a combined valuation of $14.6 billion, up from the $781 million total achieved with six listings in 2024, demonstrating strong investor demand despite Israel’s two-year war against Palestinian terrorist group Hamas.

PwC noted a decline in medium-sized deals between $100 million and $500 million, but more small and larger deals.

There were six acquisitions above $1 billion this year, including fintech firms Next Insurance (bought for $2.6 billion) and Melio ($2.5 billion), with Nasdaq listings for Navan and eToro at valuations of $6.2 billion and $4.4 billion respectively.

Yaron Weizenbluth, a partner and head of audit in PwC Israel, said that while more tech entrepreneurs and managers have relocated operations overseas, many companies still rely on the “unique talent in Israel.”

“The Israeli market has demonstrated an incredible ability to adapt and close gaps in the past; the potential for value creation is immense,” he said.

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