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In synagogues and on the streets, Israel’s new ‘faithful left’ is making itself felt

TEL AVIV (JTA) — “Everyone who answers, ‘Thank God’ when asked, ‘How are you,’ raise your hand,” Brit Yakobi asked the crowd of 700 people gathered in an Orthodox synagogue in Jerusalem.

The overwhelming majority of hands shot up.

“Everyone who is mortified with our current government, raise your hand,” continued Yakobi, the director of religious freedom and gender at Shatil, an Israeli social justice organization founded by the New Israel Fund.

Once again, almost every hand went up.

The display took place at a Jan. 25 conference billing itself as for Israel’s “faithful left” — a demographic that many consider nonexistent but which is seeking to assert itself in response to the country’s new right-wing government.

Israel’s politics leave little room for left-leaning Orthodox Jews. In the United States, the vast majority of Jews vote for Democrats, and even in Orthodox communities, where right-wing politics are ascendant, liberal candidates hold appeal for some. But in Israel, the official leadership of religious Jews of all stripes is firmly entrenched in the right — and their followers tend to vote as a bloc.

The hundreds of Orthodox Jews at the conference hope to change that dynamic, and have already started doing so by showing up en masse — and to applause — at the anti-government protests that have swept the country since the beginning of the year. But while their list of goals is long, they are also taking time to appreciate the unusual experience of being together.

A view of the attendees at the first meeting of Smol Emuni, the Faithful Left, in Jerusalem shows many kippahs — typically not associated with left-wing politics in Israel. (Photo by Gilad Kavalerchik)

“Just being in a room and realizing I’m not the only one like me was amazing,” attendee Shira Attias told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “The main takeaway for members of this niche and controversial group [is] to feel on their skin that they are not alone.”

Nitsan Machlis, a student and activist, agreed. “I’ve never seen so many people in a room together with whom I felt like I can identify with both religiously and politically.”

The conference took place inside the Heichal Shlomo synagogue, located adjacent to Jerusalem’s Great Synagogue at the same intersection as Israel’s prime minister’s official residence — a symbolic spot at the heart of Israel’s religious center.

“The fact that it was in Heichal Shlomo is quite significant because it’s a very Orthodox place,” said Ittay Flescher, educational director of an Israeli-Palestinian youth organization who attended the event. “It was chosen intentionally as an iconic Orthodox place, a place where Torah learning happens.”

That’s meaningful because members of the new government have disparaged critics of its policy moves as being anti-religious and opposed to Torah values.

According to haredi activist Pnina Pfeuffer, a member of the steering committee of Smol Emuni, which means faithful left in Hebrew, the conference was driven by the idea that leftwing values are an integral part of being Jewish.

“We’re not left-wing despite being religious, it’s part of how we practice our religious beliefs,” said Pfeuffer, who serves as the CEO of New Haredim, an umbrella organization for haredi education and women’s rights groups.

Organizer Mikhael Manekin, a veteran anti-occupation activist and religious Zionist, referred to it as a “very frum” conference, using the Yiddish word for the religiously devoted. Speakers heavily referenced both Jewish texts and previous generations of rabbis, such as Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, who famously ruled it permissible under religious law to surrender land for peace, and the Lithuanian scion, Rabbi Elazar Shach, who likewise supported Jewish withdrawal from the Palestinian territories if it meant preserving Jewish life. (Rabbanit Adina Bar-Shalom, Yosef’s iconoclastic oldest daughter, was among the conference speakers.)

Rabbanit Adina Bar-Shalom, the eldest daughter of former Israeli Sephardic chief rabbi Ovadia Yosef, addresses the conference of religious leftists in Jerusalem, Jan. 25, 2023. (Photo by Gilad Kavalerchik)

“All of us understand there can’t be activism without religious study,” said Manekin, who runs the Alliance Fellowship, a network of Jewish and Arab political and civic leaders.

While Judaism is not a pacifist religion per se, there is a central theme in rabbinic literature of virtue ethics and an emphasis for caring for the weak on the one hand, he said, and a skepticism towards violence and power on the other. “Our role is to second-guess anything with power.”

According to Manekin, the current brand of religious Zionism and ultra-Orthodoxy’s “very recent” move to the right are emulating secular nationalist ethics a lot more than they are Jewish traditions.

“When somebody like [National Security Minister Itamar] Ben-Gvir says, ‘We’re the landlords’ and ‘I run the show,’ that for me is a very non-traditional Jewish way of looking at the world,” he said.

“The immediacy with which we accept the current militantism of the religious right, when there are such clear rabbinic texts which don’t allow for that kind of behavior is insane,” he said. “The idea that Jews can walk around with guns on Shabbat is much more of a reform than the idea that Jews should support peace.”

The ambition around peace has set the faithful left apart from the wider anti-government protests, which have not focused on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A week after the conference, a Palestinian terror attack outside a Jerusalem synagogue that took the lives of seven residents after the Shabbat service put these beliefs to a test.

But Manekin said such events — another attack followed this week — would not change his worldview. “Our tradition is [that] the response to death is mourning  and repenting. The political response shouldn’t be based on revenge but on what we think is for the betterment of our people,” he said after the Neve Yaakov attack.

Constant applause and cheers for our group of religious protesters, marching to join main event in Tel Aviv. pic.twitter.com/ohFMwpCeGc

— Hannah Katsman | חנה כצמן (@mominisrael) January 28, 2023

Despite hesitations from his co-organizers, Manekin was adamant about labeling the conference “left,” because, he said, among the fringes of the religious community is “a large group of people who are tired of this constant obfuscation of our opinions to appease the right who are never appeased anyway.”

According to Flescher, the left in Israel is no longer relevant “because it can’t speak the Jewish language.” Religious people often feel like the left is “foreign, and alien and even Christian in some regard,” he said.

One of the goals moving forward, Pfeuffer said, is to develop a religious leftwing language.

But as the conference demonstrated, even under the banner of the religious left lies a broad range of opinions. As Flescher put it: “The religious left is much more diverse than the secular left.”

Attias, who wears a headscarf for religious reasons, described herself thus: “I’m very progressive and I live in the settlements.”

Even though she is “very left economically,” Attias said, she refuses to label herself as a leftist because she remains “extremely critical” of the left which she says is often “very removed from Palestinians and poverty” and the issues it purports to champion.

Rabbi Hanan Schlesinger, a coexistence activist who lives in the West Bank settlement of Alon Shvut, described his experience at the conference on Facebook. “I have rarely felt so at home and so comfortable in a sea of kippot in Israel,” he wrote, alluding to the fact that in Israel, the style and presence of one’s head covering is widely seen as indicative of his or her religious orientation and politics alike.

The conference did not shy away from raising hot-button topics that not everyone in the room saw eye to eye on. “Because we tried to include as much of a left-wing range of opinions as we could, everyone at some point felt a little bit uncomfortable,” Pfeuffer said, noting that there was an LGBTQ circle and even references to “apartheid” by one speaker, Orthodox female rabbi Leah Shakdiel.

“If you’re very comfortable then you’re probably not learning something new,” Pfeuffer said.

One thing that made the conference stand out from other leftwing gatherings was the sense of hope and optimism.

“The general mood from punditry on the liberal left is all doom and gloom,” Manekin said.

The atmosphere at the conference, on the other hand, was “emotionally uplifting, energizing, and proactive,” he said. “This feeling of ‘we now have an assignment’ is very indicative of religious communities in general. That feeling that once you congregate, you can actually do quite a lot.”


The post In synagogues and on the streets, Israel’s new ‘faithful left’ is making itself felt appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Mamdani wins 33% of the Jewish vote in NYC, compared to 63% for Cuomo, exit poll shows

Zohran Mamdani won over 33% of Jewish voters as he was elected mayor of New York City on Tuesday, according to exit polling.

The poll found that 63% of Jewish voters cast their ballots for Andrew Cuomo, the former governor who ran as an independent after losing to Mamdani in the Democratic primary. Cuomo polled second throughout the general election and was the subject of a campaign by Jewish advocates to consolidate votes against Mamdani, a longtime critic of Israel whose positions elicited allegations of antisemitism.

Only 3% of Jews voted for the third major candidate, Republican Curtis Sliwa, according to the poll, conducted on behalf of multiple news organizations by the polling firm SSRS.

The pro-Cuomo push appeared to yield results in precincts with many Orthodox Jews in particular. Cuomo neared 80% of the vote in such precincts, along with winning large populations of more liberal Jews in Manhattan and the Bronx, according to The New York Times. But the Upper West Side, seen as a bastion for Jewish liberals, went for Mamdani, albeit at slightly less than the citywide rate.

There was evidence that much of Cuomo’s support came from Republicans: 69% of his voters said they believed Donald Trump was doing a good job as president.

Though concerns about affordability reigned among New Yorkers at the polls, Israel also loomed over their votes. The SSRS poll found that 67% of New Yorkers said the candidates’ positions on Israel factored into their vote, with 38% calling those positions a major factor. The election coincided with a broad drop-off in support for Israel among U.S. voters, as demonstrated repeatedly in polling over the last year.

Over 2 million New Yorkers voted, more than double the number who voted in the 2021 mayoral election. Dominating among younger voters, voters of color and voters with college degrees, Mamdani became the first candidate to win over 1 million votes in a New York City mayor’s race since John V. Lindsay in 1969.


The post Mamdani wins 33% of the Jewish vote in NYC, compared to 63% for Cuomo, exit poll shows appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Mamdani quoted Eugene Debs in his victory speech — there’s a long Jewish history there

“The sun may have set over our city this evening,” Zohran Mamdani said from a stage at the Brooklyn Paramount Theater late Tuesday night. “But as Eugene Debs once said, ‘I can see the dawn of a better day for humanity.’”

This was the first sentence of the new mayor-elect’s victory speech, which gave pride of place to a candidate who ran — and lost five times — for president between 1900 and 1920 under the banner of the Socialist Party of America. And each one of those times, the Forverts backed him.

Debs was core to the early history of this paper, which was a staunchly socialist rag with strong union ties; Debs helped to found the American Railway Union and was a major socialist leader, elevating the ideology’s profile, for a time, to the relative mainstream in the U.S. Founding editor Ab Cahan, himself an avowed socialist, used the Forverts to elevate the leftist ideology amongst American Jews, urging readers to vote the socialist line every single time Debs ran. The now-defunct Yiddish radio station run by the Forverts, WEVD, took its call letters from the candidate’s name.

Debs was arrested after leading a railroad strike in 1895; though he had not gone to jail as a socialist believer, he came out devoted to the political ideology. And, soon thereafter, he founded the Social Democratic Party, which split from the preexisting Socialist Labor Party; democratic socialism, the philosophy with which Mamdani identifies, grew out of Debs’ party.

The Forward’s founding editor, Ab Cahan, immigrated to the U.S. in 1882 from Russia. And though he had fled a communist country, he still had harsh critiques of American capitalism; barely a month after arriving, he attended a socialist meeting, and spoke at another only a month after that. Though meetings were often in Russian, Cahan advocated for using Yiddish within the socialist movement so that Jews of all education levels could participate. After Debs founded his new party, Cahan signed on and began to advocate for democratic socialism among American Jews.

In 1897, he founded the Forverts and shepherded a small, upstart paper into a titan that, for decades, was not only the largest Yiddish-language newspaper in the country, but also the socialist paper with the widest reach. Debs was core to that vision — and the Forverts was core to Debs’ success, and that of other Socialist Party candidates, using not only its pages but also its funds to support labor leaders and candidates. Meyer London, a socialist labor lawyer, won a seat in Congress in 1914; he appeared on a balcony of the newspaper’s building to thank his supporters.

And though Debs lost regularly, The Forverts celebrated his results — at their highest, about 6% of the popular vote — as a sign of socialism’s growing profile in the U.S..

“The 3 million citizens who have given their votes for the socialist candidate who sits behind iron bars because he fought courageously for his ideas and for the right of his ideas to be freely expressed — that powerful voice will echo in the ears of the capitalist reaction that so arrogantly raged across the country over these last years,” read one column.

Thanks in large part to Cahan’s support, Debs, though not Jewish, has remained beloved to Jewish liberals. Bernie Sanders even made a movie about the socialist leader in 1979. Now Sanders himself is the most famous democratic socialist in America, the heir to both Cahan and Debs. And their party seems to be making a comeback; Alexandria Ocasio Cortez was buoyed to her seat by the Democratic Socialists of America. And Mamdani, quoting Debs with Sanders by his side, is hoping to share that mantle.

The post Mamdani quoted Eugene Debs in his victory speech — there’s a long Jewish history there appeared first on The Forward.

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The Jewish vote for NYC mayor went to Cuomo, but the Israel vote went to Mamdani, exit polls show

Zohran Mamdani clinched the New York City mayoral race in a decisive victory last night, but Jewish voters favored former Gov. Andrew Cuomo by a nearly two-to-one margin.

A CNN exit poll showed 63% of Jews voted for Cuomo, 33% for Mamdani, and 3% for Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa.

Those numbers suggest Cuomo performed better among Jewish voters than New York City voters as a whole, 41% of whom voted for Cuomo and 50% for Mamdani. Jewish voters make up an estimated 10% of the city’s electorate.

Mamdani won decisively in Brooklyn and in younger precincts across western Queens and parts of Manhattan. Cuomo carried Orthodox and senior-populated neighborhoods in Borough Park and Riverdale.

The Orthodox-populated Borough Park saw record turnout, as did New York City overall, with more than 2 million voters casting ballots.

An outspoken critic of Israel, Mamdani’s stance on the conflict in Gaza resonated with a majority of voters, according to public opinion polls taken after his primary win. Nearly half of Mamdani voters, 49%, on Tuesday said his position was a factor in their support, according to a CNN exit poll. For Cuomo supporters, only 44% said his position on Israel was a factor in their vote.

Cuomo had banked on strong turnout from Jewish voters to boost his momentum in the general election, a bet that ultimately didn’t secure the win. In July, Cuomo said a key factor in his primary loss was Mamdani’s support from young, Jewish and pro-Palestinian voters. “I would wager that in the primary, more than 50% of the Jewish people voted for Mamdani,” Cuomo said at the time.

Mamdani’s positions on Israel have roiled Jews across the country, and he’s often had to defend himself against allegations of antisemitism for: refusing to outright condemn the slogan “globalize the intifada;” reiterating support for Palestinians in his statement on the Gaza ceasefire; vowing to arrest Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu if he visits New York; and saying he doesn’t recognize Israel as a Jewish state.

Yet Mamdani simultaneously built a coalition of Jews who support him. That included a surprise last-minute endorsement from a faction of the Satmar Hasidic community, though Cuomo had the backing of most Orthodox groups that helped swing the 2021 mayoral race for Eric Adams.

Jacob Kornbluh contributed reporting and writing.

The post The Jewish vote for NYC mayor went to Cuomo, but the Israel vote went to Mamdani, exit polls show appeared first on The Forward.

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