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In Tel Aviv, 80,000 Israelis protest Netanyahu government’s plan to weaken Supreme Court
(JTA) — Tens of thousands of Israelis gathered in Tel Aviv’s Habima Square on Saturday to protest their new government’s plans to significantly decrease the power of the country’s Supreme Court.
Authorities reported that as many as 80,000 protesters braved a rain storm in Tel Aviv, while smaller protests took place in other cities across the country, including outside of the president’s residence in Jerusalem.
In their first weeks in the Knesset, or parliament, members of Israel’s far-right governing coalition have already advanced pieces of legislation that would allow a majority of lawmakers to override Supreme Court decisions. Supporters say the proposals amount to an overdue check on a Court has drifted leftward over time and struck down too many proposals from the Knesset’s conservative and right-wing flanks. Critics are calling the proposed changes a blow to Israel’s record as a full-fledged democracy.
“I feel like we are living in the beginnings of a dystopian state,” one Tel Aviv resident at the protest told The Times of Israel. “I am seeing the end of democracy and I feel personally threatened.”
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who partnered with controversial far-right figures such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir to form his ruling coalition, supports the proposed legislation. He has for years been dogged by multiple corruption cases and in 2019 became the first sitting Israeli prime minister to be indicted.
Chief Justice Esther Hayut called the proposed laws “an unbridled attack on the judicial system” this week.
The swelling protest movement that culminated in the rallies has been driven by left-wing activists, according to reports, but centrist figures — including former Defense Minister Benny Gantz, who previously sat in a coalition with Netanyahu — also called for mass protests this week and made appearances on Saturday to show their support.
“If you continue the way you are going, the responsibility for the civil war brewing in Israeli society will be on you,” Gantz said in a televised interview earlier this week.
The rhetoric on both sides intensified as Ben-Gvir ordered police to use water cannons to disperse protesters and banned the display of Palestinian flags at protests, equating them to terrorist symbols. Zvika Fogel, a member of Ben-Gvir’s party, said that Gantz, previous Prime Minister Yair Lapid and two other centrist opposition leaders “should be arrested and put in handcuffs” for encouraging the protests.
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The post In Tel Aviv, 80,000 Israelis protest Netanyahu government’s plan to weaken Supreme Court appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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New York Synagogues Speak of Courage — But Then Retreat in Fear in New York Mayoral Race
Rabbi Angela Buchdahl’s recent message to members of Central Synagogue in New York City struck a nerve. She affirmed her commitment to Israel and condemned antisemitism in heartfelt, eloquent terms. Then, in the next breath, she insisted that Central would remain “neutral” in New York’s mayoral election.
It’s a familiar move from American Jewish institutions: speak of courage, then retreat behind the language of neutrality. But neutrality is not virtue when Jewish security, dignity, and self-determination are under attack. It is moral negligence.
I understand the impulse. A synagogue should not be campaign headquarters. Communities must be open to those who disagree politically. Yet there is a difference between partisan engagement and moral abdication. When a candidate tolerates anti-Zionist rhetoric, minimizes antisemitic harassment, or treats Jewish self-determination as debatable, refusing to speak clearly is not an act of pluralism — it is an evasion of responsibility.
This is not an abstract question.
Since October 7, Jewish institutions in New York have been defaced, Jewish students have been harassed, and Jewish events have been shouted down by mobs invoking “anti-Zionism” as cover for bigotry. The city that once symbolized Jewish belonging is again a place where Jews think twice before showing their identity.
Walk past almost any synagogue or day school in Manhattan and you’ll see the cost of silence: armed guards, security barriers, and parents who wonder whether their children are safe walking home in a kippah.
In moments like these, Jewish leaders cannot hide behind process. We don’t need moral neutrality. We need moral leadership.
The First Amendment’s separation of church and state was never designed to muzzle faith communities. It was designed to protect their freedom of conscience. For centuries, American Jews have exercised that freedom: organizing for civil rights, fighting for Soviet Jewry, and defending the rights of others to live without fear. Our civic engagement was never about partisan politics. It was about moral responsibility.
To suggest that synagogues must be silent in the face of threats to Jewish life or the Jewish State is a distortion of that heritage. A synagogue that cannot speak to the moral character of public life is not protecting pluralism; it is hollowing it out.
In my recent essay for the American Enterprise Institute, “Solidarity Requires Self-Respect,” I argued that genuine solidarity begins with a clear sense of self. You cannot build coalitions by erasing your identity or apologizing for it. A people that hides its convictions for the sake of belonging will ultimately lose both its dignity and its allies. True solidarity grows out of self-respect and self-respect requires clarity.
For Jews today, that means speaking plainly: Israel is not a “foreign issue.” It is part of who we are historically, spiritually, and existentially. A candidate who traffics in anti-Zionist rhetoric is not simply taking a policy position; they are questioning the moral legitimacy of Jewish belonging. To remain neutral in the face of that is to tell Jews that their identity is conditional.
Jewish tradition rejects that posture.
Jeremiah commands us to “seek the peace of the city,” and Hillel warns, “If I am not for myself, who will be for me?” Those are not polite suggestions. They are calls to moral and civic engagement.
Judaism commands not silence but tochacha — the duty to offer moral rebuke when wrongs threaten the community. To be for ourselves means to defend Jewish life without apology. To seek the peace of the city means to do so publicly as Jews, as citizens, and as moral agents.
I do not believe rabbis should generally tell their congregants how to vote. But I do believe they must tell them what is at stake — and in New York, the stakes are high, even existential. Political clarity is not optional; it is a moral duty. When one candidate flirts with ideologies that deny Jewish legitimacy, while another defends Jewish safety and inclusion, pretending the two positions are equally valid is not fairness. It is confusion.
Central Synagogue is one of the most visible Jewish institutions in America. Its history is a proud one: a congregation that has embodied confidence, civic engagement, and faith in both Judaism and America. That legacy deserves to be carried forward not through silence, but through conviction.
The rabbi is right to fear the politicization of religion. But there is a far greater danger in the depoliticization of morality — in the idea that religious institutions can opt out of public life at precisely the moment their voices are needed most.
We can cherish diversity without dissolving our identity. We can respect pluralism without surrendering our principles. Pluralism doesn’t survive through avoidance; it survives through citizens and communities willing to name truth and stand for it in public.
Our community needs leaders willing to say, without hesitation, that some truths are non-negotiable: that Israel’s legitimacy is not up for debate; that Jewish safety is not contingent on political fashion; and that being a Jew in public life means standing, visibly and unapologetically, for our people and our future.
The next mayor will shape whether Jewish life in New York remains vibrant or fearful. Neutrality will not safeguard that future. Conviction will.
If our institutions cannot summon the courage to say what is true, they risk becoming sanctuaries of comfort rather than centers of conscience. Jewish life has never thrived in silence. It thrives in clarity, confidence, and courage.
Samuel J. Abrams is a professor of politics at Sarah Lawrence College and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
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The Next Generation: Israeli-American Voices Shaping the Jewish Future
An Israeli flag and an American flag fly at Abu Dhabi International Airport before the arrival of Israeli and US officials, in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, Aug. 31, 2020. Photo: REUTERS/Christoper Pike
As Miss Israel — someone who was born and raised in Jerusalem and is deeply committed to advocating for the next generation — I was invited to join this month’s Israeli-American Council (IAC) EDGE Conference in New York.
At the conference, I was inspired by the enduring Israeli spirit that continues to make an impact worldwide. Surrounded by hundreds of visionary entrepreneurs and thought leaders, I witnessed the true face of the Start-Up Nation — a nation defined by courage and creativity: dreamers who code, inventors who take risks, and innovators who never wait for permission. They simply build.
Ofir Akunis, the Israeli Consul General to New York, noted how vibrant and diverse the crowd was. He noted that many were young Israeli-Americans, raised by Israeli parents in the US.
Akunis addressed the room in English but noted that many if not all gathered were equally versed in Hebrew and English. He implored the crowd to be proud of their unique heritage and to never stop being loud and ready to lead.
Israeli-Americans represent a bridge between two worlds — deeply connected to Israel through family, culture, and identity, yet shaped by the American experience of freedom, diversity, and open dialogue. This hybrid identity gives them a rare ability to advocate for Israel in authentic and relatable ways, especially on US campuses and across digital platforms where narratives about Israel are often misunderstood.
Jacky Teplitsky, an IAC National Board Member, spoke about how important the new generation of Israeli Americans are, and how they contribute to the electric atmosphere of “Israeli-ness.” It’s crucial that this generation engages in the serious conversations about antisemitism and Israel’s global image to inspiring moments of innovation, culture, and unity.
While many young American Jews contribute to Israel’s future by serving in the IDF, there is also a growing group of proud, pro-Israel voices who have not served — yet whose connection to Israel runs just as deep. They grew up speaking and understanding Hebrew, surrounded by Israeli humor, television, food, and values. Being raised by Israeli parents in the US brings a different kind of experience. Unlike their parents who served in the IDF, they may not have worn an IDF uniform, but they carry the same Israeli spirit — navigating an America where Jewish pride and Zionism often demand defense as much as celebration.
As an Israeli who has proudly volunteered for many years with the Israeli-American Council, including marching in the annual Israel Parade in NYC, I understand the importance of this platform for these voices — it’s not about choosing between being Israeli, Israeli-American, or simply American. It’s about embracing who we are and our connection to Israel.
Because of the rise of antisemitism, the Israeli-American story is not just about where we come from — it’s about what we are building together, as one big Jewish family.
Ayelet Raymond is Miss Israel, Miss World Influencer, and Miss World International — the social media personality @KosherBarbie, and a proud voice for Israel.
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The Crusades Are Back — and Targeting Jews
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and US President Donald Trump (not pictured) hold a bilateral meeting at Trump Turnberry golf course in Turnberry, Scotland, Britain, July 28, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Evelyn Hockstein
Once upon a time, Britain stood for cultured, civilized humanity, and with the US, eliminated the threat of fascist Hitler and stood firm against the false gods of Marxism. Britain is now sinking into third world status. Its culture and values are derided and cancelled.
I was always aware of the underlying antisemitism in British society. To do a good deed was described as, “the Christian thing to do.” And British education included an important cultural icon, the Glorious Crusades. That’s what they were called then.
Pope Urban II summoned the faithful in 1095 to wrest the Holy Land from the Muslims, who at that time were far more civilized than the barbaric Europeans. We are now seeing new crusades. Every bit as dangerous and counterproductive as those earlier ones.
The Crusades were supposed to be religious European missions to conquer the Holy Land from Muslim infidels and atone for all their sins — a holy war that on the surface united the European Christian world.
Over the next 200 years, at least seven different crusades swept through Europe and into the Middle East. Different armies and gangs went looting, raping, torturing, and murdering anyone not Christian in their paths (overwhelmingly, the Jews, of course).
Initially, the Crusaders were successful in conquering Jerusalem and massacring the Jewish population when they got there. But they squabbled and fought amongst themselves, and turned what was supposed to be an ideological, moral, and humanitarian mission into a horrific era of death and destruction.
Of course, most Christians did not see the crusaders that way, but as noble fighters for truth. We were taught in school about brave King Richard, who led his men on the third crusade, joining Phillip of France and Barbarossa of the Holy Roman Empire in a crusade to the Holy Land. But they failed, and Richard was kidnapped on his way home and held for ransom. Later, I learned that it was Jews who paid his ransom. They were not loved for it. And finally King Edward expelled them from England in 1290.
Historians still argue about what caused this Crusader movement — whether it was social unrest, unemployment, plagues, or the need to remove the unruly and get them out of the way. Whether it was genuinely about religion, or more about economics and power.
The Crusaders believed that they were right, that it was God’s work that they were doing. After all, they did offer the Jews the opportunity to convert and join the faithful (or face death). But it was always the stubborn Jews who refused to accept the blandishments of Christianity and Islam, and simply wanted to be left alone.
We are now seeing new crusades of mobs. Not just to fight for the rights of others, but to destroy those who already have them. We are seeing unabashed calls to destroy the Jewish State, retake its land, and drive out its citizens. Across the civilized world, there are howling mobs stirred up by fanatics, and funded by ideological and political enemies of the Jews. As in the crusades, disparate sects and ideologies who hate each other and espouse conflicting moral viewpoints, now combine in their hatred.
The likely new mayor of New York City has called publicly and repeatedly for a world jihad against the Jewish State. And unbelievably, he is supported both by left wing Jews and some Hasidim. We Jews have never learned the lessons of history.
The only saving grace is that such crusades of conflicting ideologies are bound to turn against each other and fail. But not before they do inestimable damage.
What is happening in Gaza is a tragedy. All war is tragic. But it was self-created and there were other options. Even some Arab statesmen agree. I do not see anyone able to control this hatred or violence. Hamas feeds on it. But this does not mean we will not survive and thrive as we always have. To see how history is repeating itself, I recommend reading Jews vs Rome: Two Centuries of Rebellion by Barry Strauss.
The author is a writer and rabbi, currently based in New York.

