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Israel is gleefully copying Nazi imagery in the propaganda war with Iran
The octopus — with tentacles splayed, gripping the globe — was a staple of European antisemitic caricature in the lead-up to the Holocaust. It was first popularized at the turn of the 20th century, and Nazi propagandists later developed it into a recurring motif: the Jewish people as a malevolent, multi-armed creature strangling the nations of the earth.
That imagery became so infamous, so freighted with historical horror, that when climate activist Greta Thunberg posted a pro-ceasefire photograph with a small stuffed octopus toy in 2023, the resulting outrage pushed her to issue a public apology.
The Israeli Foreign Ministry, it seems, feels no such compunctions. This weekend, the ministry’s official account on X posted an image depicting the Iranian government as an octopus extending malevolent tentacles — precisely the visual grammar that organizations like the ADL have long trained the world to recognize as antisemitic shorthand.
The irony might seem almost too pointed to be real. Sadly, it fits a pattern that has been developing for years: the Israeli government has increasingly adopted the symbolic vocabulary of classical antisemitism and redeployed it, directing its logic not at Jews, but at Iran, Gaza, progressive diaspora organizations — and sometimes even at diaspora Jews themselves.
The puppet master
Consider the case of George Soros.
The Hungarian-born Jewish billionaire has long been the target of a global antisemitic conspiracy theory, one in which a cosmopolitan, stateless Jewish financier is suggested to have secretly orchestrated the erosion of national borders and democratic governments. This myth has inspired mass murder. In 2018, Robert Bowers slaughtered 11 Jews at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh in part because he believed Soros was orchestrating a Jewish plot to replace white Americans.
In September 2017, Yair Netanyahu, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s son, posted a meme to his Facebook page captioned “the food chain.” The image showed Soros dangling the world before a reptilian humanoid, who in turn dangled an Illuminati symbol before a hooded, hook-nosed figure — a direct echo of the “Elders of Zion” caricatures that served European antisemites.
The ADL condemned the image as containing “blatantly antisemitic elements.” But while Yair Netanyahu deleted the image — without issuing an apology — his father declined to comment. The implicit message: Netanyahu did not see the image, which also took aim at several of his political enemies including former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, as beyond the pale.
The episode was not an isolated youthful indiscretion. As J Street noted at the time, the younger Netanyahu drew the image from an extremist Israeli Facebook page with aesthetics transparently borrowed from the American alt-right. While the page was taken down after the incident, a replacement immediately appeared in its place.
This is not a story of a young man carelessly sharing content he did not understand. It is a story of an entire media ecosystem — developing in parallel in Israel and the American far-right — in which the enemies of the right wing are mocked with an antisemitic iconographic vocabulary.
The Israeli government has not merely tolerated this conspiracy theory. It has, at times, actively promoted it — albeit in more covert terms.
When Israel’s ambassador to Hungary condemned an antisemitic ad campaign by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán that targeted Soros in 2019, Netanyahu officially countermanded the ambassador, insisting that the Foreign Ministry issue a statement saying that Soros “continuously undermines Israel’s democratically elected government.” The words clearly invoked a widespread antisemitic trope that suggests Soros works to insidiously undermine governments across the globe. And in 2023, Israeli Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli, whose portfolio included combating antisemitism, doubled down on similar attacks against Soros — despite widespread criticism from the Hungarian Jewish community that the rhetoric was an antisemitic trope.
The “fifth column”
Another example of the Israeli government’s growing penchant to draw from the catalogue of Nazi rhetoric and imagery: an August 2025 post by the country’s official Arabic-language X account warning that the growth of mosques across Europe — from “fewer than a hundred” in 1980 to “over 20,000 today” — represented the development of a “fifth column.”
The phrase “fifth column,” which originated during the Spanish Civil War, will be immediately familiar to any student of antisemitism. It is intrinsically connected to one of the oldest and most lethal charges in the repertoire of European Jew-hatred: the idea that the Jew is not merely a foreigner, but a domestic enemy — an agent of alien interests lurking inside the body of the nation. The accusation that Jews constituted a fifth column, loyal not to their country of residence but to shadowy transnational forces, was used to justify expulsion and extermination across Europe.
As one observer on X pointed out in response to the post, with devastating brevity: “I remember when another entity called Jews a fifth column in Europe. How did that go exactly?”
There is a further layer of irony here. The post was published in Arabic, not in any European language, meaning its primary audience was not the European governments it claimed to be warning, but the Arabic-speaking population within Israel. It was, in this sense, not so much a diplomatic communiqué as a declaration of civilizational alliance with Europe’s far-right, broadcast to audiences who would understand its implications most keenly.
A shared ideological structure
In late 19th and early 20th century nationalist antisemitism, the figure of the Jew represented a specific kind of threat to the nation-state: the enemy of hard borders and ethnic particularity — the solvent that dissolved the nation. The octopus was an effective image for this threat because it depicted placeless power — power that extended everywhere because it was rooted nowhere.
Where European nationalists said Jews were a problem because they had no land, early Zionists offered to solve the problem by giving Jews their own territory. If the antisemitic nationalist historian Heinrich von Treitschke could call Jews “a foreign element that has taken up too much space in our life,” then the Zionist activist Leon Pinsker could respond by agreeing that “the Jews are not a living nation; they are everywhere aliens… the only remedy would be the creation of a Jewish nationality, of a people living upon its own soil.”
The far-right revisionist politics that came to characterize the strand of Zionism originated by Ze’ev Jabotinsky, from which Netanyahu’s Likud party directly descends, fetishized national identity, biological determinism, and hierarchy, while building heavily on the frameworks of European nationalist thought. The diaspora Jew, in this view, was not merely unfortunate but defective — a rootless product of historical deformation.
This means that right-wing Zionism has not come to use antisemitic tropes opportunistically. Instead, it does so through a quality it shares with classical antisemitism — that of a deep suspicion of the values that the “globalist” and “fifth column” tropes were designed to attack. Internationalism, universal human rights, liberal diasporism; in this vision, all are dangerous.
Soros embodies a diasporic Jewish archetype that right-wing Zionism has long defined itself against: that of the cosmopolitan Jew, the liberal committed to abstract principles rather than to one particular nation. And when the Israeli state deploys the fifth-column accusation against Muslims in Europe, it is not merely borrowing far-right vocabulary as a tactical convenience. It is expressing a genuinely shared ideological premise: that pluralism, open borders, and minority religious communities are threats to the integrity of a national body.
This explains something that might otherwise seem paradoxical: the Israeli right’s simultaneous performance of Jewish victimhood and its actual hostility to large segments of actual Jewish life.
The Israeli government has refused to recognize non-Orthodox conversions, blocked left-wing Jewish critics of the occupation from entering the country, and treated liberal American Jewish organizations — the majority form of Jewish communal life in the United States — as adversaries.
The same ideological movement that styles itself the defender of the Jewish people treats the largest Jewish community in the world with contempt, because that community is largely defined by exactly the values that nationalist antisemitism — and nationalist Zionism — were both built to oppose.
That’s why the Israeli Foreign Ministry’s octopus post matters. Not just because its resonance with hateful imagery used against Jews is shocking, but because that resonance helps to reveal the structure of a worldview in which the central categories of antisemitic ideology have been detached from their original target — and retrained on new enemies.
The post Israel is gleefully copying Nazi imagery in the propaganda war with Iran appeared first on The Forward.
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Israel’s National Security Council Warns Israelis Abroad Not to Attend Passover Events in Open, Public Spaces
El Al planes are seen on the tarmac at Ben-Gurion International airport, near Tel Aviv, Israel, March 10, 2020. Photo: Reuters / Ronen Zvulun.
Israel’s National Security Council (NSC) has “strongly recommended” that Israelis traveling abroad avoid public Passover events, following its assessment that the ongoing war with Iran increases the risk of them being targeted in terrorist attacks around the world orchestrated by the Iranian regime.
The NSC issued the warning on Wednesday, one week before the Jewish holiday of Passover is set to begin, explaining that the Islamic Republic will increase efforts to carry out terrorist attacks against Israeli and Jewish targets abroad.
“Throughout Passover (as well as other spring holidays and commemorative days such as Shavuot, Memorial Day, and Independence Day) there are large gatherings of Israelis abroad. These constitute potential targets for terrorists, both organized and lone-wolf attackers,” the NSC said in a statement. “In light of the above, and based on the current situational assessment, the NSC calls on Israelis abroad to exercise increased precautionary measures in any country worldwide. We strongly recommend not attending Passover events that are unsecured or held in open, public spaces.”
“In recent weeks, several terrorist attacks, led by Iran and its proxies as well as lone-wolf attackers acting under Iranian inspiration, have been carried out or thwarted,” the NSC added. “Several attacks and attempted attacks have targeted synagogues and Jewish sites (explosives in synagogues in Belgium and the Netherlands, and an attempted attack on a synagogue in the United States).”
Regarding countries bordering Iran — including Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates and Gulf states — the NSC advised that Israelis should not participate in holiday events, including holiday meals, at venues identified with Israelis or Jews, “due to concerns that these will be targets for kinetic attacks by Iranian elements.”
A separate advisory on the same topic was published on March 5.
Last week, the NCS urged Israelis in the United Arab Emirates to exercise extreme caution as Iran continued its campaign of drone and missile attacks across the country and broader Gulf region, warning that their safety could be directly at risk.
Jews and Israelis living in the UAE were advised to avoid public events, synagogues, Israeli-linked businesses, and unnecessary gatherings, including at airports, unless holding a valid flight ticket.
In Wednesday’s statement, the NSC also advised Israelis abroad to take “increased precautions” in Asia, especially in Thailand and the Philippines, and said it strongly recommended Israelis not to stay in the region of the Sinai Peninsula, except if they are traveling to and from Taba Airport in Egypt.
Israeli authorities also urged citizens to enter and exit Israel through Ben Gurion Airport. Those choosing to travel through Egypt or Jordan are advised only to use Taba Airport or Aqaba Airport in Jordan, “and avoid staying in these countries longer than your flight requires.” The NSC additionally recommended that Israelis try to avoid connecting flights in countries classified as Level 4 (high threat).
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A new book of contemporary Yiddish poetry with Russian translations
נישט יעדער ווייסט, אַז די ייִדישע פּאָעזיע לעבט און בליט נאָך אינעם 21סטן יאָרהונדערט. די נײַע זאַמלונג „איך קער זיך אום“, וואָס איז אַרויס אין מאָסקווע סוף 2025, קומט דווקא צו ווײַזן, אַז דאָס פּאָעטישע לעבן אויף ייִדיש גייט אָן ווײַטער — אין פֿאַרשידענע לענדער, שפּראַכן און סטילן. דאָס בוך האָט אַרויסגעגעבן דער ייִדישער פֿאַרלאַג „קניזשניקי“ מיט דער הילף פֿונעם פּריוואַטן אַרויסגעגעבער ברוך־לייב (באָריס) זײַטשיק.
די אַנטאָלאָגיע איז צווײ־שפּראַכיק אוןמע קען זי לײענען פֿון בײדע זײַטן׃ אײן טײל איז אױף ייִדיש, און דער צווייטער – אױף רוסיש. די אויסגאַבע שליסט אײַן צוועלף דיכטער. יעדער אײנער פֿון זײ ווערט פֿאָרגעשטעלט מיט צען לידער. אַוודאי זענען דאָ אַ סך מער ייִדישע דיכטער הײַנט אױף דער וועלט, אָבער, ווי עס שרײַבן אינעם אַרײַנפֿיר־וואָרט ברוך־לײב זײַטשיק און יואל מאַטוועיעוו, דער צונויפֿשטעלער און רעדאַקטאָר פֿון דער זאַמלונג, איז דער ציל געווען צו געבן אַ פּאַנאָראַמישן איבערבליק פֿון דער ייִדישער פּאָעטישער לאַנדשאַפֿט.
די צוועלף דיכטער רעפּרעזענטירן פֿאַרשידענע דורות און לענדער׃ לעוו בערינסקי, פֿעליקס חײַמאָוויטש, מיכאל פֿעלזענבאַום, וועלוול טשערנין, גיטל שעכטער־ווישוואַנאַט, ישׂראל נעקראַסאָוו, ברוריה וויגאַנד, שלום בערגער, יואל מאַטוועיעוו, מאַרעק טושעוויצקי, דוד־עומר כּהן און אַני הקטנה. זײ זענען געבוירן געוואָרן צווישן 1938 און 1993 און ווױנען אין ארץ־ישׂראל, רוסלאַנד, בעלאַרוס, די פֿאַראײניקטע שטאַטן, ענגלאַנד, פּוילן און האָלאַנד.
דער טיטל פֿון דער אַנטאָלאָגיע איז אַ שליסל צום בוך – אַ ציטאַט פֿון וועלוול טשערנינס ליד וועגן דעם אײביקן אומקער און זוכן אַ באַשטימטן צוועק. אין אָט דעם קאָנטעקסט מײנען די ווערטער אינעם טיטל, אַז די ייִדישע פּאָעזיע בײַט זיך און אַנטוויקלט זיך ווײַטער. דער פֿאַקט, וואָס מע שרײַבט הײַנט ווײַטער אױף ייִדיש און נײַע זאַמלונגען לידער זענען אַרױס כּמעט יעדעס יאָר, קען זײַן אַ חידוש אַפֿילו פֿאַר די, וואָס פֿאַרנעמען זיך מיט ייִדיש.
ווי עס שרײַבט דער מיטרעדאַקטאָר וואַלערי דימשיץ אין זײַן הקדמה צום בוך׃ „מענטשן, וואָס זײַנען ווײַט פֿון דער הײַנטצײַטיקער ייִדישער ליטעראַטור, גיבן פֿון צײַט צו צײַט אַ ביטערן קרעכץ און טענהן, אַז ייִדיש, שױן אָפּגערעדט פֿון דער שפּראַכס ליטעראַריש לעבן, איז געבליבן אינעם עבֿר.“
די שאַפֿער פֿונעם בוך וואַרפֿן אָפּ אַזעלכע פֿאַרשפּרייטע סטערעאָטיפּן. זײַטשיקס און מאַטוועיעווס אַרײַנפֿיר־וואָרט איז באַטיטלט „נײַע רינגען פֿון דער ׳גאָלדענער קײט׳“ — די קייט, וואָס פֿאַרבינדט די מאָדערנע ייִדישע דיכטונג מיט דער לאַנגער טראַדיציע פֿון פֿאַרגאַנגענע דורות. די הײַנטצײַטיקע פּאָעטן זענען נישט קײן אײנצלנע איזאָלירטע עפּיזאָדן, נאָר טײלן פֿון אײן גרױסן ליטעראַרישן פּראָצעס.
אין דער זעלבער צײַט געהערט יעדער פֿון זײ צו דער ליטעראַרישער טראַדיציע פֿון זײַן לאַנד און סבֿיבֿה. הײַנט, ווי מיט אַ הונדערט יאָר צוריק, זענען ייִדישע דיכטער פֿילשפּראַכיק. זײ זענען אױפֿגעוואַקסן אַלע מיט אַנדערע ליטעראַטורן אַרום זיך – די רוסישע, אַמעריקאַנער, פּױלישע. דעריבער ברענגען זיי מיט זיך זײער לאָקאַלע ירושה.
די אַנטאָלאָגיע ווײַזט אױך ווי פֿילפֿאַרביק ס׳איז די וועלט פֿון דער הײַנטיקער ייִדישער פּאָעזיע׃ די דיכטער האָבן גאַנץ פֿאַרשידענע סטילן און טעמעס. פֿון דער וויסנשאַפֿטלעך־טעכנישער רעוואָלוציע בײַ לעוו בערינסקי ביז צום „חסידישיזם“ פֿון דוד־עומר כּהן; פֿון טושעוויצקיס „דזשאָגינג“ (לויפֿלען) אין וויליאַמסבורג ביז שעכטער־ווישוואַנאַטס ליד וועגן דעם קאָוויד; פֿון מאַטוועיעווס קבלה־מאָטיוון ביז וויגאַנדס שפּילן מיטן ייִדישן פֿאָלקלאָר. די געזאַמלטע ווערק שטײַגן איבער אַלע דערוואַרטונגען.
דאָס אױסזען פֿונעם בוך קען אַרױסרופֿן עפּעס אַן אַנדער רושם. די הילע – פּרעכטיקע „רײזעלעך“ מיט בלומען און חיות – דערמאָנט אין דער ייִדישער פֿאָלקסקונסט און מע קען דענקען, אַז דאָס בוך האָט עפּעס אַ נאָסטאַלגישן טעם. אָבער נײן, דער תּוכן פֿון די לידער איז ווײַט פֿון דער שטעטל־עסטעטיק. אַגבֿ, וועגן די קאָמפּליצירטע באַציִונגען מיטן אימאַזש פֿון אַ שטעטל רעדט דאָס טרױעריק־איראָנישע ליד פֿון שלום בערגער אין זײַן ליד „דער ייִדישער ליטעראַטור“:
דער ייִדיש־דיכטער שעפּט פֿון שטעטל־חלום
אַ טעם געמישטן פֿון חרוסת־כרײן,
נאָר פֿונעם שטעטל איז אַנטלאָפֿן יעדער,
און צו דעם שטעטל קען מען ניט דערגײן.
דאָס בוך איז די ערשטע דוגמא פֿון אַן אַרומנעמיקער צווײ־שפּראַכיקער אַנטאָלאָגיע פֿון דער הײַנטיקער פּאָעזיע אױף ייִדיש, הגם אַ קורצע באַשיידענע אַנטאָלאָגיע פֿון אַזאַ מין איז דערשינען אינעם אַלמאַנאַך „ביראָבידזשאַן“ אין 2023. הגם עס זענען געווען עטלעכע לידער־אַנטאָלאָגיעס אױף ייִדיש (צום בײַשפּיל, „אַ רינג“, 2017) איז „איך קער זיך אום“ די ערשטע ברייטע פּרעזענטאַציע פֿון דער טעמע פֿאַר אַ נישט־ייִדיש־רענדניקן עולם. דאָס מאַכט די זאַמלונג אױך אַ מין מאַניפֿעסט גופֿא – ייִדישע פּאָעזיע איז לעבעדיק, זי האָט אַ שטאַרק און זיכער קול. פּאָעזיע אױף ייִדיש דאַרף פֿאַרנעמען אַ גלײַך אָרט צווישן אַלע אַנדערע הײַנטצײַטיקע פּאָעטישע טראַדיציעס און קען זײַן אינטערעסאַנט דעם ברייטן עולם אױסער דער ייִדישיסטישער סבֿיבֿה.
אױב מע זוכט וואָס צו קריטיקירן אינעם בוך, קען איך אָנמערקן, אַז עס זענען דאָ נאָר דרײַ דיכטערינס קעגן נײַן דיכטערס. די פּראָפּאָרציע שפּיגלט אָפּ, צום באַדױערן, דעם אמתדיקן מאַנגל פֿון פֿרױען־שטימען אין דער ייִדישער פּאָעזיע. אָבער איך בין אָפּטימיסטיש – מירצעשעם וועלן מיר הערן מער און מער נײַע פֿרוייִשע קולות. ווער ווײסט, אפֿשר אין אַ פּאָר יאָר אַרום וועט מען קענען אַרױסגעבן אַ גאַנצע אַנטאָלאָגיע פֿון הײַנטיקע ייִדישע דיכטערינס.
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At least 40% of Russia’s Oil Export Capacity Halted, Calculations Show
The Druzhba oil pipeline between Hungary and Russia is seen at the Hungarian MOL Group’s Danube Refinery in Szazhalombatta, Hungary, May 18, 2022. Photo: REUTERS/Bernadett Szabo
At least 40% of Russia’s oil export capacity is at a halt following Ukrainian drone attacks, a disputed attack on a major pipeline and the seizure of tankers, according to Reuters calculations based on market data.
The shutdown is the most severe oil supply disruption in the modern history of Russia, the world’s second largest oil exporter, and has hit Moscow just as oil prices exceeded $100 a barrel due to the Iran war.
Russia’s oil output is one of the main sources of revenue for the national budget and is central to the $2.6 trillion economy.
UKRAINE HAS INCREASED ATTACKS
Ukraine intensified drone attacks on Russia’s oil and fuel export infrastructure this month, hitting all three of Russia’s major western oil export ports, including Novorossiysk on the Black Sea and Primorsk and Ust-Luga on the Baltic Sea.
According to Reuters calculations, about 40% of Russia’s crude oil export capabilities – or around 2 million barrels per day, were shut as of Wednesday after the most recent attack.
That includes Primorsk and Ust-Luga as well as the Druzhba pipeline, which runs through Ukraine to Hungary and Slovakia.
Kyiv has also targeted pipeline oil pumping stations and refineries. Kyiv says it aims to diminish Moscow’s oil and gas revenue, which accounts for around a quarter of Russia’s state budget proceeds, and weaken its military might.
Russia says the Ukrainian strikes are terrorist attacks and has tightened security across its 11 time zones.
PORTS, PIPELINES, AND TANKERS
Ukraine said that part of the Druzhba pipeline was damaged by Russian strikes at the end of January, while both Slovakia and Hungary demanded Kyiv restart the supplies immediately.
The Novorossiysk oil terminal, which can handle up to 700,000 bpd, has been loading oil below plan since damage from a heavy Ukrainian drone attack early this month.
In addition, frequent seizures of Russia-related tankers in Europe have disrupted 300,000 bpd of Arctic oil exports flowing from the port of Murmansk, traders said.
With its westward export routes under fire, Moscow must rely on oil exports to Asian markets, but those routes are limited due to capacity, traders said.
Russia continues uninterrupted supplies via pipelines to China, including the Skovorodino-Mohe and Atasu-Alashankou routes, as well as ESPO Blend exports by sea via the port of Kozmino.
Together, the three routes account for some 1.9 million bpd of oil.
Russia also continues to load oil from its two far eastern Sakhalin projects, shipping about 250,000 bpd from the island.
Traders also say that Russia is supplying the refineries in neighboring Belarus with around 300,000 bpd of oil.