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Jewish villains out to destroy Jesus are a staple of Ukrainian Catholic church pageants in the U.S. The Vatican has remained silent.

At a pizza restaurant in Baltimore last year, a church youth group performed a Ukrainian Christmas pageant that promised patrons “carols, jokes and well wishes for a great year ahead.”

What the audience received was a character called Moshko, a Jewish merchant. Moshko was dressed in black with long sideburns — a villain disrupting the Nativity story.

“Wait, don’t be in a hurry, maybe you’ll get something from Moshko,” the character urges townspeople who are trying to celebrate the birth of Jesus.

After the admirers of infant Jesus reject his overtures, Moshko rushes off to betray the infant Jesus to King Herod.

It was a traditional scene in a vertep, the popular Ukrainian pageant performed during the Christmas season, and the actors came from St. Michael the Archangel Ukrainian Catholic Church in suburban Philadelphia.

Verteps draw on Ukraine’s rich culture, weaving together caroling, dancing, brightly embroidered shirts called vyshyvanky, and elaborate floral crowns into a show that runs for about 10 to 25 minutes. The storylines vary. Many pageants do not include the blatant antisemitic stereotype of the devious Jew who sets out to sabotage Christ. But plenty do.

Ukrainian Catholic religious leaders in the U.S. — appointed to their posts by the pope — have been photographed at verteps featuring the bad-guy Jewish character. Such pageants are also promoted in many instances by churches that they oversee.

They include the church’s highest-ranking leader in the U.S., Metropolitan Archbishop Borys Gudziak, who heads the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the United States. Gudziak addressed and then joined the audience for a performance by the St. Michael group days after it performed in Baltimore, a moment documented in photos the church posted to Facebook.

Gudziak was deeply familiar with the problematic elements of verteps.

Fifteen years ago, when he was running the largest Catholic university in Ukraine, Gudziak and two colleagues penned an emotional call to remove the Jewish character, often referred to using the antisemitic slur “zhyd,” from performances. He described a sense of foreboding each holiday season.

“At the moment of the highest spiritual culmination of holy Christmas, the vertep ‘Zhyd’ will once again burst into our home — and the seed of evil that the vertep performance was meant to uproot will once again make a nest in our soul,” Gudziak and his colleagues wrote.

In 2019, Pope Francis appointed him to the position of Metropolitan Archbishop of Philadelphia, charged with overseeing U.S. districts for the Ukrainian Catholic church. Gudziak continued to call for friendship between Jews and Catholics. He is on a committee of Interfaith Philadelphia and released a statement following the Capital Jewish Museum shooting last year that condemned antisemitism: “As Catholics, we are called not only to reject such hatred, but to actively foster mutual understanding, respect, and solidarity with the Jewish people.”

But despite these expressions of solidarity, churches within Gudziak’s own archeparchy (the equivalent of an archdiocese) have promoted, organized or hosted pageants featuring negative depictions of Jews. So have other Ukrainian Catholic churches and institutions in the U.S.

Archbishop Borys Gudziak of the Ukrainian Catholic Archeparchy of Philadelphia, March 15, 2022 in Washington, D.C. Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images

The Forward compiled and reviewed video of 10 pageants in the U.S. since 2020 that feature a Jewish character named “zhyd,” “Moshko” or “Chaim,” and sometimes his wife, usually named Sarah. All were posted to social media, in many cases by the churches themselves.

The pageants mix and match a few motifs, all showing these two Jews in a negative light as they try to lure Christians to commit sin. Some tempt the faithful with goods, loans or liquor. Some mock believers for worshipping Christ; curse Christians; summon and collude with the devil, or betray baby Jesus to King Herod, who is seeking to kill him.

Most of the actors playing the zhyd role wore what look to be peyos, the sidelocks traditionally worn by Orthodox Jews. In one instance, the character wore an exaggerated fake nose.

The Forward located photos from an additional eight pageants for which video is not publicly available that show actors with what appear to be peyos or a fake nose.

Those U.S. pageants are part of a global phenomenon, centered in Europe. A Forward review of more than 200 videos of recent verteps internationally associated with the Ukrainian Catholic Church found that when a Jewish character was included, that character in nearly every case was portrayed in a negative light.

The verteps with offensive scenes are almost exclusively performed in the Ukrainian language and have gone largely unnoticed by Jewish organizations in the U.S.

Presented with the Forward’s findings, both the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defamation League raised concerns about the performances.

“The caricatures in these celebrations, depicting Jews as greedy or aligned with evil, are inherently antisemitic and are part and parcel of the same dangerous myths that have fueled violence and pogroms against Jewish communities for centuries,” Ken Jacobson, deputy national director of the ADL, said in an email.

In most instances, the video of the pageants was posted online by official church social media accounts. Gudziak was not the only church official to attend; Bishop Paul Chomnycky in Connecticut and Bishop Benedykt Aleksiychuk in Chicago have also attended pageants that featured a Jewish character.

In 2025, Chomnycky’s eparchy posted photos of the bishop speaking at a holiday event that included a vertep featuring a little boy in peyos. The Forward was unable to obtain video of that performance.

The previous year, Aleksiychuk attended and spoke at a festival where photos posted to social media show at least four verteps had Jewish characters. Video from the one performance for which video was publicly available, which was in Ukrainian, has the Jew cursing the faithful, summoning the devil, and lamenting about not being able to sell alcohol. Aleksiychuk posed for a photo with a different vertep cast, which also had an actor in peyos.

In response to a request for comment from the Forward, Gudziak said in a statement on behalf of himself and the other bishops that he did not condone offensive depictions.

“Christmas pageants have included characters that are objectionable, including ones that are offensive to the Jewish community. I do not condone this as a pastor, educator and scholar,” he said. “We will heighten our vigilance and work with our clergy and parishes to make sure that such expressions will not be repeated.”

He noted that Ukrainian Catholics and Ukrainian-Americans have themselves been hurt by stereotypes, and that his church has been shut down and banned in parts of Ukraine now occupied by Russia.

“We highly value our good relations with the Jewish community in the United States and in Ukraine and are most grateful for the many expressions of Jewish solidarity as our community faces existential threats,” Gudziak said, a reference to Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine.

The Catholic Church is composed of 24 distinct churches, with around 99% of the world’s estimated 1.3 billion Catholics belonging to what is officially known as the Latin Church but generally referred to as the Catholic Church. The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church is the second-largest Catholic church, with around five million adherents.

While it has some distinct practices and liturgy, the UGCC ultimately reports to the Vatican and is bound by the Catholic Church’s teachings on Jews. Those include guidance stating any dramatic performances that “seek to shift responsibility from human sin onto this or that historical group, such as the Jews, can only be said to obscure a core gospel truth.”

Pope Leo XIV, who became pontiff last year, has come under fire from some Jewish organizations — mostly over his criticism of Israel’s war with Iran — but has called for “a world without antisemitism” and stressed that the Church “does not tolerate” it.

The Vatican did not respond to repeated requests for comment from the Forward about antisemitism in verteps organized by the UGCC. The International Jewish Committee for Interreligious Consultations, an umbrella group that describes itself as representing “world Jewry in dialogue with the Vatican,” also did not respond to requests for comment.

A play with deep roots

Verteps are theatrical performances rooted in Ukrainian folk tradition that mix an account of the Christmas story with characters from early modern Ukraine, transporting Ukrainian Christians to ancient Bethlehem as Mary gives birth to Jesus. The juxtaposition is meant to draw a parallel between the lessons from the Nativity and those that the church beginning in the early 19th century wanted to impart onto Ukrainians.

Indeed, the UGCC isn’t the only institution that stages verteps. Various Ukrainian Orthodox denominations also put on the pageants, as do town councils, schools, civic organizations, and simply groups of friends and neighbors, and many have been updated by removing the offensive elements or replacing them with contemporary characters.

In the traditional vertep script, Jesus, Mary and Joseph face off against the devil and contend with murderous intentions by King Herod. Meanwhile, Ukrainians meant to represent everyday Christians celebrate the Nativity while resisting worldly temptations —  merchandise, loans and alcohol — that are often personified by a group of ethnic villains: a Jew, his wife and a Roma character often referred to using a slur.

A participant dressed as the devil in a vertep in Mshanets, Ukraine, Jan. 3, 2026. Photo by Mykola Tys/Global Images Ukraine via Getty Images

Throughout the performance, this evil troika wreaks havoc, conspiring with the devil to hurt Jesus, while tempting Ukrainian villagers with goods or alcohol. “If the peasant doesn’t drink, how will Moshko make money?” the Jewish character asks the audience in one popular version of the play.

Verteps were suppressed during Soviet control of Ukraine, reemerging after the fall of communism as a cultural touchstone for many Ukrainians. Russia’s war against Ukraine has supercharged support for Ukrainian nationalism — including verteps.

“People brand this as cherishing Ukrainian tradition, especially nowadays when cherishing tradition is portrayed as resistance to Russian aggression,” said Marta Havryshko, a visiting professor at Clark University who studies nationalism and the Holocaust.

Some scriptwriters have come up with corrective alternatives. For instance, Ukrainian playwright Tetyana Shpaykher produces verteps substituting Vladimir Putin for King Herod and Russian propagandists for the devil — while Sarah and Moshko are entirely absent.

“The Church teaches that God is born to us every year,” Shpaykher told a Ukrainian news outlet last year, “each time within new realities.”

‘Bring everything to the zhyd’

The U.S. performances at issue lean into tradition — and negative portrayals showing Jews as greedy and derisive of Christian faith.

In a January vertep performed at Ukrainian Catholic Church of the Epiphany in Rochester, New York, characters playing the Three Kings rebuke a Jewish merchant for seeking to sell beads to the townspeople, as seen in a video posted to social media and since removed.

In Ukrainian, one king says: “We’re not trading, and we’re not buying, and we don’t need you, zhyd!”

After another announces that they plan to worship the messiah, the zhyd mocks them.

“What does a peasant need the messiah for?” he scoffs. “A peasant must plow, and sow, and learn how to thresh, and bring everything to the zhyd instead of asking God for mercy.”

The zhyd’s response draws on antisemitic stereotypes in which Jews supposedly lived off the labor of others.

The Rochester church did not respond to multiple requests for comment from the Forward about the performance, but other organizations have defended the inclusion of Jewish characters as a reflection of Ukrainian history.

“Vertep characters reflect the social realities and archetypes of the 16th- and 17th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where these folk traditions developed,” Orest Dudyak, head of the Ukrainian American Youth Association in Tampa Bay, wrote in an email in response to the Forward’s outreach. “The tavern keeper character reflects one such historical social role and was traditionally portrayed as a Jewish figure.”

Jewish tavernkeepers were ubiquitous in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which covers much of modern Poland and Ukraine, because the nobility granted a monopoly on liquor sales to the Jewish community in exchange for a series of fees.

Glenn Dynner, author of Yankel’s Tavern: Jews, Liquor, & Life in the Kingdom of Poland, said that the system incentivized tavernkeepers to exploit peasants in order to cover the exorbitant fees owed to the local nobleman. But he emphasized the stereotype of Jews pressuring Ukrainian peasants to drink themselves into debt was greatly exaggerated.

“The system was based to a large degree on trust,” Dynner said in an interview. His research found many cases of warm relations between Jewish tavernkeepers and villagers.

Yet in the 19th century the regional Catholic church began to blame widespread drunkenness on Jews, rather than the nobility who converted their surplus grain into vodka for the local peasants. The church propaganda helped solidify the notion that Jews were undermining society.

Dynner, a history professor at the University of Virginia, said in an interview that the Jew became a proxy for anger that otherwise would have been directed at the local nobility in a feudal society. “That’s the way it almost always works,” he said. “There’s a Jewish figure you prop up to siphon off any resentment.”

The resentment has endured through the centuries. In 2016, the director of Lviv’s regional library told a journalist that 17th century Cossack leader Bohdan Khmelnytskyi murdered Jews because they “owned the taverns, and they sold vodka on credit — when people couldn’t pay, they confiscated their property.” Khmelnytskyi’s men killed hundreds of thousands of Jews.

The nuance Dynner described — that Jewish tavernkeepers had complex and sometimes positive relationships with their Christian customers — is almost always missing from the depictions of Jews in verteps.

When Dudyak’s Ukrainian youth group performed in January at Epiphany of Our Lord Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in St. Petersburg, Florida, two Jewish characters were shown wearing what appeared to be peyos. One was referred to as “Moshko,” and together they sought to tempt Christians with goods and loans.

“Get out of here, Moshko, because we’re not going to trade,” a boy playing an angel replies to the Jew. A photo shows the two Jewish characters counting money off stage; it’s common for verteps to have the Jews collect money from the playgoers at the end of the performance.

The Rev. Bohdan Barytskyy, pastor of the St. Petersburg church, apologized for the performance, which he said his church had not organized. “If any individual was hurt or offended by aspects of the performance, I sincerely regret that pain, and I believe such concerns deserve to be heard seriously and respectfully,” Barytskyy wrote in an email.

“I also want to emphasize that I have personally expressed concerns for many years regarding certain traditional portrayals that occasionally appear in some vertep performances, including in previous parishes where I served,” he added. “I have consistently encouraged that depictions which may be perceived as offensive, hurtful, or rooted in outdated stereotypes should not be included, because they do not reflect authentic Christian values or the spirit of respect toward other peoples and faith communities.”

Dudyak, leader of the youth group that performed the play, said in response to an inquiry from the Forward that his troupe had “made a conscious effort to avoid exaggerated or mocking” depictions in the performance.

Other organizers say exaggeration is sometimes the point.

A zhyd character wearing a fake nose performs in a vertep organized by the Protection of the Blessed Virgin Mary Ukrainian Catholic Church in Bridgeport, Connecticut, in a video posted online in January 2026. Screenshot from Facebook

The zhyd in a January vertep organized by the Protection of the Blessed Virgin Mary Ukrainian Catholic Church in Bridgeport, Connecticut, wore a prosthetic nose and danced around with a Gucci bag.

“Like any play, people put the make-up, people put the costumes — and there was a beard, there was glasses, there was a nose, yes there was,” the Rev. Ivan Mazuryk, who runs the church, said in an interview. “But just to make it clear who the character was.”

‘Zhyd’ sparks controversy

Gudziak, the UGCC archbishop based in Philadelphia, was born in Syracuse, New York, but spent years working in Ukraine before being appointed to serve as the church’s senior leader in the U.S.

While he was head of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv, a city in western Ukraine, Gudziak sparked a nationwide discussion over how Jews were depicted in verteps. In a 2011 article in Ukrainian that Guzdiak wrote along with two other university leaders, he argued that the zhyd character was contrary to Catholic values.

Gudziak acknowledged that the zhyd had a long history as part of verteps, and wrote that Jewish and non-Jewish Ukrainians lived side-by-side and sometimes found each other’s customs humorous. But he added that theatrical festivities would spill into the street with serious consequences. “In Ukrainian villages and towns, flocks of boys would chase a Jewish peer down the street, chanting: ‘Zhyd! Zhyd!’”

He discouraged use of the zhyd as part of university verteps and exhorted other Ukrainian Catholics to follow suit.

The appeal set off a national debate that lost steam following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and occupation of eastern areas of the country in 2014, which preceded its full-scale invasion eight years later. Russian propaganda claimed its conflict with Ukraine entailed fighting Nazis, and weaponized claims of antisemitism as a justification for invading the country.

That made it difficult for Ukrainian Jews and others concerned about genuine instances of antisemitism — still widespread in a country that has failed to seriously grapple with its collaboration with Nazi forces during the Holocaust.

“Usually, when we hear someone shouting that ‘Ukrainians are antisemites,’ the Kremlin is involved,” Volodymyr Butkevych, a Ukrainian legal scholar and human rights lawyer, told Radio Free Europe during a 2021 interview about antisemitic expressions in verteps.

This has led to a dynamic in which even Ukrainian Catholic leaders who maintain close ties to American Jews nevertheless engage with verteps that mock Jews.

The Rev. Bohdan Hedz, the leader of St. John the Baptist Ukrainian Catholic Church in Riverhead on Long Island, joined a 2022 Holocaust memorial service at a local synagogue to condemn antisemitism and raise awareness about the war in Ukraine.

“Evil will not prevail,” he said during the event. “My heart goes out to the Jewish community.”

Hedz even said that as a child he had tended to the abandoned Jewish graveyard in his Ukrainian town.

But this December Hedz appeared in the front row of a vertep at his church that featured the familiar Moshko character with peyos and a fake Yiddish accent who tempts the Three Kings and betrays Christ to Herod. He did not respond to calls or emails from the Forward to the church.

A Moshko character at a vertep in Riverhead, New York, in December 2025. Screenshot from Facebook

Some leaders of the Ukrainian church in the U.S. have bristled at questions over whether they host verteps that present Jews in offensive ways — and say that they have made efforts to improve depictions.

The Rev. Daniel Schaicoski, the leader of Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church outside Detroit, explained to the Forward that a long-haired character wearing a hat in a vertep produced by a church-affiliated school was not meant to represent a Jew but rather played a Willy Wonka-style role and handed out candy to the audience at the end of the show.

Schaicoski said that when he arrived at Immaculate Conception more than two decades ago the vertep included a Moshko character, which he insisted be removed from future productions.

“I said this is not right and people could see it — on video or whatever — and misunderstand,” Schaicoski said in a phone interview. He added that bishops from the Ukrainian church had circulated a letter to priests several years ago asking them to make sure that their verteps did not include offensive characters.

A child wearing what appears to be peyos and yarmulke at a vertep at Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church outside Detroit in a photo posted in January 2019. Screenshot from Facebook

But when asked about photo albums from verteps at his church in 2017 and 2019 that both featured a character wearing a skullcap with artificial sidelocks attached — similar in appearance to how zhyd characters are often portrayed in verteps — Schaicoski refused to answer additional questions in a text exchange.

“We don’t do that. I am here for 30 years, we never did that. But I see you will not stop this shameless persecution!” Schaicoski wrote in a text message afterward. “You hunt people and then make yourselves victims, shame on you.”

Other church leaders also stopped responding when asked about vertep photographs.

The Rev. Hugo Soutus, who leads Dormition of the Mother of God Ukrainian Catholic Church in Phoenix, initially responded to an inquiry about a vertep hosted by his church where photos show a character wearing a black hat and what appeared to be artificial sidelocks by requesting more information. He signed off: “Shalom!”

But when sent a link to photos of the vertep, including a post shared by his church, Soutos stopped responding. The Facebook post has since been deleted.

Others were even more curt.

Photos of performances in 2023 and 2024 at St. Joseph the Betrothed Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church in Chicago show included a character with a black hat and sidelocks. One of the images posted by the church to social media shows the character holding beads, which are often hawked by Jewish vertep characters.

Church leaders did not respond to emails asking about the character and a woman who answered the phone at the church said: “Yes, I remember that email — that email was forwarded to our lawyer, OK? Thank you,” before hanging up.

Another Chicagoland church, the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary Ukrainian Catholic Church in Palos Park, also did not respond to emails asking about a photo of a character wearing a similar outfit in its vertep last year.

“There’s no one here to help you,” a receptionist at the church said before hanging up on a Forward reporter.

A long Catholic struggle

The Catholic Church has a long history of theatrical productions that demonize and scapegoat Jews. Unlike verteps that portray the birth story of Jesus, passion plays, which originated in 12th century Europe, collectively blamed Jews for the death of Jesus and often presented Jews as evil — sometimes wearing horns.

Nostra Aetate, a declaration on Catholic-Jewish relations released as part of Vatican II in 1965, declared that Jews could no longer be held responsible as a group for killing Jesus and led to the withdrawal of official church blessings for passion plays that promoted that narrative.

But it still took decades of concerted lobbying by Jewish organizations, led by the American Jewish Committee, to root out antisemitic portrayals in the Oberammergau Passion Play, which is performed once every ten years in Germany and is considered the most prominent production of its kind in the world.

Producers of the Oberammergau began to make reforms in 1990 — 25 years after Nostra Aetate — and it would take another 30 years for the AJC to declare a kind of victory in 2022, when the play began to embrace Jewish rituals in a positive light.

Official Vatican guidelines, detailed by the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops in a 1988 policy paper focused on passion plays but expounding on “general principles” of church teaching, strongly discourage negative portrayals of Jewish characters. The document states that theatrical productions — “extraliturgical depictions of the sacred mysteries” — should “conform to the highest possible standards of biblical interpretation and theological sensitivity.” The paper also quoted Pope John Paul II’s declaration that Catholic teaching should present Jews “in an honest and objective manner, free from prejudices and without any offenses.”

But it can be difficult to enforce this guidance at the parish level. While the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church is technically controlled by the Vatican, its relationship with Rome is often uneven. For decades, Rome has refused to elevate the UGCC to a “patriarchate,” a status that would grant it more autonomy from the Vatican. Analysts suggest Vatican officials have rejected these repeated requests in part over concerns that the move would provoke the Russian Orthodox Church, which claims Ukraine as its religious territory.

Major Archbishop Sviatoslav Shevchuk, head of the Kyiv-based UGCC — and who himself hosted a vertep with a character in peyos in 2024 — has in turn criticized the Vatican over its response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, telling local media in 2023 that “the pope does not fully understand the pain of Ukraine” and that “all the pope tried to do for Ukraine after the full-scale invasion failed.” In office for a year, Pope Leo has not significantly shifted the church’s approach in Ukraine.

Language is also a barrier. Like the religious services, most verteps take place in Ukranian, making it difficult for officials outside the church to understand what’s being performed.

Verteps themselves are often organized by individual church members. In other cases, local Ukrainian theater troupes perform versions that were created without input from church leaders. St. Sophia Ukrainian Catholic Church in suburban Raleigh, North Carolina, said that was the case with the vertep they hosted in January that featured Moshko betraying Jesus to King Herod.

“We will not use this version of the vertep again,” the church wrote in a statement to the Forward, adding that it would ensure future performances “align with the values of our Church and with the teachings of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, which firmly rejects antisemitism.”

But, to date, none of the Catholic institutions that could exert formal pressure on the UGCC to stamp out antisemitic verteps have been willing to comment publicly on the performances.

The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, which has taken a firm stand against far-right Catholic pundits who have trafficked in antisemitism, declined to weigh in on the Forward’s findings.

The Catholic Church’s inaction on verteps is at odds with the new pope’s message on Jews and the church.

Pope Leo met last month with representatives from New York City’s Jewish federation and emphasized the church’s “firm stand against antisemitism.”

Citing Nostra Aetate’s call to reject discrimination and harassment — and “shared spiritual ancestry in Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Joseph” — Pope Leo said: “In a world still wounded by division and conflict, it called us to move beyond past misunderstandings toward collaboration for the common good.

 

The post Jewish villains out to destroy Jesus are a staple of Ukrainian Catholic church pageants in the U.S. The Vatican has remained silent. appeared first on The Forward.

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Why Trump’s new ‘Red Scare’ tactics could spell trouble for Jews

If a time traveler from late Weimar Germany materialized in America today, they would instantly recognize the spiteful rhetoric pouring from Donald Trump and his lieutenants — language that echoes what Adolf Hitler and the Nazis deployed a century ago.

“The radical left is actively trying to destroy our children’s future with the disaster known as (dramatic pause) communism,” according to Trump. “This isn’t a social democrat. These are communists by another name.”

Facing a possible fiasco in the November midterms, Trump and his allies have reached for one of the oldest scare tactics in the book: trying to persuade Americans that communists — perfidiously disguised as progressive Democrats — are plotting to destroy the country.

“This new fixation on the word communist is an effort to save himself in the mid-terms by creating an emergency. Basically he’s trying to revive the old red scare tactics of the 1950s,” author Gil Duran said on a recent episode of NPR’s On The Media titled “The Red Scare, but Dumber.”

“It’s not clear that it’ll work.  But they’re certainly trying,” said Duran, founder of the newsletter The Nerd Reich.

It is a dangerous strategy — one that figuratively paints targets on the backs of Democrats, especially those belonging to the Democratic Socialists of America. It also has the potential to imperil Jews by rebooting what historian Paul Hanebrink calls the Judeo-Bolshevism myth.

“Nationalist extremists and far-right movements on both sides of the Atlantic have made the idea of Judeo-Bolshevism — the belief that Communism was a Jewish plot — a prominent element in their worldview,” Hanebrink wrote in his 2018 book A Specter Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism.

The seeds of this are visible in Trump’s America — in the alarming rise of antisemitism, in attacks on synagogues and individuals, in killings, and in fascist manifestos like Unhumans: The Secret History of Communist Revolutions (and How to Crush Them).

Hanebrink’s book chillingly documents how the Judeo-Bolshevism myth fueled mass deportations, pogroms, and massacres from World War I through the interwar period — from Tsarist Russia’s expulsions to the White Army’s slaughter of Ukrainian Jews.

Rhetoric and propaganda from those times can sound remarkably like slogans in use by today’s extremists, including in the U.S.

“Bolshevism is striding toward conquest of the world. Bolshevism is truly the living embodiment and manifestation of the Antichrist on earth,” Poland’s Catholic bishops wrote in a globally distributed letter in 1920.

Hanebrink tells of the Judeo-Bolshevism myth being carried west by White Army soldiers fleeing the Red Army, and its influence on Adolf Hitler.  “Judeo-Bolshevism made Adolf Hitler,” Hanebrink writes. “Hitler believed it was the German people’s historic calling to protect the world from Judeo-Bolshevik evil.”

Another historian, Omar Bartov, has pointed out the pivotal role of Hitler’s genocidal hatred of Jews in the Nazi leader’s decision to invade the Soviet Union in 1941.

“Popular memory tends to separate the Holocaust and the German war against the Soviet Union, but for the Nazi regime they were two faces of the same undertaking,” Bartov writes in the latest issue of The New York Review of Books. “It was a few weeks after the invasion of the USSR in late June that the mass murder of Jews began” with Einsatzgruppen “murdering entire communities from the Baltic states to Ukraine,” according to Bartov.

The myth didn’t die with the Nazis. It resurfaced in postwar America during the Red Scare, when Sen. Joe McCarthy and the House Un-American Activities Committee pursued communists — and, not incidentally, Jews. Of the 10 Hollywood screenwriters and directors who were jailed after refusing to answer questioning before HUAC, six were Jews.

“The hearings that took place in Los Angeles and in Washington between 1947 and the mid-’50s were as much (some would say more) antisemitic as anti-Communist,” Michael Freedland wrote for The Jewish Chronicle in 2009.

“Hollywood was chosen for the attack because of the great publicity value the movie capital offered. It was also a great opportunity to get at the Jews of Hollywood,” wrote Freedland, author of Witch Hunt in Hollywood.

So where does Donald Trump’s efforts to foment a new red scare in America fit into this long and heinous tradition?

Trump insists he is not antisemitic — and points to his Jewish family members — yet he has repeatedly shown little willingness to confront the frightening rise in antisemitic violence. He has pardoned Jan. 6 rioters, including known white supremacists. He dined with Hitler admirer Nick Fuentes at Mar-a-Lago in 2022, later claiming he didn’t know who Fuentes was. In 2017, after the violence in Charlottesville, Va., he declined to condemn the white supremacists responsible and instead spoke of violence “on many sides.” He has tolerated officials accused of antisemitism, and he has used antisemitic terminology, including invoking the centuries-old trope of Jews as greedy moneylenders.

The greater danger to American Jews likely comes not from Trump, but from the vast, fetid cesspool of extremists whose growing influence imperils Jews not just in the United States but around the globe.

An example of this is the aforementioned book Unhumans, in which the authors, Jack Posobiec and Joshua Lisec, essentially argue that leftists are plotting a communist takeover and do not deserve to be treated like human beings.

It should be noted that the word “unhuman” is close to the word “subhuman,” a Nazi epithet for Jews and Slavs.

“The unhumans want you dead,” Posobiec told his far-right fans on Real America’s Voice two years ago. “They want your way of life dead. They want to see your children lobotomized and converted to their mindless, lawless and godless ways. “

The words could have come from another century, another continent — and they are just as dangerous now as they were then.

The post Why Trump’s new ‘Red Scare’ tactics could spell trouble for Jews appeared first on The Forward.

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Here I’m the boss

צווישן די סיבות פֿאַר וואָס אַ מענטש פֿילט אַנגסט און דעפּרעסיע זענען אָפֿט מאָל אָבסעסיווע מחשבֿות. ווער עס לײַדט דערפֿון, אָדער קען עמעצן וואָס לײַדט דערפֿון, דאַרף נישט קיין סך דערקלערונגען כּדי צו פֿאַרשטיין וויפֿל דאָס קען פֿאַרקריפּלען אַ מענטשן. ווי אַזוי קען מען זיך באַפֿרײַען פֿון אָבסעסיווע מחשבֿות וואָס פּאַראַליזירן דעם מענטש?

פֿאַרשטייט זיך, אויב עס האַנדלט זיך וועגן ערנסטע פּראָבלעמען אינעם לעבן דאַרף מען זיי נישט איגנאָרירן; מע דאַרף זיך טאַקע אָפּגעבן מיט זיי. דאָ רעדן מיר וועגן אַזעלכע מחשבֿות וואָס פֿירן נישט צו קיין שום לייזונג, וואָס פֿארדרייען דעם קאָפּ און לאָזן נישט לעבן.

מען דערציילט וועגן אַ געוויסן חסיד וואָס האָט זיך געמוטשעט מיט אַזוינע אײַנדרינגלעכע נעגאַטיווע מחשבֿות. ער איז געגאַנגען זיך באַראַטן מיטן אַלטן רבי׳ן, דעם גרינדער פֿון חב״ד. דער רבי האָט אים געשיקט זיך באַראַטן מיט אַן עלטערן, דערפֿאַרענעם האָלצהעקער וואָס האָט געוווינט אין אַ נאָענטן וואַלד.

„ער וועט דיר קענען העלפֿן פֿאַרשטיין ווי אַזוי מען קען קאָנטראָלירן אומגעוווּנטשענע מחשבֿות,“ האָט דער רבי געזאָגט.

דער חסיד, אָנגעפֿילט מיט האָפֿענונג, איז גלײַך אַרויסגעגאַנגען צום הויז פֿון דעם אַלטן האָלצהעקער. ווען ער איז אָנגעקומען, איז די טיר געווען פֿאַרשלאָסן, כאָטש ער האָט געזען אַז אינעווייניק ברענט אַ ליכט.

האָט ער אָנגעהויבן קלאַפּן אין דער טיר, אָבער קיינער האָט נישט געעפֿנט. האָט ער געקלאַפּט נאָך שטאַרקער. גאָרנישט. האָט ער גענומען שרײַען: „עפֿנט מיר די טיר! איך פֿאַרפֿריר דאָ!“

גאָרנישט.

נישט האָבנדיק קיין אַנדער ברירה, האָט ער זיך אַוועקגעלייגט אין אַ ווינקל צו שלאָפֿן.

אין דער פֿרי האָט דער בעל־הבית געעפֿנט די טיר און באַגריסט דעם חסיד.

„וואָס ברענגט אײַך צו מײַן הויז?“ האָט ער געפֿרעגט.

„איך בין געקומען אײַך עפּעס פֿרעגן,“ האָט דער חסיד געענטפֿערט. „אָבער איידער איך שטעל מײַן שאלה, וויל איך וויסן פֿאַרוואָס איר האָט מיר נעכטן בײַ נאַכט נישט געעפֿנט די טיר. איך האָב לאַנג געקלאַפּט און געשריגן. וווּ איז אײַער מיטגעפֿיל און הכנסת־אורחים?“

„זעט,“ האָט דער האָלצהעקער געענטפֿערט, „דאָס איז מײַן הויז, און אין מײַן הויז בין איך דער בעל־הבית. איך באַשליס וועמען אַרײַנצולאָזן און ווען. עס אינטערעסירט מיר נישט וויפֿל מען שרײַט, קלאַפּט אָדער מאַכט אַ גאַנצן טומל. אין מײַן הויז באַפֿעל איך. נו, וואָס איז אײַער שאלה?“

„אַ דאַנק. איר האָט מיר שוין געגעבן דעם ענטפֿער וואָס איך האָב געזוכט,“ האָט דער חסיד געזאָגט, בשעת דער האָלצהעקער האָט אים אָנגעקוקט מיט פֿאַרוווּנדערונג.

די סדרה פֿון דער וואָך, שופטים, הייבט זיך אָן מיטן ג־טלעכן באַפֿעל:

„שופטים ושוטרים תתן לך בכל שעריך“ — „ריכטער און פּאָליציאַנטן זאָלסטו שטעלן אין אַלע דײַנע טויערן.“

לויטן פּשוטן באַדײַט רעדט זיך וועגן דעם אַחריות פֿון דער קהילה צו שטעלן ריכטער בײַ די טויערן פֿון די שטעט, כּדי צו באַשטימען וואָס איז דער ריכטיקער אויפֿפֿירונגס־וועג, און פּאָליציאַנטן, וועמענס אויפֿגאַבע איז צו פֿאַרזיכערן אַז מע פֿאָלגט די פּסקים פֿונעם בית־דין.

אונדזערע חכמים דערקלערן אַז דער באַפֿעל האָט אויך אַ פּערזענלעכן באַדײַט און אַן אָנווענדונג אין יעדנס לעבן. דער מענטש איז ווי אַ קליינע שטאָט. די זיבן „טויערן“, דורך וועלכע זאַכן קומען אַרײַן אין דער פּערזענלעכער „שטאָט“ און גייען אַרויס פֿון איר, זענען די צוויי אויגן, צוויי אויערן, צוויי נאָזלעכער און דאָס מויל.

עס איז אונדזער אַחריות צו שטעלן „ריכטער און פּאָליציאַנטן“ בײַ די דאָזיקע טויערן. מיר דאַרפֿן באַשטימען וואָס מיר וועלן דערלויבן אַרײַנצוקומען אין אונדזער „שטאָט“ און וואָס מיר וועלן דערלויבן אַרויסצוגיין פֿון איר.

דערפֿאַר דאַרף מען צוויי זאַכן: „ריכטער“, כּדי צו באַשטימען וואָס מען טאָר און וואָס מען טאָר נישט זען, הערן און עסן, און וואָס מען זאָל אָדער זאָל נישט אַרויסלאָזן פֿונעם מויל; און „פּאָליציאַנטן“, כּדי צו פֿאַרזיכערן אַז די באַשלוסן פֿון די ריכטער ווערן טאַקע דורכגעפֿירט.

עס איז נישט אַזוי שווער צו באַשטימען וואָס איז ריכטיק אין יעדער סיטואַציע. דערפֿאַר דאַרף מען פּשוט אַרײַנקוקן אין שולחן־ערוך אָדער זיך באַראַטן מיט אַ קאָמפּעטענטן רב. די שוועריקייט איז דורכצופֿירן דאָס וואָס מיר ווייסן אַז מיר דאַרפֿן טאָן. יעדער איינער וואָס האָט אַמאָל אָנגעהויבן אַ נײַע דיעטע ווייסט גוט דעם מרחק צווישן וויסן און טאָן.

ווי אַזוי ברענגען מיר אין דער פּראַקטיק די מסקנות פֿון אונדזערע „ריכטער“?

מיר דאַרפֿן פּאָליציי.

בשעת אַ „ריכטער“ שטעלט פֿאָר שׂכל, טענות און לאָגיק, שטעלט דער „פּאָליציאַנט“ פֿאָר פּונקט דאָס פאַרקערטע: אַ צווינגענדיקע דורכפֿירונג, אָן טענות. אין דעם פּערזענלעכן לעבן מיינט דאָס דיסציפּלין: זיך מחייבֿ צו זײַן זיך אויפֿצופֿירן לויט דעם וועג וואָס מען פֿאַרשטייט ווי ריכטיק — לויט דער אָביעקטיווקייט פֿון דער הלכה — אַפֿילו ווען די אינסטינקטן און געפֿילן, די אייגענע סוביעקטיוויטעט, שטעלן זיך אַנטקעגן.

„איך בין דער בעל־הבית פֿון מײַן הויז, און איך באַשליס ווער און וואָס מעג אַרײַנקומען.“

עס בלײַבט נאָך צו דערקלערן ווי אַזוי מיר אידענטיפֿיצירן דעם „איך“, דעם בעל־הבית, און זײַן אמתן ווילן. אָבער דאָס איז שוין אַן אַנדער טעמע…

צום סוף וויל איך מיטטיילן דעם בליק פֿונעם ליובאַוויטשער רבי׳ן — זכותו יגן עלינו — וועגן נעגאַטיווע מחשבֿות.

אין אַ סך פֿאַלן, ווען מענטשן האָבן זיך געווענדט צום רבי׳ן וועגן דעם ענין, האָט דער רבי געראָטן אַז דער בעסטער אופֿן זיך  אַן עצה צו געבן מיט די מחשבֿות איז דורך אַריבערפֿירן דעם געדאַנק צו אַן אַנדער זאַך און זיי נישט אַרײַנלאָזן. דער אופֿן הייסט „היסח הדעת“, דאָס הייסט אָפּצולענקען דעם באַוווּסטזײַן אין אַן אַנדער ריכטונג.

דאָס איז אַ גאָר אַנדער צוגאַנג ווי אַרײַנצוקריכן אָן אַ סוף אין די נעגאַטיווע געדאַנקען און אין זייערע מעגלעכע סיבות — אַ זאַך וואָס זייער אָפֿט פֿאַרשטאַרקט זיי נאָר און גיט זיי נאָך מער שעדלעכע באַטײַטונג אין אונדזער לעבן.

תכלית גערעדט:

ווען אָבסעסיווע מחשבֿות קלאַפּן אין דער טיר, דאַרף מען געדענקען אַז דער מענטש איז דער בעל־הבית און קען „אַרײַנלאָזן“ וועמען ער וויל. ווען מע קלײַבט אויס אָנצופֿילן דעם קאָפּ מיט אַ פּאָזיטיוון געדאַנק, בלײַבט במילא נישט קיין אָרט פֿאַרן נעגאַטיוון.

The post Here I’m the boss appeared first on The Forward.

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Netanyahu should have said yes to Trump’s Gaza exit plan

Israel has every reason to distrust Hamas.  The massacre of October 7, 2023, settled any lingering question about the organization’s intentions, and the possibility that Hamas might exploit a ceasefire, conceal weapons or rebuild its military capacity belongs at the center of Israeli security planning.

That is an argument for vigilance, for verification, for demanding that Hamas actually disarm rather than merely announce that it is willing to do so. It is a very poor argument for Netanyahu’s categorical rejection, over the weekend, of the new 15-point Gaza plan from President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace.

Netanyahu likes to speak directly to his voters, sidestepping any journalists who might possess critical thinking, and anyone listening to him might imagine that Trump is asking Israel to withdraw from Gaza and trust Hamas to disarm afterward. But the plan says something quite different.

Under Trump’s proposal, Hamas’s heavy weapons, weapons factories, depots and tunnels are to be decommissioned through a “gradual, sequential and time-bound” process, monitored by an International Verification Committee and supported by an international stabilization force. Each phase depends upon verified completion of the previous phase. Israeli withdrawal is linked to that process and proceeds in stages alongside it — and essentially the details remain to be set.

In other words, Israel is being asked to trade verified steps toward Hamas’s disarmament for phased withdrawals. Netanyahu wants Hamas completely disarmed before Israel relinquishes any further territory. His position offers a certain intuitive appeal after Oct. 7. It also risks making a workable agreement impossible by demanding the final result before the reciprocal process designed to produce that result can begin. There is nothing sacrosanct or critical for security in the exact positions held by the IDF, which currently controls over 60% of Gaza, an area that has mostly been depopulated.

Israel should have said yes — coupled with an insistence on rigorous verification, clearly defined benchmarks and an immediate response to violations. That would protect Israeli security while beginning the desperately needed transition from war to something resembling a future.

There is a moral imperative here that Israel should embrace rather than evade. Gaza has been devastated. Its people need homes, hospitals, schools, electricity, water and an economy. Reconstruction should begin as quickly as security permits. The plan provides for that, under a new technocratic Palestinian administration rather than Hamas, with the Board of Peace supervising reconstruction and international financing.

There is also an Israeli interest in reconstruction. Israel cannot benefit from having two million people on its border living indefinitely amid ruins, poverty, rage and hopelessness. Every apartment rebuilt, every functioning business and every family with something tangible to lose creates at least the possibility of diminishing the reservoir of hatred from which Hamas and its successors recruit. Palestinians need a stake in what comes next. Israelis should want them to have one.

Israel also needs to reckon with the catastrophic deterioration of its international standing. Some of the condemnation has been grotesquely one-sided, and some of it stems from outright hostility toward Israel itself — even, in my view, classic antisemitism. That makes the underlying strategic problem no less real: Israel has spent enormous diplomatic capital during this war, and accepting an American plan that removes Hamas from power, disarms its militias, introduces international security guarantees and begins reconstruction would allow Israel to demonstrate that its objective is security rather than permanent occupation or endless conflict.

Netanyahu instead compounded the damage by coupling his rejection of the plan with another declaration: “As long as I am prime minister, no Palestinian state will be established — not in Gaza and not in the West Bank.”

This is especially cynical because the original 20-point Trump plan, unveiled in September 2025, explicitly envisioned the possibility of Palestinian statehood. Israel accepted that plan, because Trump proved more powerful than Netanyahu’s far-right coalition allies, who preferred continuing the war, sacrificing hostages and resettling Gaza with Jews.

That plan, indeed, said that as Gaza was redeveloped and the Palestinian Authority reformed, conditions could emerge for “a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.” Netanyahu accepted Trump’s plan at the time. The new 15-point roadmap carries the same concept forward, adding nothing.

This requires some honesty. Israel controls millions of Palestinians in the West Bank and cannot indefinitely combine permanent control of the territory with both democracy and a Jewish majority. Eventually, the choices converge on partition or some form of binational reality. The details of partition can be negotiated, conditioned and secured. The Palestinian leadership can be required to reform. Palestine, under any borders, should be demilitarized. Israel can demand extraordinary security arrangements after Oct. 7. But pretending the underlying demographic and political equation has disappeared is denial as strategy.

Netanyahu understands the politics perfectly well. Israelis understandably fear that a Palestinian state in the West Bank could become another platform for an Oct. 7-style attack, this time overlooking Israel’s population centers. By declaring Palestinian statehood permanently impossible, Netanyahu can try to force his domestic opponents into the politically poisonous position of appearing to champion it during an election campaign. They will presumably be too smart to accept the bait.

That is precisely the problem. A decision of enormous strategic consequence is being folded into Netanyahu’s electoral survival.

Israel needs a government capable of distinguishing between legitimate security fears and the political exploitation of those fears. It needs leaders capable of recognizing an imperfect opportunity and improving it rather than destroying it.

Netanyahu has instead reached instinctively for the categorical no.

If current political trends hold, Israeli voters will turn him out when they vote on Oct. 27. He appears determined to leave office much as he has governed in recent years: recklessly, irresponsibly and without a coherent strategy for Israel’s future. Trump should stop indulging him and lay down the law: negotiate the safeguards, enforce every provision, hold Hamas ruthlessly to its commitments — and get on with the deal.

The post Netanyahu should have said yes to Trump’s Gaza exit plan appeared first on The Forward.

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