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Later, latke: These NYC establishments are serving unique Hanukkah treats

(New York Jewish Week) — Hanukkah begins Sunday, Dec. 18, at sundown, and, for most American Jews, that means it’s time for latkes, that delicious, crispy fried potato pancake.

Of course, when it comes to Hanukkah treats, there are other options, too, especially sufganiyot (singular: sufganiyah), the deep-fried doughnuts inspired by the Hanukah miracle of the oil lamp. These fried goodies are most typically filled with strawberry jam, and they’re readily available at many bakeries and kosher food stores across the city. 

However, in this great city of ours, there’s no need to stop with the classic! In recent years, New York pastry chefs have upped their Hanukkah game and are getting uber creative with the flavors and fillings of their Hanukkah jelly doughnuts and fresh approaches to other Hanukkah treats.

Perhaps they are looking over their shoulders at the frenzy of creativity that overtakes Israeli bakeries in the weeks leading up to Hanukkah. Bakeries there sell a staggering 20 million or so sufganiyot each year during the Festival of Lights. Some of these are simple jelly doughnuts, while others are veritable works of art, filled with creative concoctions ranging from passion fruit cream to wild berry mascarpone and topped with flavored whipped creams, crispy cherries, pistachio glaze and more.

When it comes to sufganiyot, New York may not have reached Israeli-style innovation — yet. But if you want to venture beyond fried potato pancakes this year, you’re in luck: From unique collaborations between chefs and bakers (latke-inspired doughnuts, anyone?) to tropical flavors, the following eight bakeries and restaurants are churning out extra-special Hanukkah treats this year. 

Balaboosta 

611 Hudson Street, West Village

If you like to go out for your holiday celebration, Israeli-born Chef Einat Admony is preparing a special Hanukkah dessert at her flagship restaurant Balaboosta: the Moroccan doughnut, sfenj, will be on the menu all eight days of the holiday. Her take on the fried pastry is flavored with the anise-flavored spirit Arak, grapefruit zest and juice. You get four to five sfenj with your order. $15 per serving.

Breads Bakery 

Locations in Union Square, Rockefeller Center, Lincoln Center, Upper East Side and Bryant Park Kiosk

From Dec. 15 through Dec. 27, Breads will be serving the classic strawberry jam-filled sufganiyah. But you can also choose passion fruit jam, vanilla cream and chocolate cream fillings ($3.65 each; $37 for a dozen). Yes, fresh latkes ($2.95) are also on offer, but if you’d really like to try something different, for the month of December Breads is featuring a bialy babka ($16.95), a savory combination of babka dough with bialy-inspired fried onions and poppyseeds.

By The Way Bakery 

Locations in Brooklyn, Upper East Side, Upper West Side and Westchester 

No gluten, no oil, no problem! At this kosher bakery, you can get a dairy- and gluten-free doughnut to mark the holiday — what’s more, it’s baked, not fried. The baking, according to By the Way’s Nazli Sarpkaya, “gives the doughnuts a lighter and more tender texture.” The doughnuts ($3.50 each, $30 for nine) are filled with raspberry jam. Retail locations are supervised by Rabbi Aaron Mehlman of National Kosher Supervision.

Edith’s 

Two locations in Williamsburg, Brooklyn: 312 Leonard St. and 495 Lorimer St.

For Hanukkah, Edith’s, a new kid on the Brooklyn food block, is spotlighting a special “collabonut,” as owner Elyssa Heller calls them: sanded sugar doughnuts from Greenpoint institution Peter Pan Donut & Pastry filled with Edith’s grape jelly, homemade from juicy Concord grapes and thick, rich Manischewitz wine. Heller told the New York Jewish Week she landed on Concord grape as this year’s flavor because it was the taste of her childhood, and because grape juice and wine play an important role in Jewish rituals. Six doughnuts for $28.75; preorder is available for nights 1 and 2 only, Dec. 18 and 19. Single doughnuts available in-store all eight days for $4.75 each. Be sure to check out Edith’s unique rectangular latke while you’re there!

Fan Fan Doughnuts 

448 Lafayette Avenue, Clinton Hill, Brooklyn

Creativity knows no bounds at Fany Gerson’s doughnut hub. This year, Gerson and team are collaborating with 13(!) of Fan Fan’s favorite bakers and pastry chefs to come up with a Baker’s Dozen Holiday Box ($75) filled with innovative sufganiyot. Among the bakers: Caroline Schiff, the executive pastry chef at historic steakhouse Gage & Tollner, who created a latke doughnut (filled with apple butter, topped with a sour cream glaze and homemade cinnamon-dusted potato chips) and Umber Ahmad of Mah-Ze-Dahr, who contributed a vanilla bean, cardamom and rose doughnut to the lineup. Preorders available. 

Michaeli Bakery 

Two locations: 115A Division St. on the Lower East Side and 401 East 90th St. on the Upper East Side

Israeli Adir Michaeli, former head baker at Breads and the founder and owner of Michaeli Bakery, opened a second location this year — this one on the Upper East Side. Michaeli is having fun with his fillings, which range from the classic strawberry jam to cream fillings in flavors like hazelnut, pistachio, banana-pecan, dulce de leche and vanilla-chocolate. He is also preparing sfenj, a vegan Moroccan fried doughnut, coated in sugar. Prices range between $4 to $5 each; available from Dec. 18 to 26. International Kosher Council certification.

My Most Favorite Food 

7-22 13th St., Long Island City, Queens

This kosher bakery and eatery no longer has a storefront, but they do have an extensive menu of Hanukkah foods that can be picked up at their commissary in Long Island City or delivered to your door. They have raspberry or apricot sufganiyot — available in regular size or mini — but for something a little different you can also try Hanukkah-themed cupcakes, sugar cookies (in the shape of a dreidel or a Hanukkah menorah) and cakes. Pick up and delivery of these holiday-themed foods begins on Sunday, Dec. 18, the first night of the holiday, and runs through Dec. 26. Prices start at $18 for four regular-sized doughnuts; delivery charges vary by location. Kosher certification from OK Kosher.

Russ & Daughters

Three locations: One in Brooklyn and two on the Lower East Side

The creative minds at Fan Fan are also collaborating with iconic appetizing store Russ & Daughters for a good cause: a portion of sales of their three-sufganiyot Hanukkah Box ($14) will go to the Anti-Defamation League, the non-profit that fights antisemitism. The box consists of a traditional(ish) sufganiyah rolled in vanilla sugar and filled with homemade roasted strawberry jam; a rugelach doughnut filled with raspberry jam and rolled in cinnamon sugar; and a black and white doughnut filled with chocolate and vanilla cream and iced in vanilla and chocolate. These treats — also available for $4.50 each — are available at Fan Fan and all Russ & Daughters locations from Dec. 15 through 25.

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The post Later, latke: These NYC establishments are serving unique Hanukkah treats appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Ohio GOP gubernatorial nominee appeared at church whose pastor called modern Judaism ‘fake’

Vivek Ramaswamy, the Republican nominee for governor of Ohio, campaigned twice at a church whose pastor compared COVID-era restrictions to Nazi Germany and whose members took part in a protest outside the home of a Jewish state lawmaker who described it as an antisemitic act of intimidation.

Ramaswamy, 41, is running against Amy Acton, a Jewish Democrat who faced antisemitic attacks and Nazi comparisons while serving as Ohio’s health director during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Republican candidate most recently appeared on May 21 for a campaign event at Liberty Valley Church in Northfield, which describes itself as a “Bible-Believing Non Denominational Patriotic Church,” for a discussion about “The Future of Religious Liberty.” Ramaswamy appeared alongside the church’s pastor, the Rev. Jeff Tauring, who has preached there for more than two decades, according to the church’s website.

The church drew attention in 2021 after several members showed up outside the home of Casey Weinstein, a Democratic state representative who is Jewish, during protests over the coronavirus restrictions. Weinstein described it as a “show of force” intended to intimidate him and said the explicitly Christian messages — including a “kneel before the cross” banner and a call to “make Casey Weinstein be better” — directed at the home of a Jewish lawmaker made the demonstration antisemitic

Tauring, in an interview with the Cleveland Jewish News at the time, denied that the demonstration was antisemitic or intended to intimidate Weinstein, saying his church supported Jews and Israel. But he added that it was an obligation of his congregation to speak out, likening the vaccine mandates and other government health policies to the policies of the Nazi regime that preceded the Holocaust. “We feel like if somebody would have stood up for the Jews earlier, and it should have been the church, if they would have done that earlier,” he said, “I’m not sure if the catastrophe would have happened.”

Earlier this year during a sermon, Tauring described the modern practice of Judaism as “fake” and called Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a ”wicked person” because “he doesn’t believe in Jesus Christ and he should.”

At the Ramaswamy event in May, Josh Mandel, a Jewish ally of the pastor who campaigned on “Judeo-Christian values” during his failed Senate bid against JD Vance in 2022, told the audience that Ramaswamy would govern according to the values practiced inside the church.

“I know Vivek. He’s not just going to campaign in churches once he’s governor; he’s going to keep coming back,” Mandel said, according to a recording of the event obtained by the Forward. “And he’s going to govern based on what is worshiped right here in this church.”

Ramaswamy also appeared at the church last December.

In an interview on Wednesday at the campaign’s request, Mandel said he organized the event at the church and described the pastor and Ramaswamy as great friends of the Jewish people.

He wasn’t familiar with the pastor’s past remarks and didn’t address them when the Forward shared them.

Mandel shared a clip of Ramaswamy answering a question at the event about antisemitism, in which he called it a “cancer” in society and said it must be confronted on both the left and by “some people who claim to be on the right.”

“I think that a society that turns towards blaming a successful group of people in our country and in many other cultures in our history is a society that actually is allergic to success,” Ramaswamy said at the town hall. “And a society that is allergic to success, a real victim of that is not just the Jewish people — who are the recipients of that hatred. The real victim is the entire society itself, because it is a cancer that will eat that nation from within.”

Ramaswamy’s complicated record with Jewish voters

Ramaswamy, a biotech entrepreneur who has never served in public office, has had his own complicated relationship with Jewish voters and has taken controversial positions on Israel.

During his 2024 presidential campaign, Ramaswamy broke with much of the Republican field by proposing that the United States eventually phase out its annual $3.8 million military assistance to Israel after the current agreement expired in 2028. He later softened that position, telling the Forward that aid should end only when Israel was strong and secure enough that it no longer needed American assistance.

Aligned with the “America First” worldview, Ramaswamy developed close relationships with figures like Tucker Carlson, the former Fox News host who has promoted antisemitic tropes and conspiracy theories, associated with white nationalists, and called for stripping citizenship from Americans who served in the Israeli army. Ramaswamy was reportedly on a shortlist to become secretary of state in Donald Trump’s second administration, supported by Donald Trump Jr., tech billionaire Elon Musk and Carlson.

Ramaswamy, a Hindu who was a member of Shabtai, a Jewish leadership society at Yale founded in 1996 as an alternative to the “secret societies” at the university, also faced criticism from Jewish groups for appearing on a podcast hosted by Albert Faleski, known online as An0maly, who had promoted antisemitic stereotypes and conspiracy theories. Ramaswamy told the Forward at the time that he had not known about the host’s statements before appearing on the show and argued that speaking with someone did not amount to endorsing that person’s views.

Jewish conservatives and Republican officials have spent much of the past year publicly confronting antisemitism within parts of the MAGA movement, particularly the growing influence of Carlson, Nick Fuentes and other online personalities who attack Israel and traffic in antisemitic conspiracy theories. An increasingly vocal faction on the far right has made Christian nationalism and antisemitism central to its politics.

Acton’s experience with antisemitism

The tension is particularly relevant in Ohio, where Ramaswamy is running against a Jewish Democrat who has spoken openly about her faith and has faced antisemitic attacks. If elected, Acton would become Ohio’s first Jewish governor.

While serving as Ohio’s health director during the COVID-19 pandemic, Acton became a target of antisemitic abuse and Nazi comparisons as she enforced the state’s public health restrictions.

Earlier this month, an armed man lunged toward Acton while she was speaking at a campaign event. The suspect, Partick Havas, was charged with assault, disorderly conduct and inducing panic. Authorities did not specify whether they believed the incident was motivated by antisemitism. Ramaswamy’s campaign condemned the episode, calling political violence “completely unacceptable.”

While the state has been governed by a Republican since 2021 and has been leaning GOP in recent elections, recent polls show Acton expanding her lead over Ramaswamy.

The post Ohio GOP gubernatorial nominee appeared at church whose pastor called modern Judaism ‘fake’ appeared first on The Forward.

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What is flydubai and will it continue to link Israel and the Emirates?

(JTA) — TEL AVIV – The apparent hijacking attempt aboard flydubai Flight 1073 has put a spotlight on the Emirati airline, which has become a main air link connecting Israelis to the rest of the world.

The incident could also test the relationship between Israel and one of the airlines that has come to symbolize the ties forged by the 2020 Abraham Accords, in which the United Arab Emirates was one of a small number of Arab countries that recognized Israel.

Flydubai, a Dubai government-owned airline, began operating in 2009 and launched regular flights to Israel in 2020, shortly after the UAE and Israel established diplomatic relations.

When war broke out in Israel in October 2023, many foreign airlines suspended flights to the country for extended periods. Flydubai and other UAE airlines continued operating flights to and from Israel through much of the conflict, providing an important connection for Israelis seeking to travel abroad at a time when international air service to the country was severely reduced.

The airline has also become an important hub for Israelis traveling beyond the UAE itself. Through Dubai, passengers can connect to destinations across Asia, Africa and other regions. The airline operates dozens of flights between Tel Aviv and Dubai each week.

According to Ben Gurion Airport data for August, flydubai carried roughly 90,000 passengers during the month. Since the beginning of 2026, more than 420,000 passengers have flown with the airline to or from Ben Gurion, accounting for roughly 4% of the airport’s international passenger traffic and placing it third among international airlines operating at the airport by passenger volume.

The incident aboard Flight 1073 could now put that relationship under scrutiny.

Israel’s Transportation Minister Miri Regev has reportedly asked Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to immediately suspend flydubai flights to Israel until the circumstances of Wednesday’s incident are clarified, according to Israeli news outlet Ynet.

Regev said flydubai had violated the countries’ aviation agreement, which she described as requiring pilots operating flights to Israel to be citizens of countries with which Israel maintains diplomatic relations. Israeli and international media have reported that the co-pilot who instigated the incident was an Omani national.

Former Israeli Ambassador to the UAE Amir Hayek pushed back against calls to suspend the flights, however. In a post on X, Hayek wrote that flydubai and Etihad were the only two airlines in the world that continued flying to Israel “even during the most difficult times,” and argued that the UAE and the airline should be allowed to fully investigate what happened rather than face action based on speculation.

“I trust them,” he wrote.

The episode comes as Flydubai continues to expand its global network. The airline said this month that it was operating an average of 2,200 flights a week and serving more than 125 destinations in 56 countries. Its partnership with the major airline Emirates gives passengers access to a combined network of more than 214 unique destinations in more than 100 countries, with more than 4,600 possible connections through Dubai.

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

The post What is flydubai and will it continue to link Israel and the Emirates? appeared first on The Forward.

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Mayor Mamdani’s antisemitism strategy doesn’t define antisemitism. That’s a good thing.

Halfway through New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s strategy to combat antisemitism is a page labeled “definitions.” Rather than announce which definition of antisemitism the strategy will use, the page explains why the administration won’t be defining the term.

“Despite antisemitism’s persistent presence throughout history, scholars, community members and community leaders do not agree on certain aspects of what antisemitism is,” it reads. “New York City can and will leverage all of the tools at its disposal to combat antisemitism effectively without needing to adopt a definition for this specific form of hate.”

The strategy instead cites three prominent definitions: the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance or IHRA definition, the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism, and the Nexus Document (in the interest of full disclosure,I am a fellow with the Nexus Task Force, though I was in no way involved in the writing of the definition). The strategy also alludes to other frameworks.

That it does not include a definition will be held up by some as proof that the Mamdani administration doesn’t take antisemitism seriously. In fact, the decision not to  select one definition shows that it is focused more on fixing the problem than prematurely picking just one method to solve it.

We do not need a definition to fight hatred. We do not have similar pushes to define, say, racism or sexism or xenophobia. The report itself makes the point that a definition is not “necessary useful” for the Mayor’s Office to Combat Antisemitism to do its work. “Every crime that may be bias motivated is investigated by the NYPD’s Hate Crimes Task Force consistent with New York State law and applicable criminal statutes. Likewise, allegations of anti-Jewish discrimination reported to the New York City Commission on Human Rights are assessed under the City’s Human Rights Law.”

Moreover, what people who want one definition often mean is that they want antisemitism defined as including anti-Zionism, or that they want the administration in question to adopt the IHRA definition of antisemitism, which the Mamdani administration revoked when he came into office. The IHRA definition contains examples of antisemitism that are mostly about Israel and that include “Applying double standards by requiring of [Israel] a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation,” and “Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.”

Critics (including me) have argued that the codification or singular embrace of IHRA threatens to restrict speech around Israel and US foreign policy.

Further, Israeli legal scholars Itamar Mann and Lihi Yona have argued that, in addition to potentially chilling speech about Israel, the push to codify or embrace this one definition is a push for a government-sanctioned understanding of what it is to be Jewish. “It restricts the freedom of Jews to define their own identity, limiting the ways in which Jewish beliefs, thought and activism can be expressed,” they wrote last year. It would be inappropriate for the Mamdani administration, or any government administration, to take it upon itself to decide what it means to be Jewish.

And insisting that our understanding of antisemitism always and only adhere to one definition is like insisting that we always and only use a hammer for home renovation. Sometimes that is useful; sometimes that can result in destroying your house.

There are times that IHRA may be useful in thinking through what is and is not antisemitic. But there may be times that it leads to overuse and political abuse of the term “antisemitism.” A person protesting Israel and not any other country may be applying a double standard; on the other hand, they may be holding Israel to account because they are an American taxpayer and Israel is the top recipient of US aid. By pairing IHRA with other definitions and frameworks, those in office are more, not less, informed and empowered to thoroughly think through how they’re tackling antisemitism.

That isn’t to say there’s nothing to criticize about the Mamdani administration’s strategy. Some might note that it’s heavier on principle than it is on specific policy; others, that it does not mention that, though anti-Zionism and protest of Israel are not inherently antisemitic, both can cross over into antisemitic rhetoric, vandalism, and even violence.

But they don’t need a definition to do any of that. And like the Biden administration’s 2023 national strategy on antisemitism (which also declined to pick one single definition), the Mamdani strategy takes a whole of government approach, stressing that Jews are New Yorkers and allowing them to live as full-fledged members of society safely is everyone’s responsibility, and that it will use the tools at its disposal to do that. You could just have a hammer, but why would you want that when you could also have a screwdriver, a wrench, and your own ingenuity and discernment?

 

The post Mayor Mamdani’s antisemitism strategy doesn’t define antisemitism. That’s a good thing. appeared first on The Forward.

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