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Meet the Jewish actor who plays the lone Jewish character in Broadway’s ‘New York, New York’

(New York Jewish Week) — Broadway actor Oliver Prose and I met on a bench outside of the iconic Bow Bridge in Central Park in the middle of a sunny afternoon. He’s nearly six months into his Broadway debut in “New York, New York” — and two days fresh off a performance at the Tony Awards — but he shows no signs of slowing down.

Prose chose this scenic spot for our meeting because it’s the real-life inspiration for one of his favorite sets on the show, which nabbed a Tony on Sunday for Best Scenic Design of a Musical.

“In all of the scenes — Grand Central, Bow Bridge, Penn Station — all these iconic locations are recreated with the sets,” he said. “It’s aesthetically one of the most beautiful shows I’ve ever seen.”

“New York, New York,” is a dance-heavy musical from legendary songwriters John Kander and Fred Ebb. It weaves multiple narratives about musicians trying to make it in New York City in 1946, portrayed here as a post-war era of possibilities and potential. Among a diverse cast of characters, Prose plays the musical’s lone Jewish character: Alex Mann, a young violinist auditioning for Juilliard who fled Poland just before the Holocaust began.

As tourists strolled by scarfing down cart hotdogs, taking selfies and listening to tour guides, Prose and I talked about what it’s like to be Jewish on Broadway right now — both in and out of the dressing room — in a moment when Jewish stories are receiving a lot of attention. Case in point: Antisemitism-themed “Parade” and “Leopoldstadt” won the Tonys for best revival of a musical and best play, respectively. The theme will continue with Alex Edelman’s “Just for Us,” which opens this summer, followed by Barry Manilow’s “Harmony” in the fall and “Prayer for the French Republic” in the winter. 

As we chatted on a bench across from the bridge, I happened to notice a blue “chai” pendant peeking out of his casual black collared shirt. I asked him if the necklace is part of the show, like Michaela Diamond’s Jewish star that she wears as her “Parade” character, Lucille Frank.

It’s not, “but I did buy this for the opening of the show,” he said. “I’ve never worn any jewelry really, ever. There was never really a moment for me before that made me feel like I needed to project: ‘This is my Jewishness.’ But for this show, it really felt right.”

“I never really felt super comfortable, or the need to say ‘I’m Jewish,’ because I don’t practice that often,” added Prose, who grew up in Greenwich, Connecticut, and now lives in Brooklyn. “I haven’t been to temple since I was a teenager. I celebrate holidays with my family, but it’s always been something that I relate to my family. I’ve never really felt it personally before, but because of this role, I have really started to feel proud to be Jewish.”

Playing a Jewish character as his first role on Broadway feels “appropriate,” he said. And, as it happens, the part in “New York, New York” is one of the first shows, on or off Broadway, that he has worked on since graduating from New York University’s Tisch School of the Arts in 2019. For the last few years, he has been working as an administrative assistant at NYU while sending out self-tape auditions.

“When the semester ended, I had no idea what I was going to do,” he said.

After sending out an audition tape for the musical in late December last year, Prose had one in-person callback in January — later that night, his agent called to tell him he got the role. 

“I never would have expected to be in a Susan Stroman-directed Kander and Ebb musical for my first Broadway experience,” Prose said, emphasizing that he’s “not a song and dance guy” — his last role was in a three-person show in Arizona. “If you had told me a year ago that I was going to be doing that — specifically at the Tonys — I would have said you’re completely crazy.” 

“It’s been an eye-opening experience as a young, emerging artist,” he added. 

“New York, New York,” designed for Broadway’s tourist crowd, is loosely based on the 1977 Martin Scorsese film of the same name, although Alex Mann and several other supporting characters were written specifically for this production, as part of the book by David Thompson. It features the catchy tunes from the movie, including its title song — you know the one — as well as new songs written by “Hamilton” legend and “Fiddler on the Roof” fan Lin-Manuel Miranda

The plot centers around the volatile relationship between bright-eyed, aspiring musicians Francine Evans (Anna Uzele), who has come to New York via Philadelphia, and the jaded, multi-instrumentalist Jimmy Doyle (Colton Ryan). Along the pair’s up-and-down journey to success they cross paths with several other musicians trying to make it in the big city — like Prose’s Alex Mann, a violin protegé.  

“It’s a show that’s trying to cover a lot of stories,” Prose said. “A lot of them really don’t have to do with being Jewish and what Judaism meant to that time.”

But Prose acknowledges how “Jewish stories are being explored on Broadway in a variety of ways,” right now, he said. “From a broad perspective, on Broadway, it’s something that’s being celebrated and recognized. But it’s also being opposed, which is what really tells me that the world is listening. People are hearing this and like, people don’t like it — and that makes it even more important.”

“I feel a part of all of that,” he added.

We finish our interview walking across the bridge and out of the park. Prose described how he’s still getting used to the nighttime work schedule. We say our goodbyes; I head to Midtown to write this article, while Prose makes his way to the St. James Theater to take a nap in his dressing room before that evening’s curtain call.


The post Meet the Jewish actor who plays the lone Jewish character in Broadway’s ‘New York, New York’ appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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War with Iran puts the US-Israel alliance at grave risk

The Iran war is strategically sound yet politically unsupported — an unstable foundation for a gamble that could reshape the Middle East. That creates danger for Israel, which needs the support of an American public that is rapidly drifting away.

For decades, the country’s greatest strategic asset has not been its military technology or intelligence capabilities — spectacular as these are — but rather the political, diplomatic and military backing of the United States. That relationship has not been merely transactional. It was supposed to rest on shared values and deep public support across the American political spectrum.

If that support erodes or disappears, Israel’s strategic environment will fundamentally change. To be blunt: it will not be able to arm its military. This creates a paradox. A campaign that has so far demonstrated extraordinary value for the Jewish state also stands a risk of fundamentally weakening it.

An alliance at its strongest

The conflict has showcased the depth of the current U.S.–Israel alliance. To many observers, and critically to Israel’s enemies, the operation has underscored not only Israel’s capabilities but also the reality that it stands alongside the world’s most powerful state.

The strikes have projected deep into Iranian territory, revealed astonishing intelligence penetration, and destroyed or degraded key threats. Israel’s enemies across the region have already been weakened by previous rounds of fighting since Oct. 7, and the current operation has reinforced the impression that Israel can reach its adversaries wherever they operate.

Moreover, Iran’s regime has managed to isolate itself to the point where most Arab countries are in effect on the side of Israel and the U.S. That projection — of an unbreakable and strong alliance – may ultimately be the most important strategic element of this war.

But therein lies the rub.

The political foundations of American support for Israel are eroding, which means the very element that currently strengthens Israel’s deterrence — American participation — may also be the one most at risk.

A just war, unjustified

Americans do not understand why their country is at war.

A Reuters/Ipsos survey conducted at the start of the conflict found only 27% of Americans supported the U.S. action, while 43% opposed it. Other surveys show similar results, with roughly six in ten Americans against the military intervention.

In modern American history that is highly unusual. Most wars begin with a “rally around the flag” moment when public support surges. Even conflicts that later became controversial — from Afghanistan to Iraq — initially enjoyed majority backing.

This one did not — in part because the case for it has not been made clearly to the public.

That error is compounded by years of polarization in American politics; declining trust in institutions and leadership; and the record of President Donald Trump, who has spent years spreading conspiracy theories and demonstrating a remarkable indifference to factual truth. It is no exaggeration to say that many Americans do not believe a word he says – which is perhaps unprecedented.

When a president with that record launches a war, at least half the country assumes the worst. Even if the strategic logic is sound, the credibility deficit remains.

The tragedy is that the war is, in fact, eminently justifiable. The Islamic Republic has long since forfeited the moral legitimacy that normally shields states from outside force. It brutally suppresses its own population, jailing and killing protesters, policing women’s bodies, and crushing dissent with an apparatus of repression. Its foreign policy is not defensive but revolutionary. Through proxy militias it has destabilized Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen, as well as the Palestinian areas, in some cases for decades.

The regime has pursued nuclear weapons through a series of transparent machinations, deceptions and brinkmanship. Negotiations have repeatedly been used as delaying tactics while enrichment continued. Any deal that relieved sanctions would not simply reduce tensions; it would also inject new resources into a system dedicated both to repression at home and aggression abroad — one that is despised by the vast majority of its own people, as murderous dictatorships inevitably will be.

There is a doctrine in international law known as the Responsibility to Protect — the principle that when a state systematically brutalizes its own population, the international community may have the right, even the obligation, to act. By that standard, the Iranian regime has been skating on thin ice for years.

But with this clear rationale left uncommunicated, the politically dangerous perception has spread that the U.S. was reacting to Israel rather than acting on its own strategic judgment.

A perilous future

If Americans come to believe that Israel caused a costly war that they did not support in the first place, the backlash could be severe.

For centuries, one of the most persistent antisemitic tropes has been the accusation that Jews manipulate powerful states into fighting wars on their behalf. The suggestion that Israel can pull the U.S. into conflict feeds directly into that mythology. Once such perceptions take hold, they can be extremely difficult to reverse.

Even people who reject antisemitism outright can absorb a softer version of the same idea: that American interests are being subordinated to Israeli ones. In a political environment already marked by growing skepticism toward Israel, that perception risks deepening the erosion of support that has been underway for years.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio seemed to inadvertently feed such notions by suggesting in recent days that the U.S. had to attack Iran because Israel was going to do so “anyway,” and then America would have been a target. It was a short path from that to conspiracy theorists like Tucker Carlson blaming Chabad for the war.

A future Democratic president, facing a base that appears to have abandoned Israel, may feel far less obligation to defend it diplomatically or militarily. Even a Republican successor could prove unreliable if the party continues its drift toward isolationism.

That likelihood is compounded by studies showing that a large part of the U.S. Jewish community itself no longer backs Zionism. That process is driven by Israel’s own policies, including the West Bank occupation and the deadly brutality of the war in Gaza.

So the very war that is showcasing the best the U.S.-Israel alliance has to offer is also at risk of fundamentally damaging that partnership. Particularly if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — the rightful object of much American ire — manipulates the Iran campaign into an electoral victory this year, the alliance’s greatest success could also be its undoing.

The post War with Iran puts the US-Israel alliance at grave risk appeared first on The Forward.

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Report: Iran’s New Military Plan Is Regime Survival Through Regional Escalation

Members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) attend an IRGC ground forces military drill in the Aras area, East Azerbaijan province, Iran, Oct. 17, 2022. Photo: IRGC/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via REUTERS

i24 NewsAfter last year’s devastating conflict with the United States and Israel, Iranian leaders have reportedly adopted a major strategic shift aimed at expanding the war across the Middle East to secure the regime’s survival, according to the Wall Street Journal.

Previously, Iran responded to foreign strikes with limited, targeted reprisals. The new doctrine abandons that approach, aiming instead to escalate the conflict regionally, particularly against Gulf Arab states and critical economic infrastructure. The goal is to disrupt the global economy and pressure Washington into shortening the war.

This decision followed the twelve-day war with Israel in June 2025, during which Israeli and US strikes eliminated senior Iranian military leaders, destroyed key air defense systems, and severely damaged nuclear facilities. In response, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—before his elimination early in the current conflict—activated a strategy designed to maintain continuity even if top commanders were neutralized.

Central to this approach is the so-called “mosaic defense” doctrine: a decentralized military structure in which the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) operates through multiple regional command centers. Each center can conduct operations independently, allowing local commanders to continue fighting even if national leadership is incapacitated. This makes the military apparatus more resilient to targeted strikes.

Following the adoption of this doctrine, Iran quickly expanded hostilities, launching missile and drone attacks on the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, and critical energy and port infrastructure. The strategy also aims to disrupt key trade routes, including the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil passes.

Analysts cited by the Wall Street Journal suggest that Tehran’s calculation is to make the conflict costly enough for all parties to force the US and its allies into a diplomatic resolution.

However, the plan carries enormous risks. By escalating attacks on regional states and international economic interests, Iran could provoke a broader coalition against itself. Despite prior military losses, Iranian forces retain the capability to launch drone and missile strikes, maintaining their influence over the ongoing conflict.

For Iranian leaders, the immediate priority remains unchanged: the survival of the regime, even if it requires a major regional escalation.

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Katz Warns Lebanon to Disarm Hezbollah or ‘Pay a Heavy Price’

Israel’s Defense Minister Israel Katz and his Greek counterpart Nikos Dendias make statements to the press, at the Ministry of Defense in Athens Greece, Jan. 20, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Louisa Gouliamaki

i24 NewsIsraeli Defense Minister Israel Katz on Saturday warned Lebanon’s leadership that it must act to disarm Hezbollah and enforce existing agreements, cautioning that failure to do so could lead to severe consequences for the Lebanese state.

Speaking after a high-level security assessment with senior military officials, Katz directed a message to Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, saying Beirut had committed to enforcing an agreement requiring Hezbollah’s disarmament but had failed to follow through.

“You pledged to uphold the agreement and disarm Hezbollah — and this is not happening,” Katz said. “Act and enforce it before we do even more.”

The meeting took place in Israel’s military command center and included Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir and other senior defense officials, as Israel continues operations on multiple fronts.

Katz emphasized that Israel would not tolerate attacks on its communities or soldiers from Lebanese territory.

“We will not allow harm to our communities or to our soldiers,” he said. “If the choice is between protecting our citizens and soldiers or protecting the State of Lebanon, we will choose our citizens and soldiers — and the Lebanese government and Lebanon will pay a very heavy price.”

The defense minister also referenced Hezbollah’s leadership, warning that the group’s current chief could lead Lebanon into further destruction.

“If Hassan Nasrallah destroyed Lebanon, then Naim Qassem will destroy it as well,” Katz said.

Katz stressed that Israel has no territorial ambitions in Lebanon but said it would not accept a return to the years in which Hezbollah launched repeated attacks on Israel from Lebanese territory.

“We have no territorial claims against Lebanon,” he said. “But we will not allow Lebanese territory to again become a platform for attacks against the State of Israel.”

He concluded with a warning to Lebanese authorities to take action against Hezbollah before Israel escalates its response.

“Do and act before we do even more,” Katz said.

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