צײַטזאָנע (אַטלאַס)

פֿאַר די ייִדיש־שרײַבערס פֿון יאָר 2100

אַן עסײ־פּאָעמע געשריבן אין יאַנואַר 2026

12:00

טײל פּאַסאַזשירן דרײען צוריק די זײגערלעך

בײַם אָפּפֿלי, אַנדערע בײַ דער לאַנדונג.

רובֿ פּאַסאַזשירן אָבער טראָגן מער נישט

קײן זײגערלעך און װאַרטן ביז די מאָבילקעס

פֿאַרבינדן זיך מיט דער נײַער צײַט.

די צײַט באַשטײט פֿון פֿאַרבינדונגען.

אױף די עקראַנען: מאַפּעס מיט גרענעצן.

אונטער די פֿענצטער: אַנאָנימע פּײזאַזשן.

אײן עראָפּלאַן מיט דרײַ צײַטזאָנעס:

אָפּשטאַם, צילאָרט און פֿלימאָדוס.

1:00

פֿעטער אַרטשיבאַלד דער אַװאָקאַט

גלײבט נישט אין זומער־זײגער.

אָפֿט קומט ער אָן אַ שעה פֿריִער

פֿאַר אַ זיצונג מיטן ריכטער.

זײַנע שפּעטע װעטשערע־געסט, װידער,

קריגן בלױז אַ שטיקל פּעקאַן־פּײַ.

לױט דער באָבען לײענט ער באַריכטן

הין און קריק, אױף זײַן הױדע־בענקל.

2:00

אין ברוקלין האָט די מאַמע ע״ה בדעה
צו שענקען מײַן זומער־לאַגער אַ זונזײגער,

גיט זי אַ קלונג רבֿ קונדא ז״ל,

דעם דירעקטאָר און דערצײלער.

צו קאַלקולירן אַן אַקוראַטן װײַזער־שאָטן

דאַרף מען קודם די פּינקטלעכע פּאָזיציע.

אפֿשר לעבן דער הײַזקע װוּ ער דערצײלט

יעדן שבת זײַנע אַלטע משפּחה־מעשׂיות?

דװקא דאָרט װוּ מיר קינדער פֿאַרלירן

נאָך מנחה דעם חשבֿון פֿון די שעהען?

3:45

כינע־צײַט װערט טראַנסמיטירט

פֿון צײַט־צענטער אױף באַרג לישאַן

פֿאַר אַ ראַדיאָ־עולם פֿון װיגורסטאַן

אַזש ביז כּמעט ביראָבידזשאַן.

צענטראַל־מערבֿ־אױסטראַליע־צײַט

¾8 שעה נאָך לאָנדאָן־װעלטצײַט

פֿירט זיך אין פֿינף אָפּרו־סטאַנציעס

אױפֿן שאָסײ פֿון קײַגונע קײן גרענעצדאָרף.

אַן אַטלאַנטישער קאָנטײנער־שיף

פֿאַרמאָגט מער נישט קײן שיפֿגלאָק.

דאָס באַשליסט בלױז הער קאַפּיטאַן

װען אַ נײַע צײַטזאָנע הײבט זיך אָן.

די אַװיאָנען פֿון „פּאַװע לופֿט“ טיקען

צום טאַקט פֿון די סטואַרד/קעס הערצער:

אָט פֿאַרלעשן זײ די קאַבינע־ליכט;

איצט פֿירן זײ דאָס שפּײַזװעגעלע.

4:00

אין „גאַלעריע צײַטזאָנע“ געדױערט

אַ מינוט כאָטש הונדערט סעקונדעס.

אַ באַזוכערין פֿון אױסלאַנד װערט אומזיכער:

אין װאָסער יאָרהונדערט איז זי אַרײַנגעפֿלױגן?

די װענט באַמאָלענע מיט אַלטנײַע אותיות,

אױסגעפּוצטע מיט חוצפּהדיקע אַנאַכראָניזמען.

אַ מאָל פֿאַרבעט מען געסט פֿון דער װײַטנס
אױפֿצוטרעטן װירטועל אױף דער לײַװנט,

נאָר ס׳איז שטענדיק שװער זיך צו אײניקן

אױף אַ סינכראָנישער שעה פֿאַרן זום־קלונג

װײַל טײל האַלטן די גאַלעריע פֿאַר פֿאַרבײַ,

אַנדערע דװקא פֿאַר דער צוקונפֿט.

5:00

צײַטזאָנעס, אַזױ װי לשונות, קענען זיך

טוליען, איבערשנײַדן, אײַננעסטיקן:

צען שפּראַכן אין אײן צען־דירהדיקן הױז;

צען שפּרפּאַכן אין אײן מוח. פֿון דרױסן

באַמערקט אַ פֿאַרבײַגײער די פֿענצטער,

סײַ די ליכטיק װאַכע און סײַ די פֿינצטער

פֿאַרחלומטע. װאָסערע לשונות הערן זיך

דערינען? װיפֿל איז דאָרט דער זײגער?

איבער די הײַזער פֿליט אַן אַװיאָן

מיט פֿאַרמאַכטע פֿענצטער־רולעטן,

פֿאַרלאָשענע מאַפּעס און קאַבינע־ליכט—

נאָר עטלעכע פֿון אױבן באַלײַכטענע ביכער.

6:00

אױף דער אונטערבאַן־ליניע אַכט

מאָנטיק זעקס אַ זײגער אין דער פֿרי

– צענטראַל־אײראָפּע־צײַט, פֿאַרשטײט זיך –
פֿאָרט אײנער אַ מידער

אַהײם פֿון קיטקאַט־קלוב

לעבן אַ צװײטער אַ מידער

װאָס זי פֿאָרט צו דער אַרבעט.

7:00

די צװישן־צײַטזאָנעס שטרעקן זיך אױס

פֿון דרעמל־קנעפּל ביזן צװײטן װעקער

פֿון ליפֿט־קנעפּל ביז דער אָפֿענער טיר

פֿון שלום־עליכם ביזן ערשטן קוש

פֿון זײַ־געזונט ביז דער קאַלטער גאַס

8:00

„פּאַװע לופֿט“ באָט אָן פֿאַרבינדונגען

צו אַלע צײַטזאָנעלעך פֿון ייִדישלאַנד.

כאָטש געװיסע פֿליִען הײבן זיך אָן

אין שװער צו דערגרײכן יאָרן.

אַבי עס בלײַבט אונדז עפּעס

אַ פֿאַרבינדונג צװישן די דורות.

9:00

די געשיכטע פֿון כּלל־צײַטזאָנעס
איז אַ מעכטיקע משפּחה־מעשׂה

פֿון סינכראָניזירטע אימפּעריעס

מיט כּלערלײ קונציקע זײגערס:

60 מינוט אין אַ שעה לױט די בבֿלים

12 שעה אין אַ נאַכט לױט די מצרים

24 שעה אין אַ מעת־לעת לױט די גריכן

7 טעג אין אַ װאָך לױטן רױמישן קײסער

12 חדשים מיט קײסערלעך רױמישע נעמען

דער בריטישער פֿלאָט האָט באַזיגט

דעם זונפֿאַרגאַנג און יעדן מערידיאַן

מיט זײַנע כּסדרדיקע כראָנאָמעטערס

װאָס טראָגן לאָנדאָן־צײַט װײַט און ברײט

נאָר די טראַנסקאָנטינענטאַלע אײַזנבאַן

האָט געדאַרפֿט שאַפֿן צײַט־פֿאַרבינדונגען

צװישן די שיפֿן און די רעלסן און די פּײסאַזשן.

4 זאָנעס איבער אַלע באַזיגטע געביטן.

24 זאָנעס פֿאַראײניקטע מיט טעלעגראַפֿן.

אין װאַשינגטאָן האָט מען באַשטימט

אַז דער טאָג הײבט זיך אָן אין לאָנדאָן;

אין זשענעװע האָט מען פּראָקלאַמירט

די „װעלטצײַט“ לױט אַ גענױער סעקונדע

אַן אַטאָמיש געמאָסטענע אין פּאַריז

10:00

דער טאָג

לױט סװאַטש־

אינטערנעט־צײַט

הײבט זיך אָן

האַלבע נאַכט

לױט דער כּלל־צײַט

פֿון ביל, שװײץ

און צעטײלט זיך

אױף טױזנט „טאַקטן“

װעלכע גלײַכן

זיך פּינקטלעך

צו פֿראַנצײזיש־

רעװאָלוציאָנערע

דעצימאַלע מינוטן

די רעװאָלוציאָנערע

צײַט האָט טױזנטער

צײַטזאָנעס לױט דער זון
איבער יעדן דאָרף און שטעטל

סװאַטש־צײַט

פֿונדעסטװעגן

איז סינכראָניזירט

צװישן יעדן דופֿקדיקן געלענק

11:00

אין װאָרמס

טראָגט אַ ייִנגל אַ בוך.

גוּט טַק אִים בְּטַגְֿא.

זאָל „פּיפּער־

נאָטער לופֿט“

אים טראָגן בשלום

קײן מאָליעװ

און פֿון דאָרטן בשלום

קײן בערלין.

זאָל ער זיך אַראָפּ־

לאָזן װי אַ ראָזשינקע

אױף טעמפּלהאָפֿער פֿליפֿעלד

און װײַטער לײענען דאָס בוך

אױף טראַמװײַ נײַנאונײַנציק

אַזש ביז צײַטזאָנע —

11:59

דאָס בוך גופֿא

איז אַ פֿליפֿאַרבינד

איבער לשון־צײַט,

אַ צײַטזאָנעלע

פֿון אױגן־

ציטערנישן

צװישן

אָט און

איצט.

אָט—

נאַט אײַך

די בילעטן.

מיר װינטשן אײַך

אַן אײַנגענעמע

רײַזע.

The post ‘Time Zone’ — poetry by Jake Schneider appeared first on The Forward.

Abe Foxman never texted me Shabbat Shalom, and he didn’t always answer my calls. I couldn’t blame him, because I was often looking for something more from Foxman than his comment on current events.

Foxman, who died on Sunday, was a consummate insider who had become troubled by what he viewed as the cowardice of the very Jewish establishment he helped create during his five decades at the Anti-Defamation League. This dynamic fascinated me, and I sometimes pressed him articulate these concerns more candidly. But Foxman didn’t want to become a gadfly following his retirement in 2015 and picked his words carefully.

Occasionally, though, his frustration slipped through.

When I asked him a few years ago about the boom in new organizations created to fight antisemitism — more than 75 nonprofits with that mission have been created since he left the ADL in 2015— he lamented that it had become much more difficult for legacy organizations to say no to donors with political agendas because they could now take their dollars elsewhere.

“I had rules,” Foxman said. “Maybe that’s why they’re able to raise more money than I could.”

The erosion of rules that had once governed American society alarmed Foxman because he recognized that it was those norms — political correctness, trust in the mainstream media, bipartisanship — that had protected Jews.

“Antisemitism has always been here,” Foxman said on Israel’s Army Radio in 2018, during Donald Trump’s first term as president and after the Charlottesville “Unite the Right” rally had opened the nation’s eyes to an emboldened antisemitic movement. “What has changed is a new permissiveness, a new legitimacy, a new emboldenment, as if it’s OK — or more OK — today to be an antisemite.”

Unlike many of the leaders who succeeded him atop the country’s most powerful Jewish organizations, Foxman drew a direct line between the rise of Trump and skyrocketing hostility toward Jews.

“Trump’s presidency — in spirit and in deed — has given succor to bigots, supremacists, and those seeking to divide our society,” Foxman wrote in his endorsement of Joe Biden. “He and his administration dehumanize immigrants, demonize the most vulnerable, and undermine the civility and enlightened political culture that have allowed Jews to achieve what no diaspora community outside Israel can claim in two millennia.”

Foxman slammed Jonathan Greenblatt, his successor at the ADL, and other Jewish leaders for failing to follow his lead during the campaign.

But Foxman had, in some respects, paved the way for the state of affairs that he later bemoaned.

Take his relationship with Fox News owner Rupert Murdoch, who he met in the shvitz during one of Foxman’s biannual visits to a spa for billionaires, where each week-long stay cost nearly $9,000, paid for by an ADL donor. “I have come to know the man, not his image,” Foxman said after presenting Murdoch with a leadership award in 2010.

When I asked Foxman whether he regretted feting the founder of Fox News, which had almost certainly contributed to the erosion of political correctness and trust in the media that he later lamented, he cryptically brushed aside the concern: “Fox wasn’t Fox back then.”

And Foxman could claim impunity when it came to countering antisemitism in the way that he saw fit.

After the ADL found itself embroiled in a scandal over its close monitoring of political activists in the early 1990s, including activists against South African apartheid who were also critical of Israel, a Washington Post reporter wrote that Foxman “testily argued” to him that the ADL “has a right to do whatever it must within the law to combat antisemitism,” including receiving files the police said were stolen from the FBI.

Foxman also lobbied Congress not to recognize the Armenian genocide, worried that doing so would endanger Turkey’s Jewish community and damage the country’s relationship with Israel, before eventually reversing course. And, in what became the central allegation in longstanding complaints from the left that Foxman had stoked Islamophobia, he insisted that it was offensive to build a proposed mosque near Ground Zero in Manhattan.

Foxman also deeply believed that Israel’s security was connected to the safety of Jews in the United States, and that animus toward Israel was often a veiled expression of animosity toward Jews, something he remained concerned about until the very end.

This willingness to play ball with billionaires and stake out controversial political positions intended to protect Jews or Israel — often blurring the line between the two — would help shape how the Jewish community evolved in the decades after Foxman became ADL director in 1987.

Foxman achieved his towering status partly through his gravitas and charisma, what Nicole Mutchnik, chair of the ADL board, referred to as his ability to be a “warm friend, advisor, spirited antagonist and hugger — all over lunch.”

But I suspect it also had to do with his ability to maintain what has become an untenable political stance: a deep belief that Jews must fight for civil rights without giving up particular Jewish concerns around Israel and antisemitism.

This meant investing in the ADL’s civil rights portfolio — voting rights, immigration, racial justice, LGBTQ equality — even as he defended Israel in ways that rankled many liberals inside and outside of the organization.

And it meant becoming a forceful voice against both Trump and Israel’s far-right turn in recent years, even as he complained about what he viewed as unfair criticism of AIPAC by progressives and Democratic politicians drifting away from support for Israel in recent interviews.

Foxman shared this commitment to both liberalism, and a connection to Israel that at least sometimes conflicts with that liberalism, with a plurality of American Jews giving the ADL arguably the strongest claim of any legacy organization that it actually represented the American Jews it claimed to speak for.

But despite Foxman’s success — praise for his legacy came from wildly diverse corners of the Jewish community — the current crop of Jewish leaders have not adopted his politics.

The largest establishment organizations, including the current iteration of the Anti-Defamation League, seem to have determined that a wider-ranging commitment to civil rights advocacy and vocal opposition to Trump is a nonstarter if they intend to continue advocating for Israel, at a time when much of the Democratic Party has turned actively hostile to the Jewish state.

Meanwhile, the progressive Jewish groups who remain most committed to civil rights work have largely abandoned Zionism as part of their missions.

This may be a more honest form of Jewish politics than what came before. But it has also left many Jews feeling politically homeless and played into the erasure of a political center that Foxman, and no shortage of Jewish historians, have insisted is integral to Jewish safety.

“We do well when we’re in the center,” Foxman told me shortly after I started this job. “And there is no center today.”

The post Abe Foxman built the Jewish establishment. He died troubled by what it had become appeared first on The Forward.

German authorities are facing mounting outrage from the country’s Jewish community after an anti-Israel protest encampment was allowed to remain for nine days at Hamburg’s Moorweide Square — the historic site from which thousands of Jews were deported by the Nazis to their deaths during the Holocaust.

On Friday, the Higher Administrative Court in the northern German city of Hamburg issued an expedited ruling overturning a previous police ban and allowing a pro-Palestinian demonstration camp, including tents and protest displays, to remain for more than a week at the historic site.

Local police had previously barred the anti-Israel protest camp from being established at Hamburg’s Moorweide memorial site, citing its deep historical significance as the Nazi-era gathering point from which thousands of the city’s Jewish residents were deported to concentration camps and systematically murdered by the Nazis.

Instead, protesters had been offered the option of relocating their encampment to Sternschanzenpark, a large public park located west of the city center.

However, the anti-Israel group successfully appealed the restriction before Hamburg’s administrative court.

According to the court’s ruling, the encampment falls under constitutionally protected freedom of assembly, with judges rejecting concerns that the demonstration could lead to criminal offenses.

“A broadly radical or extremist stance held by an organizer or protest leader is not, in itself, legally relevant to assessing potential risks unless it results in concrete actions during the demonstration that threaten protected legal interests,” the court stated in its ruling.

With more than 200 participants already on site and the encampment set to remain in place until May 16, police have established a substantial round-the-clock security presence, deploying multiple officers to monitor the area continuously.

Among the groups organizing the demonstration is Thawra Hamburg, which has been under surveillance by Germany’s State Office for the Protection of the Constitution since 2025 over alleged extremist activity and openly antisemitic rhetoric.

The anti-Israel group has been accused by German authorities of pursuing objectives hostile to the principle of international understanding, including publicly expressing support for or endorsing attacks carried out by Hamas and Hezbollah against Israel.

Philipp Stricharz, chairman of Hamburg’s Jewish community, condemned the court’s decision allowing the encampment to proceed, warning that extremist activists were being granted a public platform for antisemitism in the heart of the city.

“People who have even been officially classified as extremist are now being given space to spread antisemitism openly,” Stricharz said in a statement. “Jews must finally be able to move freely and visibly throughout Hamburg without fear — and that is currently no longer the reality.”

The Israeli Embassy in Berlin also denounced the demonstration and accused organizers of promoting extremist rhetoric and glorifying terrorism.

“Those who call for the ‘killing of colonialists,’ glorify Hamas terror, and propagate ‘resistance by any means necessary’ are not defending human rights. This is not a peace movement. This is extremist hatred,” the embassy wrote in a post on X.

Ab dem 9. Mai soll in Hamburg ein Protestcamp radikaler islamistischer und linksextremer Gruppen stattfinden – organisiert von Akteuren, die vom Verfassungsschutz beobachtet werden, nur wenige hundert Meter vom Zentrum jüdischen Lebens entfernt.

Wer zum „Töten von Kolonialisten“… pic.twitter.com/deFgpIPfjp

— Botschaft Israel (@IsraelinGermany) May 7, 2026

Local Jewish community leaders have now organized daily counterprotests against the encampment, scheduled to take place every evening at 5 p.m. through May 16.

Police have deployed a large number of riot officers to protect Jewish and pro-Israel demonstrators following repeated incidents in which activists at the encampment reportedly shouted chants including “child murderers” and “women murderers” at counter-protesters.