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As Qatar Emir Visits Canada, Just What is Doha Up To?

Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, Emir of Qatar

By HENRY SREBRNIK (Sept. 19/24) Qatar…home of Hamas leaders, Al-Jazeera, host of soccer’s 2022 World Cup, and wealth beyond measure. And everyone’s favourite centre for “negotiations” to end the war Hamas unleashed on Israel a year ago. It’s become everyone’s go-to country, a veritable “light unto the nations.”

However, as the 1946 song “Put the Blame on Mame” has it, in a different context, of course, “That’s the story that went around, but here’s the real lowdown” … about this duplicitous Persian Gulf emirate.

Even before the Gaza war began, there was an upswing of commentary celebrating a shift in the policies and behavior of Qatar: away from promoting and subsidizing radical Islamist groups, and towards “deconfliction” and moderation. 

Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, the country’s emir, has been basking in the glow of international approval, depicting the country as a global influencer and peacemaker. The Qataris want to make themselves indispensable. 

It plays into Doha’s ongoing attempts to create an illusion of rebranding as a moderating actor in the Middle East and beyond, pushed by various propagandists in the West on Qatar’s payroll, including more than a few American university centres and departments awash in Qatari money.

The emir and other officials spent two days in Canada Sept. 17-19, meeting with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and cabinet ministers. The Gaza war was on the agenda, of course. Indeed, Jewish-Canadian leaders urged Trudeau to criticize him over his patronage of Hamas. But being able to tap into Qatar’s wealth via business and trade was more likely on Trudeau’s mind.

Qatar has one of the highest per capita incomes in the world, at $110,000 a year. And while its total population is some 2.7 million, most of these are guest workers, including European lawyers and consultants at the top of the scale, and at the bottom South Asian labourers. Only some 313,000 are native Qataris, the ones who benefit from the riches it derives from the sale of oil and gas.

The Peninsula, an English language daily newspaper published in Doha, ran an article on the occasion of the emir’s visit by noting the expanding trade and investment cooperation between Canada and Qatar, especially with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in June between the Qatar Financial Center and the Canada Arab Business Council, a non-profit organization that aims to enhance trade and investment relations between Canada and the Arab world. 

The MoU “aims to establish an integrated framework for cooperation and coordination in specific sectors through joint initiatives and the exchange of information and expertise, with a focus on stimulating growth and promoting innovation in areas such as financial services and professional business services.” Ahmed Hussen, Minister of International Development participated in a signing ceremony with Lolwah bint Rashid Al-Khater, Qatar’s Minister of State for International Cooperation.

More than 9,000 Canadian expatriates live in Qatar, working in Canadian and Qatari companies and institutions. From January to July, Canada exported goods valued at $103.45 million to Qatar, while Qatar’s exports to Canada amounted to $90.27 million.

There is also a partnership in academic programs, as the University of Calgary has been in Doha since 2006, offering a Bachelor of Nursing program, along with the College of the North Atlantic, which transformed into the University of Doha for Science and Technology. Furthermore, there are several Doha-based schools that offer Canadian curricula. 

In their meeting, Sheikh Tamim expressed his aspiration to work with Trudeau to advance their bilateral cooperation across multiple sectors in order to “contribute to enhancing regional and global peace and stability.” Bilateral relations between the two countries were discussed, especially in the fields of investment, economy and international cooperation, “in addition to developments and situations in the Gaza Strip and the occupied Palestinian territories.”

Qatar has been very successful in its efforts to shape public opinion in Canada, as well as in the far more important United States. The amount of money that Qatar has poured into universities, schools, educational organizations, think tanks, and media across America, and the number of initiatives that Qatar uses to influence American opinion, is overwhelming. 

According to a 2022 study from the National Association of Scholars, Qatar is the largest foreign donor to American universities. It found that between 2001 and 2021, the petrostate donated a whopping $4.7 billion to U.S. colleges. The largest recipients are some of America’s most prestigious institutions of higher learning. They include Carnegie Mellon University, Ivy League Cornell University, Georgetown University in Washington, Virginia Commonwealth University, and Texas A & M. These schools have partnered with the regime to build campuses in Doha’s “education city,” a special district of the capital that hosts satellite colleges for American universities. (Texas A&M decided earlier this year to shutter its branch campus in Qatar.)

Georgetown University in Qatar, for instance, was hosting the “Reimagining Palestine” conference Sept. 20-22. The event engages scholars, experts, and the public “in timely and relevant dialogues on globally significant issues,” according to a description of the gathering. One of the speakers, Wadah Khanfar, “was active in the Hamas movement and was one of its most prominent leaders in the movement’s office in Sudan,” the Raya Media Network, a Palestinian outlet, tells us. In the months following Oct. 7, the campus has hosted a variety of seemingly anti-Israel events.

Since 2008, Qatar has donated nearly $602 million to Northwestern University, whose journalism school is ranked as one of the best in the world, to establish a school of journalism in Qatar.  The Northwestern University campus in Qatar and Qatari broadcaster Al-Jazeera in 2013 signed a Memorandum of Understanding to “further facilitate collaboration and knowledge transfer between two of Qatar’s foremost media organizations.” Are Northwestern’s interests really aligned with Qatar?

Qatari state-financed entities also often fund individual scholars or programs in the United States without official disclosure or being directly traceable to a government source, thus avoiding public scrutiny. For example, Ivy League Yale University disclosed only $284,668 in funding from Qatar between 2010 and 2022. Researchers at the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) in a report released in June, though, found that this amount reflected only a small fraction of the money and services the university and its scholars had in fact received over that period. The most common channel for hard-to-track Qatari support for Yale came from individual research grants originating from the Qatar National Research Fund, and their report found 11 Yale-linked QNRF grants which came to at least $15,925,711.

Recent research from the Network Contagion Research Institute indicated that at least 200 American universities illegally withheld information about approximately $13 billion in Qatari contributions. Also, according to the report, from 2015 to 2020 institutions that accepted money from Middle Eastern donors had on average, 300 percent more antisemitic incidents than those institutions that did not.

Overall, the report found that “a massive influx of foreign, concealed donations to American institutions of higher learning, much of it from authoritarian regimes with notable support from Middle Eastern sources, reflects or supports heightened levels of intolerance towards Jews, open inquiry and free expression.”

Much of Doha’s engagement with the world is run out of the Qatar Meeting, Incentive, Conference and Exhibition (MICE) Development Institute (QMDI), which promotes Qatar as a good place for business. The annual Doha Forum gathers major policymakers from around the world. 

Qatar’s influence-buying strategies are a textbook example of how to transform cash into “soft” power. The relationship between one of Washington, D.C.’s top think tanks and Qatar, for example, began in 2002, when the emirate underwrote a Doha conference featuring then Qatari Foreign Minister Hamad bin Jassem Al Thani and former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Martin Indyk, at the time the director of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings. (Hamad oversaw Qatar’s $230 billion sovereign wealth fund until 2013.) In 2007, Brookings followed up by opening a centre on Doha.  It didn’t end well. In 2021 the institute ended its relationship with Qatar amidst an ongoing FBI investigation.

Still, Washington treads carefully when it comes to criticizing Qatar. It’s not just about money. After all, the Al-Udaid Air Base is home to the U.S. military’s Central Command (CENTCOM), and the country is just across the Persian Gulf from Iran. In fact, Washington’s relationship with Qatar is so close that in 2022 the White House officially designated the emirate a “major non-NATO ally.” The Qataris, realizing that their very existence would be threatened were the U.S. to relocate its CENTCOM operations to the UAE or Saudi Arabia, in January hastened to nail down the agreement for another decade. 

Yoni Ben-Menachem, a senior researcher at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs, told the Jewish News Service (JNS) that the Gulf country is more dangerous than Hamas or Hezbollah since it is extraordinarily wealthy and thus in a position to influence U.S. administrations.

Qatar has for many years been involved in financing the campaigns of the Democratic Party, he claimed, “especially Hillary Clinton’s campaign” in 2016. He added that former U.S. President Bill Clinton is known to have flown to Qatar to bring back suitcases full of cash.

According to Jonathan Ruhe, director of foreign policy at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America (JINSA), Qatar has portrayed itself as “indispensable to U.S. interests in the Middle East, including negotiations with the Taliban, reconstruction aid for past Gaza conflicts, and building the massive Al-Udeid base for U.S. forces.” 

Yet although it hosts the Pentagon’s regional command, Qatar has long supported terrorism. For decades, it has opened its doors to Islamist terrorists, Taliban warlords and African insurgents. Doha housed the Taliban’s political office before that group returned to power in Afghanistan in 2021.

Beginning in 2012, the Israeli government allowed Qatar to deliver cash to Gaza. Over the next nine years, Qatar provided $1.5 billion. Prior to the outbreak of the present conflict, Doha subsidized Hamas to the tune of $360 million to $480 million a year. With one third of that money, Qatar bought Egyptian fuel that Cairo then shipped into Gaza, where Hamas sold it and pocketed its revenue. Another third went to impoverished Gazan families, while the last third paid the salaries of the Hamas bureaucracy. 

The leaders of Hamas, including Khaled Mashaal and the late Ismail Haniyeh, who was chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau until assassinated by Israel in July, have been regular guests in Doha, living in luxury. (The emir sat in the front row with mourners during Haniyeh’s funeral in Doha.) Qatar has defended Hamas’s presence in the country. 

“This was started to be used as a way of communicating and bringing peace and calm into the region, not to instigate any war,” Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani told U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken last October. “And this is the purpose of that office.” Blinken seemed to buy this. At a press conference in Doha in February, he asserted that “we’re very fortunate to have Qatar as a partner.”

As far back as 2007, when Hamas seized control of Gaza, Qatar recognized that “adopting” the group would be a worthwhile opportunity: connections with Hamas in Gaza grants Qatar influence and status in the Middle East and beyond. In addition, they bolster the popular Arab perception of Doha as working for the Palestinian cause. In 2012, the emir became the first head of state to visit Gaza, pledging $400 million to Hamas. At the same time, the Qataris became the exclusive mediators between Israel and Hamas.

The U.S. has accused the Qataris of harboring members of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC). But at the same time the Qataris are an important intermediary between America and Iran. Doha has enjoyed good relations with the Biden administration, which it helped in the American hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan three years ago.

While organized as a private company, the Al-Jazeera television network is the voice of Qatar’s regime. Founded in 1996 and financed by the then-emir of Qatar, it has described terrorist attacks that killed Israeli non-combatants as martyrdom operations and even posted articles describing Israel as “the Zionist entity.” For years, Al-Jazeera aired all of Osama bin Laden’s speeches. The late Muslim Brotherhood spiritual leader Yusuf Al-Qaradawi was based in Doha and for years hosted a prime-time program on the network. The war on Israel was declared on Al-Jazeera by Hamas military commander Muhammad Deif last October 7. Its operations in Israel were finally terminated by Jerusalem in May.

Qatar has been using the immense wealth it has accumulated to turn Al-Jazeera into an international media conglomerate, spreading Muslim Brotherhood propaganda, Hamas’ original sponsor, on a global scale. The Muslim Brotherhood was founded in Egypt in 1928 by the cleric Hassan al-Banna as a reaction to his perception that the Muslim world had become week in relation to the West. The royal family of Qatar has since been using the Muslim Brotherhood to minimize political opposition against them. In exchange for allowing the Brotherhood to use the country as a base for its international operations, the Brotherhood makes sure that there is no political threat based on organized religion against the Qatari monarchy.

A major shock to Qatar’s economy occurred when some Gulf Cooperation Council members — Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates — imposed an embargo on Qatar from 2017 to 2021. The reason for the embargo was Qatar’s support for the Brotherhood.

Qatar owns other news media that are equally awful. The London-based daily newspaper Al-Quds Al-Arabi in June published an article entitled “War Criminal Blinken Wages Diplomatic Campaign to Eliminate Palestinian Resistance and Buy Time for Israeli War in Gaza.”

Qatar is not a neutral agent, despite its attempts to portray itself as such. Time and again, it has supported the region’s most radical nations and paramilitaries, all to the detriment of American and Western interests. Its malign influence activities the United States reflect the broader issue of foreign manipulation in America’s political landscape. 

“Qatar has been playing a dual role since the beginning of the Gaza war. On the one hand, it is a well-known supporter of Hamas, and even finances it with a lot of money, and on the other hand, it is trying to help in the deal for the release of the Israeli hostages,” remarked Dr. Udi Levy, a former senior official of Israel’s Mossad spy agency in April. But the U.S. relationship with Qatar will continue as long as the American government finds it useful in the on-again off-again negotiations to have Hamas release the remaining Israeli hostages.

Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

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Antisemitism is a Problem Even on Tranquil PEI

By HENRY SREBRNIK (May 30, 2025) At the end of May the Jewish community here on Prince Edward Island met informally with a member of the RCMP to express our worries regarding rising antisemitism. We are very small, some 100 people, and with little visible presence, so it’s not surprising there’s little overt anti-Jewish activity, compared to everywhere else.

Unlike in other provinces, there was never a mass migration of Jews to PEI. The earliest record of a Jewish person on the island is from the mid-19th century but it wasn’t until the 1980s that the Jewish community formally organized itself. Most Jews here are “come from away,” as non-island born people are called. We have few roots and families here. Most Islanders don’t even know we exist. 

PEI is a quiet place, and even the antisemites are almost invisible — though, as people at the meeting shared their stories about antisemitic signs on telephone poles, house windows with “from the river to the sea” placards facing the street, reports from some parents about problematic teachers in schools, and so on, they are out there. 

For example, an event in Charlottetown last September, on the International Day of Peace, a United Nations-sanctioned holiday, was organized by the local Ukrainian community to protest Russia’s war against their country. Although it had nothing to do with the ongoing war in Gaza, nor was it meant to, yet there were more Palestinian than Ukrainian flags in evidence among the attendees, most of whom came out to make sure Gaza would not be “ignored.”

Our two independent downtown cinemas, which usually host art and foreign films, ran pro-Palestinian movies recently – with, apparently, significant turnouts. Despite City Cinema management having been told that the propaganda being disseminated at the theatre — they were showing the movie “No Other Land,” about life on the West Bank — is highly objectionable to our community, their failure to remove it was extremely troubling. Their lobby had a full display of pro-Palestinian material, a Palestinian flag across their counter, and a Palestinian representative accosting everyone entering the lobby with solicitations for money. At the Tivoli, they presented “The Encampments,” which explores the various pro-Palestinian protests in 2024 on American university campuses. This may not seem like much to people in Montreal, Toronto, or Winnipeg, but here it was a big deal.

During the recent federal election, the website VotePalestine.ca listed more than 330 candidates across the country who expressed “full” endorsement of their “Palestine Platform.” It demanded broad Government of Canada sanctions on anything connected to Israel, including “cultural and academic exchanges.” VotePalestine is closely associated with the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM), one of the central organizers of Canadian anti-Israel blockades and street demonstrations. 

Almost all the endorsers in the country were in the Green Party or among the New Democrats, but it included 19 Liberals and two Bloc Québécois. (No Conservatives.) On PEI, six candidates endorsed the platform, including, in Charlottetown, Liberal incumbent MP Sean Casey. The other five were running for the Greens or NDP.

 Casey was the only Liberal on PEI to sign the VotePalestine pledge. The other three Liberals on the island did not. (The Liberals won all four of the island’s seats.)

There are very few Muslims on PEI, and most are Iranians, Kosovars, Somalis, South Asians, and Sudanese. Few are Middle Eastern Arabs. I can guess with almost certainty that they support the Palestinian movement, but they are not especially strident about it. They are immigrants, many who don’t speak English or French, and so have a modest degree of influence.

A more significant group of anti-Israel activists are people who see the devastation in Gaza and blame Israel for everything; obviously a streak of old-fashioned antisemitism is responsible for their one-sided tenderness for Gazans and lack of sympathy for Israelis, even after October 7. They are involved in island peace committees and church groups and write letters to the newspapers. They have more social visibility and move the needle in an anti-Jewish direction.

But, as elsewhere, the third and most influential people are the ones in the universities, where for the past 40 years, here as everywhere, they have inculcated generations of students with very fully-developed ideological theories about Israel being uniquely evil, an apartheid settler-colonial “white” supremacist racist and imperialist country, and as such an oppressive enemy of all Black, Brown, and indigenous peoples (as propounded by the academics who write articles on so-called “intersectionalism.”) Israel is, to them, the current embodiment of fascism. These toxic left-wing ideologies are a very danger to the continued existence of the Jewish state.

 Their disseminators are many of the professors at Columbia, Harvard, McGill, Michigan, the University of Toronto, York, and so very many other universities — some even at little UPEI — who deny they are antisemites but rather “anti-Zionists,” and view that battle as being part of a larger anti-racist and anti-colonial struggle. They wear keffiyehs as their modern form of left- wing identity, after it came into widespread symbolic use when adapted by Yasser Arafat, by the hijacker Leila Khaled of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and by other leading figures in multiple intifadas, globalized and otherwise.

The only framework many students have been given for viewing the world by them is the neo-Marxist vision of “oppressor” and “oppressed,” which they neatly apply to Israel and Palestine. As Kathleen Hayes, a former member of an ultra-left Party for Socialism and Liberation, the group to which the murderer in Washington DC belonged, wrote in “Witness to Jihad,” Jewish Journal of Los Angeles, May 25, 2025, today’s students “learned it in the universities, from professors who repackaged Marxism to resonate in our modern age, using the Jews and Israel as their instruments of choice. But beyond the focus on Jews, this Manichean worldview declares entire classes of people reactionary and evil and suggests they ultimately must be eliminated for the sake of human betterment.”

Israeli violence is the violence that maintains a neo-colonial military occupation and inequality. Palestinian violence is the inevitable response to that; therefore it will only end when the occupation “from the river to the sea” — a call to destroy a sovereign state — ends. The oppressor can never be the victim. Within that narrative, the oppressed sometimes strike back brutally — but this is justified by the greater and more enduring brutality of the oppressor. That is why they justify what happened on October 7, 2023.

So the man who recently murdered the two Israeli embassy officials in Washington DC might say he has nothing against Jews, he just wants a “Free, Free Palestine” to replace the illegitimate Zionist entity. He might even point to Jews in Jewish Voice for Peace and Not in Our Name, as evidence. 

But given how intertwined Jews and Judaism are with the Land of Israel, culturally, emotionally, historically, religiously, and now with the state itself, it is really, for most of us, a distinction without a difference. And rightly so. And this is what we are up against.

Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

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Israel’s “starvation plan” for Gaza.

Hamas member stealing food aid

The world rushes to judgement

By GREGORY MASON (May 28, 2025) Israel’s re-imposition of a blockade on food and other necessities of life flowing into Gaza produced the expected hail of condemnation from the usual suspects. Typical was the reaction by Alex de Waal writing on UnHerd (May 22, 2025), a blog that prides itself on swimming against the current. De Wael writes:

“It seems monstrous, as we watch children in Gaza wasting before our eyes. But in truth, the weaponisation of food in counterinsurgency is nothing new.”

He continues to place Israel’s current blockage in the same category as infamous starvation programmes intended to demoralize a population, such as the British campaign of the fifties to suppress the Malayan counterinsurgency. This is a crude characterization of Israeli goals and motivations for the renewed military push into Gaza and the blockade on food aid.

Benny Morris, the noted Israeli historian, also expressed doubts about this strategy, although in a more nuanced tone than de Wael. Writing in Quillette magazine (May 24, 2025), he stated:

“Meanwhile, Israel’s international position dramatically worsened. EU member states and Canada have imposed minor sanctions against the Jewish state and threaten worse. Observers in Jerusalem have warned that Israel faces an international relations “tsunami.” In Washington, Israel’s staunchest ally, President Donald Trump’s aides, speaking anonymously, told The Washington Post that a break with Israel is likely if it does not end its war-making in the Gaza Strip.”

And more concretely on the withdrawal of food, fuel and medical supplies on March 2, 2025, he writes,

“Western public opinion and European governments are driven by daily TV clips from Gaza showing dead and dying women and children, though never dead and dying combat-age males. They are also influenced by worsening humanitarian conditions on the ground—Trump has even spoken hyperbolically of “a lot of people starving,”

The allegation that Israel has starved the Gaza population is a fabrication. According to the World Food Program, 94.000 tons of food can feed one million people for four months. During the first months of 2025, up to the most recent Israeli blockade, Gaza received 380,000 tons of supplies, sufficient to feed its population of 2.1 million for eight months. What happened to the extra supplies?

In a word, Hamas intercepted the supplies, allowed some to dribble to the civilian population, but then sold most to local merchants at widely inflated prices, to pay salaries to its fighters and acquire more military equipment. This expropriation has been an open secret for years. Hamas has diverted all the well-meaning aid from the West to create the military infrastructure and to support the lavish lifestyles of its political leadership in Qatar. For example, the late Ismail Haniyeh was estimated to have a net worth of $4 – $6 billion at the time of his assassination.

The current Israeli call-up of 30,000 reservists and deployment of regular troops into Gaza was triggered by the refusal of Hamas to agree to the release of 10 hostages, the cessation of all hostilities, and to lay down its arms. It did not occur out of a vacuum.

Israel’s stated goals for the current action in Gaza are to recover all hostages (estimated dead (39) and alive (20), control of Gaza militarily, the complete elimination of Hamas, and forcing the civilian population into areas where they can receive food aid without interference.

Notably, while the Geneva Convention requires all combatants to care for civilian populations, if one party subverts the distribution of aid, the other parties are no longer obligated to provide food aid. Under this criterion, the diversion of aid by Hamas appears to have obviated Israel’s legal requirement to distribute aid to Gaza,

But legality and political reality diverge especially when it comes to Israel. Quite simply, Israel has always struggled with public relations and communication. In contrast, the messages of Hamas have a fertile field of skepticism by much of Western media that seems ready to believe the worst of Israeli intentions. The recent statements of Starmer, Macron, and Carney neatly capture this deep confusion among Western leaders. Recent developments regarding food supplies to Gaza may force these virtue signalers to reconsider their stance; however, that’s a slim chance.

A hopeful development, if anything about Gaza can be promising, is the creation of a US-based NGO, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), which will manage food distribution to the civilian population under the protection of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF). After initial glitches triggered by Hamas interference, aid appears to be flowing to the civilian population. IDF reports cautiously claim that the limited capacity of Hamas to impede food distribution, as well as increased boldness of the population to defy Hamas, indicate its weakness.

As with everything about Gaza, the food aid situation is volatile, but some grounds exist for cautious optimism that mass starvation has been averted.

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What would the late Yoram Hamizrachi have made of the lack of discussion of Israeli government policies within our Jewish community?

By BERNIE BELLAN Many readers are undoubtedly aware of the name “Yoram Hamizrachi,” a.k.a. Yoram East. Yoram was a big man and his somewhat menacing appearance belied his warm nature. For several years Yoram was also a columnist for the Jewish Post – when my late brother, Matt, was editor.
Yoram Hamizrachi was born in Jerusalem, Israel on February 20, 1942. He worked for many years as a newspaper, radio, and TV journalist for Israeli and foreign media in Israel and abroad (South Africa, Iran, Turkey, Egypt, and Germany).
Yoram also spent many years of his life in the service of the Israeli Defense Force (IDF). As a reserve officer, he took part in the Battle of Jerusalem during the Six-Days War. After the war of Atonement in 1973, he moved with his family to northern Israel where he rejoined the IDF and became the first Israeli commander of the now defunct South Lebanon Security Belt (from Mount Hermon in the east to the Mediterranean in the west).
Yoram immigrated to Canada (Winnipeg) in 1982 and in 1984 played a crucial role in the rescue of Ethiopian Jews – ‘The Lost Tribe’.
Premiers, mayors, elected and high-level officials from all levels of government actively sought out Yoram’s wise counsel on many issues. He was a personal advisor to several Canadian foreign ministers on counterterrorism and a sought-after expert on terrorism, instructing courses for the Canadian and US military and police forces across North America.
Throughout his time in Winnipeg, he was a leading voice of Zionism and defender of Israel, and he initiated the annual Remembrance Day service for Jewish veterans.


But Yoram was also an iconoclast, often challenging the accepted wisdom of the day. In May 1991, shortly after the first Gulf War, during which a coalition of forces led by the U.S. expelled Iraqi forces from Kuwait – which Iraq had invaded in 1990, Yoram spoke to a gathering at the Gwen Secter Centre.
The event was sponsored by the United Jewish People’s Order. (In fact, Hamizrachi spoke several times at events sponsored by UJPO. He also spoke on occasion to the Winnipeg chapter of “Peace Now.”)
To be sure, while Hamizrachi was an advocate for peace between Israel and her Arab neighbours, he was also totally realistic about the obstacles that stood in the way of peace.
At that May 1991 talk, my late brother noted how controversial some of Hamizrachi’s views were – and how eager several in the audience that day were to pose questions to Hamizrachi.
The title of Matt’s article was “The question askers’ take on Yoram Hamizrachi’, with the subtitle: “When the provocative former Jewish Post columnist spoke to a local Jewish crowd, some were ready and willing to challenge him.”
Here are some excerpts from that article:
‘The ‘question askers’ were out in full force May 13 for Yoram Hamizrachi’s lecture on the Gulf War and its aftermath.
“The question askers in Winnipeg’s Jewish community aren’t always the same, although three or four show up at almost every community event where Israel is the topic.
“They come partly to hear the lecture. But at least as important is the ‘question and answer session’ that follows.
“The burly Hamizrachi has a controversial reputation in Winnipeg’s Jewish community.
During the time he was a columnist for the Jewish Post, Matt wrote, “He delighted in taking aim at Israeli targets some more conservative elements in Winnipeg’s Jewish community considered off limits – subjects like some of the more bizzare practices of the Israeli ultra-Orthodox.”
At one point during his talk, Hamizrachi took aim at then-Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, saying “Shamir is contributing to President George Bush’s heart condition: ‘Every time his hear beats, it goes Shamir, Shamir’.”
“But when the speaker aimed a more stinging barb at Shamir, he fell into a trap,” Matt continued. “The ‘question askers’ were ready and waiting.
” ‘Shamir is still stubborn and vicious,’ Hamizrachi said. ‘His agenda isn’t changed – It’s ‘We love peace, we want to negotiate peace. We’d like to have peace with the Palestinians, but what our conditions? Our conditions are that nothing will change.’
” ‘Why don’t you criticize the Syrian leader?’ a heavyset, whitehaired man in the audience bellowed.
” ‘ What do you think of dividing Jerusalem?’ someone else in the audience demanded – ignoring calls from the somewhat timid moderator to ‘wait for the question and answer session.’
“Hamizrachi answered again. He was born there and fought to capture East Jerusalem during the Six Day War. He was in favour of giving that back for the sake of peace. if that were possible.
” ‘What will be the economic future of an independent Palestinian state’ another audience member asked.
” ‘I asked Arafat the same question,’ Hamizrachi replied. ‘He said: “The same as yours. The Americans are helping you (Israelis). The Arabs will help us.
” ‘Do you think Palestinian brainpower is any less than Israeli brainpower?’ Hamizrachi asked the audience.
” ‘Yes!’ a question asker snapped back.
” ‘I say it’s the same,’ Hamizrachi replied.
” “So why don’t they use it?’ the questioner demanded.
At that point the lecture and question and session were over, and audience members were “invited to stay for coffee and cookies, and ask Hamizrachi more questions.
” ‘I am ready for my execution,’ he said jokingly.”


My point in excerpting from an article written 34 years ago is to show readers that there was a time when someone extremely well respected within not just the Jewish community, but the wider community as well, could challenge accepted dogma on Israel. Here was someone who had fought for Israel, but who still respected Palestinians. Even further, he was someone who had fought to liberate Jerusalem, but who was ready to give it back for the sake of peace.
Of course, that was many years ago, but Israel had already begun its rightward tilt, which has only continued and become even more extreme under the current Netanyahu-led government. One wonders what Yoram Hamizrachi would have to say today, if he were still alive, about Israel’s never ending war in Gaza – and the absolute silence that our Jewish Federation, along with other establishment Jewish organizations, insist on maintaining when it comes to criticism of Israeli government policies?
Yoram Hamizrachi was someone who retained an open mind about issues – and insisted on looking at events through as clear a lens as possible. One can only imagine what he would have thought about how the Jewish Federation forced the resignation of BB Camp co-Executive Director Jacob Brodovsky – over Brodovsky’s alleged “anti-Israel views.” Finally, what would he have thought about how his son, Ron East, has taken it upon himself to be the self-styled “protecter” of Winnipeg Jews, also someone who is eager to swat down anything Ron labels “antiZionist?”

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