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Covering the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting and its aftermath tested me as a Jewish journalist

PITTSBURGH (JTA) — I couldn’t walk easily, much less drive, but I knew I needed to be in Pittsburgh the moment I saw a CNN news alert that a shooting had taken place in a synagogue there.

It was Oct. 27, 2018, and I still wasn’t healed after breaking my ankle hiking that summer in Ein Gedi. An old friend was living with us, helping to care for me. Abe Opincar, a former journalist himself, understood what I needed: He agreed to drive me right then from suburban Washington to Pittsburgh.

By the time we got in the car, we understood that 11 people had been killed inside their synagogue. But we knew little more than that. I called Pittsburgh folks on the way, people I knew who had roots in the city, asking where to find sources, what I should know about Squirrel Hill and the Tree of Life synagogue, which was on its way to being known as the site of the worst antisemitic attack in U.S. history.

We parked just off of Murray Avenue on Saturday night just as a havdalah vigil, pegged to the ceremony that ends Shabbat, was getting underway at the junction of Forbes and Murray avenues, catty corner from the JCC. I hobbled into the crowd, seeking out the Jewish teens who had organized the gathering and speaking to the people — Jews and non-Jews alike — who had been drawn to the event.

Attendees huddle at a vigil after the massacre at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Oct. 27, 2018. (Ron Kampeas)

Abe seemed increasingly agitated, grimacing at me whenever we exchanged glances. When the crowd started singing hopeful songs — such as “How Good and Pleasant it is for a Tribe of Brothers to Live Together in Harmony,” a verse from Psalms that is a Christian hymn — he rolled his eyes.

When the vigil was done, we got seats at a local restaurant. As we bolted down plates of warmed-over meatloaf, I read aloud a couple of quotes from my notebook. Abe scoffed at the pledges of hope and renewal and strength. Communities just don’t recover from a shooting like this, he said.

I had my own doubts. But I also had a responsibility to tell the day’s story. You’re probably right, I told Abe, but I can only go on what the people I interview tell me. If they’re lying to themselves, so be it.

And then I filed and I waited for edits and it was done and we headed to the car and just as we got there I got a call. I didn’t say much out loud — it might have just been “Oh my,” or just “Oh,” and it might have been the way I said it, but Abe asked what I had learned. I hesitated and he said, as I twisted into the passenger seat, pulling in my cursed ankle, “You have to tell me.”

That was a source, I said. The shomrim, the men and women who keep company with Jewish dead until they are buried, are waiting outside the synagogue. The feds won’t let them remove the bodies for care until they finish combing the crime scene.

Abe started wailing. He was banging his palm on top of the rental car, letting out the despair that I, too, felt, knowing that the Pittsburgh Jewish dead were alone and uncared for, in contravention of the deepest and oldest rituals of our shattered people.

I did not need his tsunami of grief. I just needed him to drive to our dump of a motel on Pittsburgh’s outskirts, the only thing available because there was a big football game in a football crazy town the next day, the day after a gunman killed 11 Jewish worshippers. I looked around at the turn-of-the-last century houses behind the trees and prayed that a window would not light up.

I had to think. Should I try to publish a story from my car about what I had just learned? Was my source solid enough, or did I need to confirm it? I did not need grief clouding the logistics that bring stories to readers.

In the end, I confirmed the news and included the interview in the next day’s story. But in that moment, I was furious with Abe and furious with myself, at whatever there was in my expression that, even through the dark of night across the distance of a car, made Abe able to tell that the call had delivered a punch to my gut.

Dor Hadash congregants meet at East Liberty Presbyterian Church the day after a gunman massacred 11 worshipers at the synagogue where they usually congregated, in Pittsburgh, Oct. 28, 2018. (Ron Kampeas)

The next day, Abe’s anxious, skeptical outlook was vindicated, to an extent. The victims, the residents of Pittsburgh, seemed less sure of the strength they had projected the evening before. The folks peddling bromides about standing together, including Israel’s Diaspora minister, Naftali Bennett, came across as clumsy. There was less certainty that Pittsburgh would ever overcome the massacre of innocents at prayer.

“What do you do to make sure that fear doesn’t prevail?” the city’s Chabad rabbi, Yisroel Rosenfeld, asked me.

“I couldn’t see the city anymore,” said Wasiullah Mohamed, the executive director of the Islamic Center of Pittsburgh, which had allied with the city’s Jewish community on multiple occasions. “I could just see its dark corners.”

I tried to talk to congregants of the three congregations housed in Tree of Life, Tree of Life-Or L’Simcha, New Light and Dor Hadash — but they had undergone the transformation I have seen at other scenes of horror, from verbose within hours of the attack to unwilling to engage within a day or so.

Leaving Pittsburgh, Oct. 29, 2018. (Ron Kampeas)

Two years later, covering the 2020 election in Pittsburgh, I found a community as cloistered as it had been when I left after the massacre, an insularity codified in a new counseling service called the 10.27 Healing Partnership. I got fantastic insights from Maggie Feinstein, the service’s founder, but it was clear I was not going to speak to the traumatized folks she was counseling. They were off-limits.

Voters line up outside a voting place in a synagogue Shaare Torah, on Election Day in Pittsburgh, Nov. 3, 2020. (Ron Kampeas)

In April, when the trial was ready to go ahead after four and a half years of waiting, it was even more formalized. The 10.27 Healing Partnership had hired a PR agency to clear all interviews, and even those who did speak, mostly lay leaders of the congregations, seemed to be working from a script, with bromides about doubling down on commitment to Jewish values.

I returned to Pittsburgh for the first day of the trial on my own — with my ankle long healed, I didn’t need Abe or anyone else to accompany me. Pittsburgh’s charms made it easy: The rich Italian-influenced cuisine, the parks, the cityscape set against three rivers and a mountain range. But the coverage was trying. I got a hotel room just a seven-minute walk from the austere mid-20th century federal courthouse, and I was walking distance from Market Square, which was buzzing throughout the summer with buskers and diners and drinkers, but I preferred the sterile comforts of my room, falling asleep to comfort TV, sitcoms and ancient movies.

A portrait of the writer by sketch artist Emily Goff. (©Emily N Goff, 2023, all rights reserved.)

I did most of my reporting from a media overflow room: There were only 10 slots in the courtroom for media, and the reporters agreed at the outset that seven should go to local media — one to the Pittsburgh Jewish Chronicle — and three to national media. We watched large flat-screen TVs streaming in the proceedings from the courtroom four floors above us. We were not allowed to take pictures or use recording devices, not our phones, not our laptops, even in the overflow room. We could only type into our laptops, and if we were in court, write onto notepads.

The skills I acquired decades ago as an Associated Press reporter in Jerusalem, taking dictation from two or three sources (a radio, a TV, a spokesman on the phone) at once unrusted themselves after years of one-on-one interviews and more recently AI transcription. I typed as fast as I could.

Whatever pretense of competition the journalists thought they brought into the media room soon slipped away as we shared information with each other, both about details we missed in the trial itself and about what the reactions were in the courtroom. Did the defendant look at the witness? Which lawyer objected?

I relied on locals for Pittsburgh information and I became one of the designated Jews in the room, at one point explaining to a TV producer what a tallit was — the prayer shawl that Bernice Simon used to stanch her husband Sylvan’s wound, before the gunman shot her.

The radio guy who assiduously tracked down every scriptural reference looked up at me quizzically when Dan Leger, one of two shooting victims who survived, said, “There is no way to understand the tranquility of those who do wrong, and the suffering of those who do good.”

I explained Pirkei Avot, the Ethics of the Fathers, which functions as a go-to source for an apt Jewish quote.

That spirit of cooperation was exemplified by the alliance forged by the Pittsburgh Jewish Chronicle, and the striking journalists from the Pittsburgh Post Gazette, who had launched an online alternative news source, the Pittsburgh Union Progress. They collaborated to share color, context and expertise not to just with each other but with the others covering the trial.

Comfort food consumed at the Union Grill in Pittsburgh, Oct. 28, 2018. (Ron Kampeas)

It was when the trial was fully underway that the local Jewish community’s filters were removed. On the witness stand, the survivors, the families of the dead, unleashed their accumulated grief and described in vivid detail the horrors they encountered, under the gentle solication of the prosecutors.

The second day of the trial, I listened, rapt, to the testimony of Carol Black, who survived by hiding during the shooting and whose brother, Richard Gottfried, was one of the fatalities. More than her recounting of the grim details of the day, how she came to be in the New Light sanctuary riveted me.

I had that epiphany every reporter longs for, of a story bigger than the sum of its already major elements. Black’s testimony and the testimony of others told the story not just of a single horrific day, but of American Jews, and how they worship and gather and stay together.

She and her brother were leaders at the New Light congregation, and she loved calling congregants up to read the Torah. Richard became more religious after their father died 30 years ago; Carol joined him in the middle of the last decade after a hip injury cut short her favored Saturday morning activity, running. She became bat mitzvah as an adult because the family’s congregation when she was growing up in nearby Uniontown did not mark the coming of age of girls. When she heard the gunfire, she was unzipping her tallit bag.

Leger explained the origins of Reconstructionism, perhaps the most American of Jewish denominations founded in the last century by Mordecai Kaplan, who sought to reconcile the American ethos of personal freedom with Jewish worship. Witness after witness, especially those from Leger’s Dor Hadash congregation, explained the Jewish imperative of welcoming the stranger.

When the gunman blew out the glass doors of the synagogue on Oct. 27, 2018, two American Jewish stories collided: One of open, proud practice and one of terror of what lurks among one’s neighbors.

The gunman’s trajectory was also an American Jewish story, and the malign role Jews have played in this country’s white supremacist imagination, from Henry Ford through David Duke through Charlottesville. He read about Dor Hadash’s partnership with HIAS, the Jewish immigration advocacy group, and he embraced the antisemitic trope that Jews were funding an influx of people of color to kill and replace whites.

He found the antisemitic “great replacement theory” online drawing from sources that placed it in the context of the American immigration debate, peddled by, among other, the president at the time, Donald Trump. He found succor on the Gab social media site, founded in Pennsylvania to counter the censorship the far right was running up against on normative social media sites after Trump’s election. On Gab, he engaged 400 times with posts featuring the word “kike,” considered by some historians to be a uniquely American slur.

The defense’s argument, that the gunman’s very antisemitism proved that he was delusional, was itself delusional, in a very American sense: How could the land of the free, of opportunity, accommodate a narrative about Jews as spawn of Satan?

The jury rejected the argument in the face of abundant evidence that antisemitism is embedded in the American reality.

The story was getting under my skin, under the skin of other reporters in the room. During a break, I flew to Wisconsin for parents day at my son’s Jewish summer camp. My wife and I drove down long roads skirting 18 wheelers like the one the gunman drove, past small family bakeries like the one where he lived and worked for 14 years, and I wondered about his American story, and how welcome I would be in the homes and businesses around me.

I caught myself: How unprofessional. You’re a journalist, professionally bound to maintain distance. Not everything is personal.

And yet when Andrea Wedner, who was shot and who saw her mother, Rose Mallinger, 97, die, described how she left as a first responder led her away — “I kissed my fingers and I touched my fingers to her skin. “I cried out, ‘Mommy’” — I looked away to control myself. I saw another reporter across from me, weeping.

Years ago, in far-flung bars and cafes, after days spent covering revolution, wars and riots, I’d heard foreign correspondents claim to have mastered the art of not getting caught up in the emotions that swirled around a conflict. I understood the value of keeping oneself apart from one’s subjects. A good reporter does not cut off his emotions, but he does not indulge them either. He keeps them at a reserve like oils on a palette, to be applied judiciously.

Pittsburgh Jewish Federation CEO Jeff Finkelstein speaks to the press after a jury find the gunman who shot 11 Jewish worshipers guilty of federal crimes. The writer kneels at lower left=, in Pittsburgh, June 16, 2023. (Alexandra Wimley/Pittsburgh Union Progress via Pittsburgh Jewish Chronicle)

There were three verdicts delivered during the trial: one determining the gunman’s guilt, one determining whether the crimes were eligible for the death penalty and one determining whether the gunman deserved the death penalty.

The sides delivered closing arguments two weeks ago. The lead prosecutor, U.S. Attorney Eric Olshan, finished his presentation with a slide show of the corpses of the 11 in place at the synagogue.

“Joyce Fienberg, her loss alone is sufficient to justify a sentence of death,” Olshan said, and he proceeded, attaching the same assessment to the other 10 names: Richard Gottfried, Rose Mallinger, Jerry Rabinowitz, Cecil Rosenthal, David Rosenthal, Bernice Simon, Sylvan Simon, Daniel Stein, Melvin Wax and Irving Younger.

With each name, a slide appeared: a ruined body cradled by the cold white light generated by a flash. Outside, I thought, the shomrim waited for hours outside in the October chill, until the FBI told them to go home, that they would call when it was time.

“He turned an ordinary Jewish Sabbath into the worst antisemitic mass shooting in U.S. history and he is proud of it,” Olshan said.

The jury asked a couple of questions, and the next day, after seven hours of deliberation, they delivered their verdict: Death.

The victims and their families were ready to talk. They gathered for the media at the Jewish community center. Their message echoed that of the vigil on the evening of Oct. 27, 2018: Resilience. Hope. An American Jewish story.

“This fair judicial process is a reminder that we belong here,” said Howard Fienberg, whose brother Anthony dedicated a Torah in their mother’s memory just three days earlier. “This is where we are. This is where we’ve been. And this country is where we belong. And we remain a part of it. We always will.”

The JCC shut down at 7 p.m. Outside, on Forbes street, a single TV reporter caught the last light of day for one more standup.

An hour or so later, I was at the Murray Avenue Grill, just a block away from where I’d dined with Abe. It was packed. No one was talking about the trial, not even the local city council member I’d interviewed earlier in the day. A couple of tables were bursting with pink and with giddy anticipation of “Barbie,” playing across the street.

The next day, Judge Robert Colville convened the court one last time to formally deliver the death sentence, first asking the families to deliver impact statements. Twenty-three people spoke, raining fury down on the gunman, often expressed as a determination to outlive him, for generations.

Michele Rosenthal, whose brothers, Cecil and David, were among the fatalities, said her family had never thought much about immigration. The gunman changed that.

“We are resolved from here, on every Oct. 27, our family will make a donation to an immigrant organization such as HIAS,” she said. “We will mail the receipt to [the gunman’s] new home wherever that may be.”

Dan Leger who was shot in the 2018 Pittsburgh synagogue shooting, gives a victim impact statement in the Joseph Weis bFederal Courthouse in Pittsburgh, Aug. 3, 2023. (©Emily N Goff, 2023, all rights reserved.)

Survivors described a grief that was at once wild with motion and immutable. “The past four and a half years have disrupted relationships, wasted millions of dollars and left empty places in our hearts and homes,” said Dan Leger. “It has moved some to become vengeful and experience hate themselves. It has moved people to form friendships …. To appreciate the fragility and beauty of life on earth.”

Colville thanked the witnesses, the defense and prosecution and the jurors. When it came to the victims, he borrowed a Jewish expression..

“May their memory be a blessing,” he said before finalizing the death sentence.

I said goodbye to the reporters, to the courthouse staff, to Emily Goff, the courtroom artist who filled her breaks by sketching us in the media room. By 2 p.m., the courthouse was empty. I had a room for a night in Pittsburgh, but I couldn’t take another hour, much as I had come to love the city and its bridges and its clusters of homes and buildings set against the Allegheny Mountains.

I wanted to see Baldwin, where the gunman grew up, the setting for the Christmastime photos the defense threw up on screens to humanize him. I had driven close by every time I’d come and gone to Pittsburgh but had never made the detour.

On the way, I drove through Whitehall, a suburb where utility poles are festooned with flags saluting the town’s veterans, many of them young men who had set out after 1941 to defend the world from fascism.

There was nothing in Baldwin’s duplexes and flat brown apartment buildings, its Italian eateries, its strip malls that explained anything.

Waze took me onto Route 40, which was as empty as the starless sky. I stopped to buy almond bark for my wife from Gene and Boots, a candy store that stood alone on the highway and that sells a milk chocolate pistol with two chocolate bullets. I gassed up at a sporting goods store.

I pulled up to my house close to midnight Thursday. I looked at my phone. No alerts, no Slacks from editors. There was a single text message from my son’s counselor at his camp, deep inside Wisconsin’s north country. My son had won the camp’s Derech Eretz award because he was “compassionate and kind.”

I had no idea the camp had a Derech Eretz award. So I wept, finally.


The post Covering the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting and its aftermath tested me as a Jewish journalist appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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‘Not Appropriate’ for Scottish Band Accused of Hezbollah Support to Perform at Glastonbury, Says British PM

Liam O’Hanna, also known as Liam Og O hAnnaidh and performing under the name of Mo Chara, walks outside the Westminster Magistrates’ Court, in London, Britain, June 18, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Chris J. Ratcliffe

British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer admitted he does not think it would be “appropriate” for the Scottish hip hop trio Kneecap to perform at the upcoming Glastonbury Festival after one band member was charged for allegedly expressing support for the Iran-backed Hezbollah terrorist organization.

The Belfast-formed band is scheduled to perform on Saturday at the music festival, which takes place from June 25-29 at Worthy Farm in Pilton, located in Somerset, England.

In May, Kneecap member Liam O’Hanna – who goes by the stage name Mo Chara – was charged with a terrorism offense in the United Kingdom for displaying a flag in support of Lebanon-based Hezbollah during a concert in November 2024. During the same show, the 27-year-old also shouted “up Hamas, up Hezbollah,” allegedly expressing support for both UK-designated terrorist organizations in violation of the UK’s Terrorism Act of 2000.

Wearing a keffiyeh around his neck, O’Hanna appeared at Westminster Magistrates’ Court earlier this month along with his band members. Together they urged supporters to watch their performance at Glastonbury and declared “free, free Palestine.” O’Hanna was released on unconditional bail until his next court hearing on Aug. 20. Kneecap claimed they have “never supported” Hamas or Hezbollah.

When asked over the weekend by The Sun if he thought Kneecap should still perform at Glastonbury, Starmer replied: “No, I don’t, and I think we need to come down really clearly on this. I won’t say too much, because there’s a court case on, but I don’t think that’s appropriate.”

Kneecap responded to the prime minister’s remarks on Saturday in a social media post.

“You know what’s ‘not appropriate’ Keir?! Arming a f–king genocide,” they wrote, referring to Israel’s military campaign against the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza. Anti-Israel activists have falsely accused the Jewish state of perpetrating a genocide during its efforts to dismantle Hamas and rescue the hostages kidnapped by the terrorist group.

In its statement, Kneecap used an expletive against The Sun and expressed support for a group called Palestine Action, which describes itself on Instagram as a “direct action network dismantling British complicity in Israeli apartheid.” British Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said she will proscribe Palestine Action under anti-terror laws after members of the group on Friday broke into a Royal Air Force base in central England, where they damaged and vandalized two planes used for refueling and transport.

On Saturday, Tory leader Kemi Badenoch urged the BBC not to air Kneecap’s performance at Glastonbury. “The BBC should not be showing Kneecap propaganda,” she wrote in a post on X. “One Kneecap band member is currently on bail, charged under the Terrorism Act. As a publicly funded platform the BBC should not be rewarding extremism.”

Several UK government leaders and Members of Parliament, Jewish organizations, and pro-Israel supporters in the entertainment industry have also urged Glastonbury organizers to remove Kneecap from the festival’s lineup of performers because of their anti-Israel comments at the Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival in May, alleged support for Hamas and Hezbollah, and incitement of violence against British MPs. The controversy surrounding Kneecap during the last several months has resulted in a number of their concerts being cancelled by organizers.

A BBC spokesman said decisions about what it will and will not broadcast from Glastonbury “will be made in the lead up to the festival,” as cited by The Sun.

The post ‘Not Appropriate’ for Scottish Band Accused of Hezbollah Support to Perform at Glastonbury, Says British PM first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Netanyahu Vows Israel Won’t Be Drawn Into War of Attrition as Iran Threatens US, Allies With Sleeper Cells, Proxy Strikes

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during a Plenum session of the Knesset, Israel’s Parliament, in Jerusalem, June 11, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed that Israel would not be drawn into a war of attrition, even as Iranian threats of retaliation mounted across multiple fronts.

Declaring that Israel was “close to achieving the goals of the campaign,” Netanyahu’s message on Sunday came amid reports that Iran warned it may activate sleeper cells abroad and called on its proxies — from Hezbollah to the Houthis — to target Israeli and American assets in response to the US strikes on its nuclear program earlier in the day.

Also speaking Sunday, US President Donald Trump appeared to entertain the idea of regime change in Tehran — a notable departure from earlier statements by senior administration officials, who have insisted that removing the Islamic Republic’s leadership is not a strategic goal. Writing on Truth Social, he posted: “It’s not politically correct to use the term, ‘Regime Change,’ but if the current Iranian Regime is unable to MAKE IRAN GREAT AGAIN, why wouldn’t there be a Regime change??? MIGA!!!”

Iran, for its part, warned that American bases across the Middle East could come under fire in response to US and Israeli operations.

“We won’t continue our actions beyond what is needed to achieve [the goals], but we also won’t finish too soon,” Netanyahu told reporters. “This is a regime that wants to wipe us out [and] this operation will eliminate the two concrete threats to our existence: the nuclear threat and the ballistic missile threat. We are moving towards achieving these goals and we are very, very close to completing them.”

Meanwhile, Israel has ramped up its airstrikes against Iran, with Defense Minister Israel Katz announcing on X on Monday that the Israeli military was attacking not only the regime’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs but also its infrastructure of domestic repression.

“In accordance with the directives of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and myself, the IDF [Israel Defense Forces] is now attacking with unprecedented force regime targets and government repression bodies in the heart of Tehran, including the Basij headquarters, Evin Prison for political prisoners and opponents of the regime, the ‘Destruction of Israel’ clock in Palestine Square, the internal security headquarters of the Revolutionary Guards, the Ideology Headquarters, and other regime targets,” Katz said. “For every shot fired at the Israeli home front, the Iranian dictator will be punished, and the attacks will continue with full force. We will continue to work to defend the home front and defeat the enemy until all war goals are achieved.”

Ali Akbar Velayati, a senior adviser to Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, warned that any site used by American forces — in the region or beyond — could now be targeted. “Any country in the region or elsewhere that is used by American forces to strike Iran will be considered a legitimate target for our armed forces,” he said in remarks published by the state-run IRNA. “America has attacked the heart of the Islamic world and must await irreparable consequences.”

American military intelligence reportedly detected Iran-backed Shi’ite militias in Iraq — and possibly Syria — preparing to launch attacks on US positions following the strikes, The New York Times reported on Sunday. Those groups include some of the most powerful paramilitary factions aligned with Tehran and have a well-established record of targeting American forces with rockets and explosive drones.

The US, meanwhile, ordered the evacuation of staff from its embassies in Iraq and Lebanon, and issued warnings to citizens worldwide about the risk of Iranian reprisal. The Department of Homeland Security cited “a heightened threat environment in the United States,” while the State Department urged Americans abroad to exercise increased caution due to “the potential for demonstrations against US citizens and interests abroad.”

According to a report by NBC News, Iran has privately warned the United States that it could activate sleeper cells on American soil in response to military action. While no specific plots have been publicly disclosed, the threat is being taken seriously by US authorities, who have increased domestic security measures and intelligence monitoring in anticipation of possible attacks. Vice President JD Vance said the administration is examining the possibility of an Iran-backed homeland attack “very closely.”

Beyond the threat of sleeper cells, Iranian retaliation is also expected to come through its regional proxies. On Sunday, Yemen’s Houthis declared that their forces were “ready to target US ships in the Red Sea” in response to the American strike on Iran’s nuclear sites. Washington’s entry into the war has also raised concerns over the possibility that Iran could disrupt global shipping by closing the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway through which roughly 20 percent of the world’s oil and gas supply passes.

However, Sha’ul Chorev, a national security and maritime expert, said that such a move would have limited impact on American energy needs.

“The United States is expected to be largely unaffected by the closure,” he told The Algemeiner, pointing to long-term trends showing a steep decline in US energy imports from the region. In 2024, the US imported around 0.5 million barrels per day of crude oil and condensate from Persian Gulf countries, accounting for just 7 percent of total US imports and 2 percent of overall petroleum consumption. That figure was the lowest in nearly four decades, as domestic production and imports from Canada have increased.

“Regarding the Houthis, oil exports have minimal influence since alternative land routes for oil production in Yanbu exist,” Chorev added.

In Lebanon, Iran’s most heavily armed terror proxy, Hezbollah, is sitting out the fight for now, despite mounting pressure from hardliners in Tehran to escalate. A Hezbollah spokesperson told Newsweek on Sunday that “Iran is a strong country capable of defending itself … Hezbollah remains committed to all matters agreed upon since the ceasefire.”

Lt. Col. (Res.) Sarit Zehavi, a former IDF officer and founder of the Alma Center, said “clear messages were sent to Hezbollah through the Lebanese government that if it will join, it will suffer huge damages while it is already very weak and very busy in recovering since the previous war that ended in November.”

While Hezbollah retains the capacity to fire rockets from its dwindling supply or send small units across the border, it is not in a position to mount a large-scale assault or cause serious nationwide damage.

As a resident of northern Israel, Zehavi added a personal observation about the constant uncertainty facing civilians near the border. “Each time I hear the sirens go, I ask myself whether it’s Iran or Hezbollah and how much time do I have to go to the bomb shelter.”

Maj. (Res.) Shadi Khalloul, a researcher and expert on Hezbollah and Lebanese affairs, said the group is in a deep strategic bind. “There’s a chance they might react, but if they do, it could be the end for them and their community,” he told The Daily Brief. Hezbollah, he said, fears not only a devastating Israeli response but also retribution from Sunni jihadist forces — including those linked to Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa (Abu Mohammad al-Julani) — who might seize the opportunity to enter the Bekaa Valley and strike Shia communities in revenge for Hezbollah’s role in the Syrian civil war.

“They know, if they interfere, this will be their end game,” he said. “Not reacting is their chance for survival.”

The post Netanyahu Vows Israel Won’t Be Drawn Into War of Attrition as Iran Threatens US, Allies With Sleeper Cells, Proxy Strikes first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Striking Back: Iran Has Been at War with America for 46 Years

Aftermath of the bombing of the US Marine Corps Barracks in Beirut, Lebanon, October 1983. (Photo: Screenshot)

President Donald Trump ran on a platform to end wars, including Ukraine, Gaza, and the Red Sea. He offered Iran multiple opportunities to negotiate a better future.

If people didn’t want to eliminate the Houthi threat that affected our USCENTCOM allies Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Egypt, as well as Israel, that’s OK. If they insisted upfront that American “boots” didn’t belong anywhere in the region, that’s OK. If they didn’t want the US to cooperate with our CENTCOM partner, Israel, OK fine. That’s their opinion.

But if they thought the Iranian regime was not at war with the US, so there was no need to bother them in their pursuit of the destruction of Israel or spread of terrorism — or if they thought Iran’s unbridled nuclear weapons capability only threatened Israel — they are on another planet.

Ilhan Omar, AOC, Rashida Tlaib, Hakeem Jeffries, Ed Markey, Amy Klobuchar, Antonio Guterrez, and more are all out of touch with reality and reason.

Think of it this way: Donald Trump just avenged more than 1,000 American service personnel killed, and thousands wounded and held hostage by Iran since the mullahs declared war on us in 1979.

Don’t forget them.

We are Iran’s “Great Satan” to Israel’s “Little Satan.”

“Student activists” in Tehran occupied the US embassy in 1979 and held Americans hostage for 444 days. The Americans were paraded through the streets blindfolded. Six managed to escape with the help of our Canadian allies — remember Argo?

In 1983, Iran bragged about the bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut that killed 220 US Marines, 21 other US servicemembers, and 58 French soldiers.

Israel’s pager attack on Hezbollah in September 2024 eliminated the masterminds of the attack – who had been on the FBI Most Wanted list for 41 years.

In 1984, Iran’s proxy Hezbollah kidnapped, tortured, and killed CIA Station Chief William Francis Buckley, whose identity they apparently learned from classified documents seized from the embassy in Tehran. Buckley was transferred to Iran and tortured there, before being returned to Lebanon.

In 1985, US Navy diver Robert Stethem was beaten and kicked to death before his body was dumped on the tarmac by Hezbollah in Beirut. In 1988, Hezbollah kidnapped Colonel William R. Higgins and tortured him for months. Former FBI agent Robert Levinson was presumed kidnapped by Iran in 2007 and killed; his body has not been recovered.

In 1996, an explosion at Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia killed 19 American servicemembers.

In 2011, there was an Iranian plot to kill a Saudi diplomat in Washington, D.C., and to attack the Israeli and Saudi embassies. That year, too, Iran began to take steps to mine the Persian Gulf.

US Naval Intelligence shows Iranian warships have been in the Red Sea — where Iran has no border — since 2011. Part of Iran’s support for the Houthi rebellion in Yemen can be explained because it’s near the US Expeditionary Force base in Djibouti, close to the Straits of Hormuz. Iran provides missiles and training to the Houthis.

In 2012, chairman of the Iranian chiefs of staff, Hassan Firuzabadi, said, “We do have the plan to close the Strait of Hormuz, since a member of the military must plan for all scenarios.”

Iranian war games in 2015 were designed against American forces and included passing skills along to proxy forces. Beginning in 2016, swarms of Iranian fast boats harassed American ships and others in the Persian Gulf, engaging in what the commander of the US Central Command called “unsafe maneuvers.

Iran captured American sailors and released video footage of them — a violation of their rights under the Geneva Convention.

In 2018, US intelligence revealed that Iran was responsible for more than 600 American military deaths in Iraq and thousands wounded by Iranian IEDs in Iraq. In 2024, three military contractors working in Jordan were killed in a drone attack and 40 others were injured. The Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella group of Iran-backed militias, claimed responsibility.

If you still think the US is just fine; protected by two oceans and friendly neighbors, and doesn’t have to care about freedom of navigation, trade routes, oil exports, China, Russia, or North Korean missile and nuclear weapons capability, that’s OK, too.

Wait.

No, it isn’t.

Peace is always good; peace is always important. But real peace does not consist of “turning the other cheek” while your enemy gets stronger. It is the outgrowth of strong and measured American cooperation with regional partners — in Europe, in Asia and in the Middle East — to ensure that malevolent actors don’t have an opportunity to ruin the system of international travel and commerce or to impose their vision of “peace” on the unwilling. Or to commit genocide.

Ensuring that Iran does not have nuclear weapons is a crucial step in that direction. And avenging American servicemembers across countries and decades counts as well.

Shoshana Bryen is Senior Director of The Jewish Policy Center and Editor of inFOCUS Quarterly magazine.

The post Striking Back: Iran Has Been at War with America for 46 Years first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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