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We Are Jewish Students Suing UC Berkeley for Antisemitism; Will Next Semester Get Better?
We are Jewish students at UC Berkeley. On November 28, we sued Berkeley for antisemitism.
Protecting free speech and addressing antisemitism is not a zero sum issue. Left alone, hostility towards Jews leads to discrimination and violence against others. Free speech can’t survive in this environment. Therefore, tackling antisemitism is the first step in restoring free speech.
UC Berkeley’s antisemitism is rooted in a rigid ideology: Jews are oppressors.
At our school, Jew-hate is green-washed as social justice. To belong, Jews must renounce their identity or else be shunned.
In October, Jewish students at Berkeley were told that there was no threat to their safety, but that they should “avoid becoming targets.”
In another email, our antisemitism concerns were questioned, given that Berkeley has a Jewish “provost, at least one other Jewish cabinet member, at least five Jewish deans, and hundreds of Jewish faculty.” Under this logic, Berkeley cannot have sexism. We have a female chancellor, female police chief, and multiple female deans and department heads.
As the semester went on, our fears only intensified.
Two Jewish students were physically assaulted on campus, one week apart. Berkeley has kept both cases “active,” yet refuses to investigate them as hate. The university suggested we seek counseling and make academic flexibility requests. They also sympathized for anything that happened which may have been “offensive.”
Even when we were told to “f*ck off” by classmates, the university stayed silent. When we feared grading retaliation and the pressure to hide our Jewish identity, the university offered no recourse. And when Jewish teachers received e-mails calling for their gassing, the administration was — you guessed it — nowhere to be found.
In December, a Jewish student was robbed and left the note: “F*ck Jews. Free Palestine. From the river to the sea.” Berkeley failed to call this anti-Jewish hate. Previously, Berkeley had no qualms about specifying anti-trans and anti-Asian American hate.
Berkeley is not equipped for the intimidation that Jewish students encounter in the wild. During a protest this semester, students walked through a river to get to class.
The university must know that this is out of control. Perhaps that is why we are sent to Jewish spaces for belonging: to offset the Jewish-free zones on campus.
Berkeley is home to Jewish institutes and museums, Hillel and Chabad, and the Antisemitism Education Initiative. Recently, administrators have joined Jewish students for Shabbat and Hanukkah. This is where we are safe to be Jewish.
How is this different from a Jewish ghetto? Instead of dealing directly with antisemites, Berkeley has manufactured Jewish pockets on campus.
To break the harassment, Berkeley must stop excusing raw antisemitism as “anti-Zionism.”
Berkeley must recognize that for many Jews, Israel and shared Jewish ancestry is inherent to identity. Just as the police investigated an anti-kosher incident as hate, the same goes for Israel. Otherwise, we must hide our identity when anti-Jew hate is ignored. This contradicts Berkeley’s “free exchange of ideas” principle.
Long-term fixes will require Berkeley to re-evaluate its governance and culture.
Berkeley’s decentralized governance model means that the Academic Senate has more power than deans. As a result, a minority dominates decision rights, stifling pluralism and discouraging dissent. Checks and balances are necessary to counter this polarization, as no structures currently offset this lopsidedness. Administrative decisions are made in silos. Consistent procedures and accountability expectations are inhibited when each situation is treated differently.
For example, in a lecture, engineering students were indoctrinated by their teacher’s 18-minute diatribe on the linkage between their student struggles and Palestinians’. Nevermind that Berkeley previously sent multiple rounds of forceful communication discouraging classroom political indoctrination.
Students were told “[Berkeley] is looking further into this.” These words are cheap. Weeks later, the teacher hosted a teach-in focused on technology and Israeli apartheid. Evidently, behavior continues, guised as peace. Berkeley must take disciplinary action to hold staff accountable.
Repairing Berkeley’s culture comes next. The university’s diversity, equity, inclusion and justice efforts lack pluralism.
Berkeley’s Antisemitism Education Initiative should be included in initiatives that already include anti-Black racism and Islamophobia. Furthermore, centers formed for inclusion should not exclude people.
When Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute blamed “power structures” for the Israel-Gaza War, they conveniently omitted Islamism. The institute’s website also spotlights Islamophobia, but not antisemitism too. This double standard is glaring.
Only by addressing broken governance and campus culture can students’ education be unburdened by discrimination.
Hannah Schlacter is a second year MBA at UC Berkeley. Danielle Sobkin is the daughter of Soviet refugees and a first-gen student. Both are members of Jewish Americans For Fairness in Education (JAFE), a plaintiff in a lawsuit filed against UC Berkeley for antisemitism.
The post We Are Jewish Students Suing UC Berkeley for Antisemitism; Will Next Semester Get Better? first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Trump Eyes Bringing Azerbaijan, Central Asian Nations into Abraham Accords, Sources Say
US President Donald Trump points a finger as he delivers remarks in the Roosevelt Room at the White House in Washington, DC, US, July 31, 2025. Photo: Kent Nishimura via Reuters Connect
President Donald Trump’s administration is actively discussing with Azerbaijan the possibility of bringing that nation and some Central Asian allies into the Abraham Accords, hoping to deepen their existing ties with Israel, according to five sources with knowledge of the matter.
As part of the Abraham Accords, inked in 2020 and 2021 during Trump’s first term in office, four Muslim-majority countries agreed to normalize diplomatic relations with Israel after US mediation.
Azerbaijan and every country in Central Asia, by contrast, already have longstanding relations with Israel, meaning that an expansion of the accords to include them would largely be symbolic, focusing on strengthening ties in areas like trade and military cooperation, said the sources, who requested anonymity to discuss private conversations.
Such an expansion would reflect Trump’s openness to pacts that are less ambitious than his administration’s goal to convince regional heavyweight Saudi Arabia to restore ties with Israel while war rages in Gaza.
The kingdom has repeatedly said it would not recognize Israel without steps towards Israeli recognition of a Palestinian state.
Another key sticking point is Azerbaijan’s conflict with its neighbor Armenia, since the Trump administration considers a peace deal between the two Caucasus nations as a precondition to join the Abraham Accords, three sources said.
While Trump officials have publicly floated several potential entrants into the accords, the talks centered on Azerbaijan are among the most structured and serious, the sources said. Two of the sources argued a deal could be reached within months or even weeks.
Trump’s special envoy for peace missions, Steve Witkoff, traveled to Azerbaijan’s capital, Baku, in March to meet with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev. Aryeh Lightstone, a key Witkoff aide, met Aliyev later in the spring in part to discuss the Abraham Accords, three of the sources said.
As part of the discussions, Azerbaijani officials have contacted officials in Central Asian nations, including in nearby Kazakhstan, to gauge their interest in a broader Abraham Accords expansion, those sources said. It was not clear which other countries in Central Asia – which includes Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan – were contacted.
The State Department, asked for comment, did not discuss specific countries, but said expanding the accords has been one of the key objectives of Trump. “We are working to get more countries to join,” said a US official.
The Azerbaijani government declined to comment.
The White House, the Israeli foreign ministry and the Kazakhstani embassy in Washington did not respond to requests for comment.
Any new accords would not modify the previous Abraham Accords deals signed by Israel.
OBSTACLES REMAIN
The original Abraham Accords – inked between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan – were centered on restoration of ties. The second round of expansion appears to be morphing into a broader mechanism designed to expand US and Israeli soft power.
Wedged between Russia to the north and Iran to the south, Azerbaijan occupies a critical link in trade flows between Central Asia and the West. The Caucasus and Central Asia are also rich in natural resources, including oil and gas, prompting various major powers to compete for influence in the region.
Expanding the accords to nations that already have diplomatic relations with Israel may also be a means of delivering symbolic wins to a president who is known to talk up even relatively small victories.
Two sources described the discussions involving Central Asia as embryonic – but the discussions with Azerbaijan as relatively advanced.
But challenges remain and there is no guarantee a deal will be reached, particularly with slow progress in talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
The two countries, which both won independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, have been at loggerheads since the late 1980s when Nagorno-Karabakh – an Azerbaijani region that had a mostly ethnic-Armenian population – broke away from Azerbaijan with support from Armenia.
In 2023, Azerbaijan retook Karabakh, prompting about 100,000 ethnic Armenians to flee to Armenia. Both sides have since said they want to sign a treaty on a formal end to the conflict.
Primarily Christian Armenia and the US have close ties, and the Trump administration is wary of taking action that could upset authorities in Yerevan.
Still, US officials, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Trump himself, have argued that a peace deal between those two nations is near.
“Armenia and Azerbaijan, we worked magic there,” Trump told reporters earlier in July. “And it’s pretty close.”
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Trump Reaffirms Support for Morocco’s Sovereignty Over Western Sahara
A Polisario fighter sits on a rock at a forward base, on the outskirts of Tifariti, Western Sahara, Sept. 9, 2016. Photo: Reuters / Zohra Bensemra / File.
US President Donald Trump has reaffirmed support for Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara, saying a Moroccan autonomy plan for the territory was the sole solution to the disputed region, state news agency MAP said on Saturday.
The long-frozen conflict pits Morocco, which considers the territory as its own, against the Algeria-backed Polisario Front, which seeks an independent state there.
Trump at the end of his first term in office recognized the Moroccan claims to Western Sahara, which has phosphate reserves and rich fishing grounds, as part of a deal under which Morocco agreed to normalize its relations with Israel.
His secretary of state, Marco Rubio, made clear in April that support for Morocco on the issue remained US policy, but these were Trump’s first quoted remarks on the dispute during his second term.
“I also reiterate that the United States recognizes Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara and supports Morocco’s serious, credible and realistic autonomy proposal as the only basis for a just and lasting solution to the dispute,” MAP quoted Trump as saying in a message to Morocco’s King Mohammed VI.
“Together we are advancing shared priorities for peace and security in the region, including by building on the Abraham Accords, combating terrorism and expanding commercial cooperation,” Trump said.
As part of the Abraham Accords signed during Trump’s first term, four Muslim-majority countries agreed to normalize diplomatic relations with Israel after US mediation.
In June this year, Britain became the third permanent member of the U.N. Security Council to back an autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty for the territory after the U.S. and France.
Algeria, which has recognized the self-declared Sahrawi Republic, has refused to take part in roundtables convened by the U.N. envoy to Western Sahara and insists on holding a referendum with independence as an option.
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Israel Says Its Missions in UAE Remain Open Despite Reported Security Threats
President Isaac Herzog meets on Dec. 5, 2022, with UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan in Abu Dhabi. Photo: GPO/Amos Ben Gershom
i24 News – Israel’s Foreign Ministry said on Friday that its missions to the United Arab Emirates are open on Friday and representatives continue to operate at the embassy in Abu Dhabi and the consulate in Dubai in cooperation with local authorities.
This includes, the statement underlined, ensuring the protection of Israeli diplomats.
On Thursday, reports appeared in Israeli media that Israel was evacuating most of its diplomatic staff in the UAE after the National Security Council heightened its travel warning for Israelis staying in the Gulf country for fear of an Iranian or Iran-sponsored attacks.
“We are emphasizing this travel warning given our understanding that terrorist organizations (the Iranians, Hamas, Hezbollah and Global Jihad) are increasing their efforts to harm Israel,” the NSC said in a statement.
After signing the Abraham Accords with Israel in 2020, the UAE has been among the closest regional allies of the Jewish state.
Israel is concerned about its citizens and diplomats being targeted in retaliatory attacks following its 12-day war against Iran last month.
Earlier this year, the UAE sentenced three citizens of Uzbekistan to death for last year’s murder of Israeli-Moldovan rabbi Zvi Cohen.