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We Need to Invest in Academic Research on Antisemitism Now
Anti-Israel protesters outside Columbia University in Manhattan, New York City, April 22, 2024. Photo: USA TODAY NETWORK via Reuters Connect
We live in a world of escalating antisemitism — and understanding this hatred is a necessity, not a luxury.
From Hamas’ brutal actions to the resurgence of anti-Jewish hostility on college campuses, we face a complex web of hatred fueled by ignorance, prejudice, and dangerous worldviews. To effectively combat the threats before us, we must build and strengthen an indispensable tool for the long run — powerful academic research.
Almost a decade ago, I came to the United States to study European antisemitism from a serene place in the Midwest — at Indiana University’s Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism. I’m proud to still be working there, albeit increasingly on the issue of antisemitism in the US and on social media. The explosion of antisemitism that I saw in Europe 20 years ago, is what I see in the United States today. To combat it, we must fight on many fronts, and we cannot afford to neglect the intellectual battle.
Knowledge is Power
Without a deep understanding of the ideological underpinnings of groups like Hamas, which are rooted in genocidal and redemptive antisemitism, we cannot fully grasp the motivations behind their actions, let alone predict their next steps and those of their enablers.
The misconception of antisemitic terror groups is one of the reasons why some people still believe that Hamas is a “resistance” movement.
Without understanding the dynamics that are at play when Jews are violently attacked, we cannot properly see why antisemites are now doubling down instead of showing empathy for Jews, especially after October 7.
Antisemites are emboldened by antisemitic violence unless they face strong opposition, which is not the case at present. Without a well-developed knowledge of antisemitism, it’s hard to understand why seemingly progressive, albeit simplistic, ideologies feed into antisemitism and then become self-destructive.
Without knowledge of the history of antisemitism, we might think that the anti-Zionist slogans we hear today are the spontaneous expression of grassroots organizations and misguided reactions to the suffering of the Palestinians — when in fact almost all of them were cooked up in the Soviet propaganda machine decades ago and deliberately disseminated after the 1967 Six-Day War to hurt not only Israel, but the West in general.
Now this old antisemitism and anti-Israel ideologies are being reintroduced by well-funded organizations and spreading rapidly. Without such knowledge about these efforts in the past, we’re fighting shadows in the present and the future.
Academia Must Become Our Long-Term Ally Again
Jewish advocacy groups do important work, but they’re largely focused on immediate responses. For long-term solutions, we need the in-depth research that academic centers can offer, if they do it right and if they get the funding they need.
We need answers to these questions:
What best practices have proven to yield measurable results in the fight against antisemitism?
What are the main sources of antisemitism today, and what are the specific threats posed by each of these sources?
What are the mechanisms that can stop or reverse the normalization of antisemitism?
How can we identify potential allies who have a vested interest in combating the destructive mindset of antisemitism?
Academic centers researching antisemitism are still few and far between, and the ones that exist are severely understaffed and underfunded. A prime example is our Institute. It has a robust academic program, including an extensive and high-quality webinar series, an outstanding book series, a research lab on online antisemitism that attracts many students, and it offers a wide variety of courses on the Holocaust, antisemitism, and related topics.
However, the Institute, one of the largest of its kind in the US, currently has only two academic positions. Important research projects are put on hold, including the expansion of its research lab on antisemitism on social media, sources of anti-Jewish violence in the New York area, the evaluation of best practices for combating antisemitism in universities and high schools, the weaponization of the Holocaust against Jews across the political spectrum, the role of Islamist antisemitism in America, and many others.
While many junior and senior scholars would be eager to do some of the much-needed research, as of now, there are very few postdoctoral positions, visiting fellowships, and professorships available in the country. This needs to change quickly if meaningful research is to get off the ground.
Academic centers can bridge the partisan divide in which the fight against antisemitism is used to attack political opponents instead of addressing the issues at hand. And if these centers are robust and don’t depend on the good will of administrators for funding, they are better able to use academic freedom to produce knowledge and take positions that disrupt some of the Holocaust distortions and attacks on Jews. This is important within academia, where some of these attacks are made in the name of progressive academics — but it’s also important outside academia and in the fight against antisemitism across the political spectrum.
A Call to Action
More support for research and programs that fully understand and challenge antisemitic ideologies is vitally needed. Many alumni and donors are rightly shocked by what they have been seeing on campus after October 7. The lack of condemnation of the Hamas atrocities, calls for genocide against the Jewish people in the name of freedom and resistance, and the proliferation of antisemitic activities across the country are outrageous.
But giving up on universities is not the right strategy. Universities are too important to the future of our societies. Donors should use their leverage to remind universities that boycotts of Israel are fundamentally opposed to academic freedom, that antisemitic theories are the antithesis of the seeking of truth, and that calls for the genocide of Jews and the destruction of an entire country are morally so reprehensible that they should have no place on campus.
Donors, both large and small, should support research and programs that oppose antisemitic thinking and behavior.
By investing in serious and effective academic research, we equip ourselves with the knowledge and tools needed to effectively combat antisemitism, not only today but for generations to come. We need a vision for a future in which all individuals are respected and taken seriously, including open and frank discussions. If this cannot be done in academia, where can it be done?
Günther Jikeli holds the Erna B. Rosenfeld Professorship at the Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism in the Borns Jewish Studies Program at Indiana University. He heads the research lab “Social Media & Hate.”
The post We Need to Invest in Academic Research on Antisemitism Now first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire
Explosions send smoke into the air in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, July 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen
The spokesperson for Hamas’s armed wing said on Friday that while the Palestinian terrorist group favors reaching an interim truce in the Gaza war, if such an agreement is not reached in current negotiations it could revert to insisting on a full package deal to end the conflict.
Hamas has previously offered to release all the hostages held in Gaza and conclude a permanent ceasefire agreement, and Israel has refused, Abu Ubaida added in a televised speech.
Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the United States, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a US-backed proposal for a 60-day truce in the war.
Israeli officials were not immediately available for comment on the eve of the Jewish Sabbath.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on a call he had with Pope Leo on Friday that Israel‘s efforts to secure a hostage release deal and 60-day ceasefire “have so far not been reciprocated by Hamas.”
As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned along with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release a number of detained Palestinians.
“If the enemy remains obstinate and evades this round as it has done every time before, we cannot guarantee a return to partial deals or the proposal of the 10 captives,” said Abu Ubaida.
Disputes remain over maps of Israeli army withdrawals, aid delivery mechanisms into Gaza, and guarantees that any eventual truce would lead to ending the war, said two Hamas officials who spoke to Reuters on Friday.
The officials said the talks have not reached a breakthrough on the issues under discussion.
Hamas says any agreement must lead to ending the war, while Netanyahu says the war will only end once Hamas is disarmed and its leaders expelled from Gaza.
Almost 1,650 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed as a result of the conflict, including 1,200 killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Over 250 hostages were kidnapped during Hamas’s Oct. 7 onslaught.
Israel responded with an ongoing military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.
The post Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel
People hold images of the victims of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Irina Dambrauskas
Iran on Friday marked the 31st anniversary of the 1994 bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires by slamming Argentina for what it called “baseless” accusations over Tehran’s alleged role in the terrorist attack and accusing Israel of politicizing the atrocity to influence the investigation and judicial process.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on the anniversary of Argentina’s deadliest terrorist attack, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 300.
“While completely rejecting the accusations against Iranian citizens, the Islamic Republic of Iran condemns attempts by certain Argentine factions to pressure the judiciary into issuing baseless charges and politically motivated rulings,” the statement read.
“Reaffirming that the charges against its citizens are unfounded, the Islamic Republic of Iran insists on restoring their reputation and calls for an end to this staged legal proceeding,” it continued.
Last month, a federal judge in Argentina ordered the trial in absentia of 10 Iranian and Lebanese nationals suspected of orchestrating the attack in Buenos Aires.
The ten suspects set to stand trial include former Iranian and Lebanese ministers and diplomats, all of whom are subject to international arrest warrants issued by Argentina for their alleged roles in the terrorist attack.
In its statement on Friday, Iran also accused Israel of influencing the investigation to advance a political campaign against the Islamist regime in Tehran, claiming the case has been used to serve Israeli interests and hinder efforts to uncover the truth.
“From the outset, elements and entities linked to the Zionist regime [Israel] exploited this suspicious explosion, pushing the investigation down a false and misleading path, among whose consequences was to disrupt the long‑standing relations between the people of Iran and Argentina,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said.
“Clear, undeniable evidence now shows the Zionist regime and its affiliates exerting influence on the Argentine judiciary to frame Iranian nationals,” the statement continued.
In April, lead prosecutor Sebastián Basso — who took over the case after the 2015 murder of his predecessor, Alberto Nisman — requested that federal Judge Daniel Rafecas issue national and international arrest warrants for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei over his alleged involvement in the attack.
Since 2006, Argentine authorities have sought the arrest of eight Iranians — including former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who died in 2017 — yet more than three decades after the deadly bombing, all suspects remain still at large.
In a post on X, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), the country’s Jewish umbrella organization, released a statement commemorating the 31st anniversary of the bombing.
“It was a brutal attack on Argentina, its democracy, and its rule of law,” the group said. “At DAIA, we continue to demand truth and justice — because impunity is painful, and memory is a commitment to both the present and the future.”
31 años del atentado a la AMIA – DAIA. 31 años sin justicia.
El 18 de julio de 1994, un atentado terrorista dejó 85 personas muertas y más de 300 heridas. Fue un ataque brutal contra la Argentina, su democracia y su Estado de derecho.
Desde la DAIA, seguimos exigiendo verdad y… pic.twitter.com/kV2ReGNTIk
— DAIA (@DAIAArgentina) July 18, 2025
Despite Argentina’s longstanding belief that Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah terrorist group carried out the devastating attack at Iran’s request, the 1994 bombing has never been claimed or officially solved.
Meanwhile, Tehran has consistently denied any involvement and refused to arrest or extradite any suspects.
To this day, the decades-long investigation into the terrorist attack has been plagued by allegations of witness tampering, evidence manipulation, cover-ups, and annulled trials.
In 2006, former prosecutor Nisman formally charged Iran for orchestrating the attack and Hezbollah for carrying it out.
Nine years later, he accused former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — currently under house arrest on corruption charges — of attempting to cover up the crime and block efforts to extradite the suspects behind the AMIA atrocity in return for Iranian oil.
Nisman was killed later that year, and to this day, both his case and murder remain unresolved and under ongoing investigation.
The alleged cover-up was reportedly formalized through the memorandum of understanding signed in 2013 between Kirchner’s government and Iranian authorities, with the stated goal of cooperating to investigate the AMIA bombing.
The post Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns
Murad Adailah, the head of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, attends an interview with Reuters in Amman, Jordan, Sept. 7, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Jehad Shelbak
The Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist movements, has been implicated in a wide-ranging network of illegal financial activities in Jordan and abroad, according to a new investigative report.
Investigations conducted by Jordanian authorities — along with evidence gathered from seized materials — revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood raised tens of millions of Jordanian dinars through various illegal activities, the Jordan news agency (Petra) reported this week.
With operations intensifying over the past eight years, the report showed that the group’s complex financial network was funded through various sources, including illegal donations, profits from investments in Jordan and abroad, and monthly fees paid by members inside and outside the country.
The report also indicated that the Muslim Brotherhood has taken advantage of the war in Gaza to raise donations illegally.
Out of all donations meant for Gaza, the group provided no information on where the funds came from, how much was collected, or how they were distributed, and failed to work with any international or relief organizations to manage the transfers properly.
Rather, the investigations revealed that the Islamist network used illicit financial mechanisms to transfer funds abroad.
According to Jordanian authorities, the group gathered more than JD 30 million (around $42 million) over recent years.
With funds transferred to several Arab, regional, and foreign countries, part of the money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as illegal activities and cells.
In April, Jordan outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s most vocal opposition group, and confiscated its assets after members of the Islamist movement were found to be linked to a sabotage plot.
The movement’s political arm in Jordan, the Islamic Action Front, became the largest political grouping in parliament after elections last September, although most seats are still held by supporters of the government.
Opponents of the group, which is banned in most Arab countries, label it a terrorist organization. However, the movement claims it renounced violence decades ago and now promotes its Islamist agenda through peaceful means.
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