World Jewish News
Douglas Murray: A Champion of Israel

By JEREMY ROSEN Among Israel’s most articulate or fearless non-Jewish supporters is the British journalist, author, and commentator, Douglas Murray. He has been a clarion call for the justice, morality, and human rights that Israel represents — as opposed to the violent, terroristic, and anti-Western positions of Hamas.
More than most people outside of our community, Douglas has helped keep our spirits high and reassured us that all is not lost to the ignorant, venal voices that have all but overwhelmed us these past 10 months.
Murray is currently an associate editor of the conservative British political and cultural magazine, The Spectator — one of the last bastions of objectivity and honesty in the media today. Of course, I am biased, because he supports Israel in its battle for survival against terrorists and murderers. Just watch him on YouTube if nowhere else — I challenge you not to be impressed by his manner, his style, and his content. His opponents try their best to disparage and delegitimize him, and he stands his ground magnificently.
Murray was born in London in 1979, and won scholarships to Eton College and Cambridge University. At 19, Murray published Bosie: A Biography of Lord Alfred Douglas that won him an award and launched his career as a gay journalist followed by a play, Nightfall, about the Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg.
In 2017, Murray wrote The Strange Death of Europe; Immigration, Identity, Islam. It spent almost 20 weeks on The Sunday Times bestseller list in non-fiction. Murray has also written controversially about identity politics. In 2022, Murray published The War on the West: How to Prevail in the Age of Unreason.
Bernard-Henri Levy has said of Murray, “Whether one agrees with him or not,” he is “one of the most important public intellectuals today.” People like Ayaan Hirsi Ali and columnist Sohrab Ahmari, have praised Murray’s work.
Murray has said, “If you don’t believe that Israel has the right to stop a group that has proposed repeatedly since its existence that it wants to annihilate Israel, if you believe that Israel doesn’t have the right to try and stop this enemy, then of course you don’t believe Israel has the right to live. You believe Israel has the right to die.”
He spent around six months in Israel following the Oct. 7 attacks, visiting conflict zones and writing in defense of Israel’s actions. Murray has criticized anti-Israel protests and rhetoric in Western countries as being largely motivated by antisemitism and support for terrorism rather than genuine concern for Palestinians. He has described some protests as “terrorist marches.”
Murray has argued that much of the criticism of Israel stems from either explicit antisemitism, anti-Western ideology, or ignorance about the realities of the conflict, all exploited by malicious actors. He has criticized the use of the term Zionism as a slur. He has also criticized the international media for being “focused not on the atrocities Hamas committed against Israel but on the response of Israel to the terrorists of Hamas,” and not showing sympathy to Israeli victims.
In April 2024, he received an honorary award from Israeli President Isaac Herzog for being a “friend to the Jewish people and fighting the resurgence of antisemitism” due to his coverage of the recent attacks and massacre of civilians by Hamas, which was fomented and aided by Iranian financing. Murray has traveled to Israel and to Gaza multiple times, and has reported firsthand instead of relying on subjective secondhand sources.
Of course, none of this implies that Israel has not made mistakes, whether military, politically, or ideologically. But the overwhelming weight of one-sided criticism only makes a peaceful resolution to the conflict less likely.
What kind of person has the courage and the individuality to take such an unpopular stand? Only someone who knows alienation because of his difference and what it is to feel prejudice and rejection. Douglas Murray is a reminder that not everyone in the non-Jewish world is against us.
The author is a writer and rabbi, currently based in New York.
The post Douglas Murray: A Champion of Israel first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
World Jewish News
Trump’s plan to enlist Elon Musk began at Lubavitcher Rebbe’s grave

In podcast interview, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick recalled the visit, which occurred on the anniversary of the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel
By Jacob Kornbluh “This story was originally published in the Forward (Click here to get the Forward’s free email newsletters delivered to your inbox.”)
President Donald Trump first discussed the idea to enlist Elon Musk to lead the Department of Government Efficiency, also known as DOGE, after a visit to the Lubavitcher Rebbe’s grave on Oct. 7, 2024, the anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel.
Trump drove to and from the New York City gravesite, known as the Ohel, with Howard Lutnick, the eventual pick for commerce secretary. During the car ride, the two discussed ways to balance the U.S. budget. “I’m going to go recruit Elon,” Lutnick told Trump. “I don’t know Elon, but he’s perfect for this.”
A week later, Lutnick flew to Texas, where he met with Musk for two hours. Musk told Lutnick he wanted to cut 80% of the federal workforce, similar to what he had done at Twitter when he acquired the social media platform.
We’re going to name it DOGE,” said Lutnick, who said he already registered the name. Lutnick recalled the story on a recent episode of the All-In podcast.
Musk told Fox News last week that he intends to cut $1 trillion from the U.S. deficit and wrap up his work with DOGE by the end of May.
‘Pretty cool’ way to get Orthodox votes
In the interview, Lutnick also said that Trump believed he’d secure tens of thousands of Orthodox votes in New York by visiting the gravesite.
“You know, the people who wear black hats think he’s the Messiah,” Lutnick said, referring to a movement that believes Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, who died in 1994, is the messiah. The Chabad-Lubavitch leadership has long rejected such claims.
“They have a crypt for him where you write a note and you put a note in,” Lutnick said. “And so we agreed we’d go out to that grave site, and we would probably win 60,000 of those kinds of voters, which is pretty cool.”
Post-election polls showed Trump and Republican candidates increased their support in New York’s key swing districts with sizable Jewish populations. In Crown Heights, the worldwide headquarters of Chabad-Lubavitch, Trump received 65% of the vote.
The gravesite in Queens has become a popular pilgrimage point for followers of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement and the broader Jewish community, as well as politicians from all sides of the political spectrum.
Wearing a yarmulke and standing beside the grave alongside Chabad representatives, relatives of American hostages and Lutnick, Trump recited a chapter of Psalms, placed a note on the grave and laid a small stone on the headstone. He also lit a memorial candle to honor the Oct. 7 victims.
In 2016, Trump’s daughter Ivanka and her husband, Jared Kushner, prayed at the Ohel on the weekend before the election.
World Jewish News
New report from Pew Research Center provides interesting information about high number of Jews who still identify as Jewish

By BERNIE BELLAN A recent report from the Pew Research Center offers some interesting information about adult Jews in Israel and the United States. According to the report, 80% of the world’s Jews live in those two countries – which explains why there is no reporting about Jews in other countries.
Similar to the situation we reported on with respect to the Census of Canada in 2021, the Pew Report notes that “people may identify as Jewish in a multitude of ways, including ethnically, culturally, religiously or by family background. In this report, we use the term “Jewish” to mean only religious identity, because the survey questions used in the analyses ask about a person’s current religion and what religious group they were raised in (their childhood religion).”
It should be noted that the Canadian census allowed respondents to identify as Jewish both by religion and by ethnic identity. As a result, there were great disparities in the numbers who responded they were Jewish in both categories.
In a December 2023 article we noted that “Of all Winnipeg respondents only 6,700 reported that both their ethnic origin and their religion was Jewish. Yet, 10,700 people in total reported that at least one of their ethnic origins was Jewish, while 11,170 reported their religion was Jewish.”
As a result, after we did a cross-comparison of figures for both categories, we arrived at the conclusion that, at a maximum, the total possible number of individuals who identified as Jewish – either by religion or ethnicity, was 14,270. (But, when you consider, for instance, that of the 10,700 respondents in the census who reported their ethnic origin as Jewish, 1,080 reported their religion as Christian, it gives you some idea how amorphous Jewish identity is.)
The Pew Report, as noted, concentrated only on determining how many Jews in Israel and the United States reported their religion as “Jewish.”
Some of the findings of the report were:
• Most people who were raised Jewish in Israel and the U.S. still identify this way today, resulting in high Jewish retention rates in both countries – though it’s higher in Israel than in the U.S.
Leaving Judaism
• In the U.S., about a quarter of adults who were raised Jewish no longer identify as Jewish.• In Israel, fewer than 1% of adults who were raised Jewish no longer identify as such.
• Most adults who have left Judaism in both countries now are unaffiliated (i.e., they identify religiously as atheist, agnostic or “nothing in particular”).
Entering Judaism
• Most Jewish adults in Israel and the U.S. were raised Jewish, meaning the “accession” (or entrance) rates into Judaism are fairly low in both places.
• But of the two countries, the U.S. has the higher accession rate, with 14% of Jewish Americans saying they were raised outside of Judaism, compared with just 1% of Israeli Jewish adults.
The report delved further into the question of the affiliation of individuals who said their religion was Jewish, but who no longer identify as Jewish.
• In Israel, only 1% of individuals who were raised Jewish said they are now not religiously affiliated. (The number who said they now had another religion was so low that the Pew Report gave the figure as 0. I wonder though, how “Jews for Jesus” – which has a considerable following both in Israel and the U.S. would be taken into account in reports about the number of Jews in the world? Are “Jews for Jesus” still Jewish – even if they consider themselves Jewish? It’s questions like this that make me wonder about the reliability of surveys that claim to provide credible information about how many Jews there are in the world.)
• In the U.S., however, the Pew Report noted that “17% of adults who were raised Jewish now identify as unaffiliated, while 2% now identify as Christian and 1% now identify as Muslim.”
In an earlier study, conducted in 2021 also by the Pew Research Centre, Jews were asked what were the most important aspects of their identifying as Jewish. I’ve written about that report before because I found the answers so fascinating. (I’ve noted that having a good sense of humour was considered an essential part of being Jewish by 33% of respondents, as opposed to only 3% who said that observing Jewish law was an essential part of being Jewish. But don’t tell that to the Winnipeg Council of Rabbis, who insist that the Simkin Centre serving kosher food – even when almost half its residents aren’t even Jewish, is essential to the Simkin Centre.)
Here, again, are the results of that survey:

World Jewish News
How Will Kurds Fare in a New Syria?

By HENRY SREBRNIK Syria’s 13-year civil war ended abruptly in December, when rebels belonging to the Islamist militant group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) swept south from their bastions in the northwest of the country, precipitating the fall of the government of President Bashar al-Assad. In a matter of weeks, a regime that had lasted decades came to an end.
One group of Syrians was particularly worried. Since 2014, Washington has backed a de facto autonomous government in northeastern Syria formed principally, but not exclusively, of ethnic Kurdish factions. This coalition, under the banner of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), took advantage of the chaos unleashed by Syria’s civil war to carve out an enclave along the border with Turkey.
Much of northeastern Syria has been controlled by Kurds, who call it Rojava, meaning western Kurdistan. The SDF fought off a host of enemies: Assad’s troops, Turkey and Turkish-backed militias, al-Qaeda-linked groups, and the Islamic State (ISIS). U.S. forces worked closely with the SDF in chasing ISIS from its last redoubts in Syria. The United States still maintains around 2,000 troops as well as contractors in roughly a dozen operating posts and small bases in eastern Syria.
But six years after the SDF captured the last ISIS stronghold in Syria, ISIS fighters still operate in central and eastern Syria. The SDF’s actions also bred resentment among local Arab communities. Tightly controlled by the People’s Defense Units, a Kurdish militia known as the YPG, the SDF committed extrajudicial killings and conducted extrajudicial arrests of Arab civilians; extorted Arabs who were trying to get information about or secure the release of detained relatives; press ganged young Arabs into its ranks; twisted the education system to accord with the political agenda of the YPG; and recruited many non-Syrian Kurdish fighters.
To be sure, these excesses pale in comparison with those of the Assad regime, but they caused substantial friction with Arab communities, especially in Arab-majority cities like Raqqa. Particularly in areas where the YPG led SDF forces, many in the region were therefore calling for reintegration with the rest of Syria
The SDF was also hampered by ongoing hostility between Turkey and the YPG. Turkey viewed the YPG is a terrorist group. But in late February, a key Kurdish leader in Turkey called for a cease-fire with Ankara. Abdallah Ocalan, the head of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, known as the PKK — a Kurdish militant group affiliated with the YPG that has long fought the Turkish state — told fighters loyal to him to lay down their weapons and stop waging war against Turkey. This allowed for a rapprochement between the SDF and the new government in Damascus.
Syria made the announcement on March 10 and released images of a signing ceremony featuring the Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa and the head of the SDF, Mazloum Abdi. The deal will integrate SDF institutions into the new government, handing over control of border checkpoints as well as the region’s oil and gas fields to the central government.
The safety and prosperity of Kurdish communities depends not on foreign powers but on the Syrian government respecting their rights and those of all Syrian citizens. For Christians and Alawites, the situation is more worrisome. Unlike the Kurds, many of them face Sunni Arab violence; they are seen as collaborators of the late regime. For years, the vast majority of Syrians have suffered humiliation and degradation at the hands of an Alawite ruling minority, whose dominance under Assad has left an indelible mark of resentment. Gruesome videos of executions of Alawites have begun to emerge, alongside reports of attacks on Christian neighborhoods.
Meanwhile, Syria’s new interim constitution makes no mention of specific ethnosectarian groups or divisions. The new government claims they didn’t want a quota system, because of how they’d seen these play out in Iraq and Lebanon. The idea behind consociationalist or confessionalist systems, as they are called, is to give each ethnic and religious group a voice in government to ensure their needs are covered. But this has led to problems in the longer term, with different groups competing for privileges. Religious or sectarian priorities are always part of politics.
“The best day after a bad Emperor is the first,” wrote the Roman historian Tacitus. The hard work will now have to follow. It remains unclear how genuinely willing the new Syrian government is to establish an inclusive democracy. But it appears that right now Syrians living under its control generally enjoy more political and personal rights than they have had since the Assads took power in 1970.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.