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Princeton University Issues New Guidance on Free Expression, Assembly Under Shadow of Anti-Israel Protests

People walk past Princeton University’s Nassau Hall in Princeton, New Jersey. REUTERS/Dominick Reuter

Princeton University has issued new guidance on free speech and assembly, notifying its students of what is expected of them amid an election year and a polarizing Israel-Hamas war that continues to set off anti-Jewish incidents on college campuses across the US.

“While Princeton does not regulate the content of speech, it may reasonably regulate the time, place, and manner of expression to ensure that it does not disrupt the ordinary activities of the university,” the university says on a newly unveiled “Protests and Free Expression” website. “The university also enforces rules prohibiting discrimination and harassment. A wide range of protest activity is allowed, but protests must not create a hostile environment (or otherwise violate the law), or significantly disrupt university operations and events.”

The guidance covers a range of activities undertaken by anti-Zionist protesters on college campuses last year, which included illegal occupations of administrative buildings, unannounced “sit-ins,” and the circulation of antisemitic conspiracies about Israel which distorted the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and falsely accused the Israeli government of committing a genocide of Palestinians.

Princeton students committed many of these offenses during spring semester, according to the Daily Princetonian, with activists taking over first the McCosh Courtyard and then Clio Hall before settling on the Cannon Green section of campus, where they erected a “Gaza Solidarity Encampment.” The paper added that Princeton president Christopher Eisgruber’s administration was sterner in opposing the encampment than his Ivy League counterparts, stating early on that arrests would follow unheeded orders to clear the area.

Ultimately, he negotiated a settlement with the protesters, agreeing to consider divesting from Israel but refusing to boycott the Jewish state or amnesty any protesters who were arrested or disciplined for breaking the rules — punishments which, the paper said on Sunday, have not been overturned.

One of the who students whom campus police arrested in April, Aditi Rao, told The Daily Princetonian, that the university’s new guidance is “crazy,” adding, “Where else does one protest the institution than the home of the institution itself?”

She continued, “I think what the university is quite evidently attempting to do right now is to, for the 16 or so students that it knows are still viable organizers in the movements, create an easy reason for further disciplining.”

Eisgruber has also reportedly hinted that the university may adopt “institutional neutrality,” a policy of refraining from issuing statements on contentious political issues. During a speech which marked the beginning of the new academic year, he said, according to the Princetonian, “It’s not the job of a university or a university president to validate your opinions or to tell students or faculty members what to think about the issues of the day.”

However, experts have told The Algemeiner that while institutional neutrality would ostensibly lessen the extent to which universities promote anti-Israel bias, it may lead to an abdication of their duty to advocate principles which hold together the fabric of Western civilization and protect the academy from ideas which undermine the pursuit of truth.

When John Hopkins University adopted institutional neutrality in August, National Association of Scholars (NAS) president Peter Wood said the policy “empowers the mob by giving activists of popular causes the assurance that the university’s officials will not get in their way.”

He continued, “The ideal has proved delusional, and as a weapon it is easily used against reform as for it. We must call for universities to espouse substantive ideals of truth, liberty, and citizenship, even though they cut directly against the ideological commitments of many of higher education’s administrators and faculty members. This is a challenging task. But Hamas’s massacre of Israelis [on Oct. 7] has stripped us of many illusions … We must say forthrightly what virtues we wish our universities to champion. And if we wish our universities to fight once more on the side of the angels, the swiftest way to that goal is to teach them how to speak with courage by speaking so ourselves.”

Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.

The post Princeton University Issues New Guidance on Free Expression, Assembly Under Shadow of Anti-Israel Protests first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Miracles Then and Now

A page of Talmud. Photo: Chajm Guski/Wikimedia

JNS.orgWould you believe that it took a whole year for Chanukah to be recognized as a bona fide Jewish festival?

But it’s true. Here’s a quote straight out of the Talmud in Shabbos (21a). After telling the basic Chanukah story, the Talmud adds, “The next year, the Sages established those days and made them holy days with the recitation of Hallel and special thanksgiving prayers and blessings.”

Why did they wait a whole year? Surely, everyone saw then and there, with their own eyes, the great miracle of the one jug of oil that lasted eight days, and the astounding military victory of a bunch of untrained priests taking on the vastly superior Greek army and defeating them. Why did it take a year for Chanukah to be accepted as a festival worthy of an annual celebration?

It would appear that our sages understood that enthusiasm can evaporate rather easily with the passage of time. The excitement and inspiration of the miraculous Maccabean victory could have faded and been forgotten all too soon. That’s why they deliberately waited to see if the people would still be inspired by the previous year’s miracle. When they saw that the inspiration was indeed being sustained, they proudly proclaimed the “Festival of Lights,” and Chanukah became a Yom Tov for posterity.

Have we not seen it in our own generation? Israel has experienced miracles of biblical proportions such as its victory in the 1967 Six-Day War, the hostage rescue at Entebbe in 1976, and, recently, the failed Iranian missile attacks and the astonishing success of the pager explosions against Hezbollah this past year.

These were all incredible miracles of the highest order, but it’s all old news already. We were in awe momentarily, and now it’s all taken for granted. We give credit to Tzahal, the Mossad and all of Israel’s brilliant minds who took part in these efforts, as well as the brave forces on the ground and in the air—as we should. But with all their talents, a million things could have gone wrong. The fact that it all went so smoothly surely points to a higher force beyond our control.

It’s no different in business, communal work or marriage. It doesn’t take long for the initial excitement to fade away and the humdrum of routines to set in, gradually leading to disillusionment and then, all too quickly, to dissolution.

It’s interesting that God chose His very first revelation to Moses to be at the Burning Bush. Miraculously, the bush was covered in flames, but it would not be consumed. What a lesson to the new leader.

Don’t ever get burned out! You’re becoming a leader now. You will have to deal with Pharaoh and his Egyptian superpower, the evil Amalek and other warrior nations who will attack you. And Jews aren’t the easiest to deal with either. Your own people will complain about all sorts of things, justifiable or not. Even a mutiny or two will be on your agenda. But remember the bush, Moses. Learn from the bush. Keep the fire burning!

In the Chanukah story, our people remained inspired and on a spiritual high all that year. The light of the menorah never dimmed, and their enthusiasm never waned. When the sages saw this, they ruled that the events of a year ago were now worthy of being commemorated annually and becoming fixed in the Jewish calendar forever.

Chanukah means “dedication.” The Maccabees rededicated our holy Temple after the Greeks defiled it. Throughout this next week, if we rededicate ourselves to kindling the lights of our menorahs around the world, then our own celebrations will likewise be granted the blessings of posterity and eternity.

We live in traumatic but miraculous times. Big things are happening in the world, and we really do have reasons to hope for a new world order where Israel and the Jewish people will be safe and respected.

May we remember all the miracles we have been privileged to experience. May there be no burn-out, no weakness and no faltering as we progress to the finishing line. May we remain fiery and faithful in the service of our God and our people, illuminate the darkness of our world and usher in the lighting of a new menorah in a rebuilt Holy Temple in Jerusalem. Amen.

Chanukah Sameach!

The post Miracles Then and Now first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Missile Strikes Alone Will Not Defeat the Houthis

Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi addresses followers via a video link at the al-Shaab Mosque, formerly al-Saleh Mosque, in Sanaa, Yemen, Feb. 6, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah

JNS.orgFor two consecutive nights on Dec. 24 and 25, 2024, air raid sirens sent millions of Israelis for cover as the Houthi terror regime in Yemen each day fired a ballistic missile at the country.

Israel’s Arrow system intercepted those missiles, but before dawn on Dec. 21, a Houthi attack reportedly featured a re-entry warhead capable of maneuvering following separation from its engine. That missile was not intercepted and crashed into a Ramat Gan school. No one was injured as it was well before the school day.

Despite the IDF’s previous precision strikes on Yemeni energy infrastructure and ports, the threat persists. This suggests that additional offensive measures such as missiles may be necessary.

However, warned Israeli Navy Cmdr. (res.) Eyal Pinko, a researcher at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies at Bar-Ilan University in Ramat Gan, missile attacks alone will not be sufficient to end the threat.

“In my assessment, the Houthi leadership has gone underground. Their infrastructure, like missile bases and weapons storage sites, can be attacked [with missiles]. This will cause damage, but it won’t be enough to subdue them,” he told JNS on Wednesday.

According to Pinko, who also served in an intelligence organization, “We need a much more massive attack from the air and sea. The maritime threat has to be lifted, and not only their missile array. Since the Saudis and Egyptians struck them from the air for a duration of eight years and did not succeed in subduing them, I doubt that hitting them with missiles alone will succeed, including striking their infrastructure.”

Over the past 14 months, the Houthis have launched hundreds of missiles and UAVs targeting Israel. These attacks not only violate international law, but also pose a clear and ongoing threat to regional security and stability. In response, Israel has carried out a series of airstrikes targeting Houthi ports and energy infrastructure, showcasing the IDF’s long-range operational capabilities. However, the strikes also highlighted their inherent limitations.

2,000 kilometers

There are logistical and operational challenges associated with IAF missions over 2,000 kilometers (1,250 miles) away against an elusive enemy like the Houthis. As explained last week by IDF International Spokesperson Lt. Col. Nadav Shoshani, these operations demand significant intelligence preparation, operational coordination, and time for implementation. For instance, the IAF strike on Dec. 19 required two separate waves of attacks involving 14 fighter jets and multiple aircraft types.

While the IDF has refined its ability to carry out such missions, these operations cannot match the speed and immediacy that missiles offer.

As it is impossible to prepare and execute an airstrike within minutes of receiving actionable intelligence or an order from manned aircraft, complementing the IAF’s impressive capabilities with missile firepower seems like a logical step. A missile-based attack system would enable Israel to launch immediate, weather-agnostic strikes in response to emerging threats. Furthermore, a ground-based missile corps would have a small maintenance and operational footprint without endangering aircrews.

Pinko added that it is critical to sever the Houthis’ supply line from Iran, to attack Sanaa, and to completely paralyze all of the Houthi infrastructure.

In recent years, the Houthi arsenal has grown increasingly sophisticated, with Iranian support playing a key role in transforming its ballistic and cruise missile capabilities. Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei spent over a decade ensuring that proxies such as Hezbollah and the Houthis possess advanced precision-guided weaponry, effectively creating a surrogate “air force.”

A large-scale attack on the Houthis, Pinko emphasized, “has to be a joint Israeli, American, British, Saudi and Egyptian operation.”

Israeli missiles, if they are acquired, alone may not be sufficient, but they can help further diversify Israel’s offensive toolkit. A missile corps would not only complement the IAF, but also provide options for rapid response and degrading Houthi infrastructure with minimal operational delays.

The post Missile Strikes Alone Will Not Defeat the Houthis first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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‘Judenrein’ Hollywood? The Troubling Trend in Jewish Representation

Woody Allen. Photo: David Shankbone via Wikimedia Commons.

JNS.orgEvery year, as Hollywood shuts down for the winter holidays, an unassuming list makes its way into executive inboxes. “The Black List,” as it has been known for the last two decades, ranks the most popular unproduced screenplays of the year, according to the executives and producers who read them.

Getting a screenplay on this list can be a career-defining moment for a screenwriter. Ranking near the top of the list can fast-track a project to production. Many “Black List” screenplays have been produced, and a notable percentage have gone on to win Oscars. For a screenwriter like me, the list is a valuable source of industry intel. What stories are execs responding to this year? Who are the agents and managers shepherding these scripts?

I always scan the list for the kinds of stories that I like to write—elevated genre fare, mostly, as well as Jewish content. Without being able to read the screenplays themselves, I can only make my assessments of the screenplays based on the short loglines that describe them. The list usually includes some films with overtly Jewish content, typically Holocaust dramas or stories that center on antisemitism. This year, in the long shadow of the terrorist attacks in Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, I was particularly curious to see how Hollywood’s selective appetite for Jewish fare might have shifted. Here’s what I found.

Almost nothing.

Not even the usual clichés of Holocaust survival or the Jewish high-achiever biopic.

I found only one logline that might have some Jewishness to it. A script called “Bridgehampton” by Jeremy Leder. Here’s the logline: “Recently dumped Ezra Green accidentally brings a terminally ill woman home to Bridgehampton for a long weekend with his eccentric family. Don’t judge—he needs to cope with his estranged father who just got out of white-collar prison.”

The stereotypical Jewish coding here goes far beyond Ezra’s name. He’s “recently dumped” and “accidentally” brings a terminally ill woman home. So, he’s nebbish and inept, particularly when it comes to his relationships with women, see the persona popularized by Woody Allen. He’s from the Hamptons, so obviously he’s wealthy. His family is “eccentric” (read: “Jewish” and “other.”) And his father just got out of white-collar prison (“financial crimes,” Bernie Madoff, anyone?)

I don’t want to cast aspersions on Leder’s screenplay. For all I know, the story draws from his own lived experiences, and it might be a valuable piece of a diverse Jewish tapestry. But that this might be the only Jewish story that Hollywood execs found compelling enough to include on the “Black List” this year speaks volumes about the industry’s skittishness around Jewish content.

This may be the most Judenrein list I’ve seen, but the trend of avoiding Jewish stories is almost as old as Hollywood itself. The industry’s founders famously shied away from approving Jewish films for fear of drawing attention to their own Jewish identities. A generation later, it took decades for a mainstream film to depict the Holocaust (Sidney Lumet’s “The Pawnbroker”), and even then, it was only in brief flashbacks. In our era of diversity initiatives and calls for fair and favorable representation of minorities in media, Jews are portrayed through the narrowest possible lens. A recent groundbreaking study from the Norman Lear Center at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg Center quantifies this, noting that the vast majority of Jewish characters are portrayed as white, presumably Ashkenazi, in high-powered professions with little or no religious affiliation. Orthodox Jews fare worse, often being portrayed as “other.”

This monochromatic depiction of Jews in popular entertainment is having serious and significant consequences. Perceptions that Jews have wealth and power drive antisemitic conspiracy theories—theories that might be countered by more stories about working-class Jews. The impression that all Jews are white Europeans plays a big role in the anti-Israel “colonialist” narrative—a narrative that might be undermined by more stories about Jews from Arab lands. Dehumanizing depictions of Orthodox or Chassidic Jews as a backward “other” makes it easier for people to brazenly attack those Jews on the streets of New York—attacks that might be mitigated if those Jews were portrayed and, consequently, seen as friends, neighbors, co-workers or fellow citizens.

A dramatic change is required in the way that Jews are portrayed in popular entertainment. But that change will not come from Hollywood. Those very executives who voted on the “Black List” scripts grew up on the same media stereotypes as the rest of the country. Their perceptions of Jews, even if they, themselves, are Jewish, derive at least in part from Hollywood itself. To break Hollywood’s Jewish mold and expand the palette of Jewish representation, we need to demonstrate the potential of those stories outside of the industry’s centers of power. Fortunately, this is already beginning to happen.

Independent filmmakers like Daniel Robbins are finding ways to push their Jewish stories onto the screen. His hysterical “Bad Shabbas” won the audience award at the 2024 Tribeca Film Festival. Nonprofits like the Maimonides Fund are also putting resources into the creation of Jewish-forward narrative entertainment and into professional development programs like the Jewish Writers’ Initiative Screenwriters Lab, which provides funding, industry access, and a supportive framework for screenwriters to write new, Jewish screenplays.

It’s a great start, but more needs to be done.

If we want Hollywood to invest in diverse Jewish stories, we must first invest in them ourselves. Jewish federations should create their own Jewish film funds to support local filmmakers. Synagogue groups and denominational organizations should do the same to help lift their own stories onto the screen. Most importantly, we all must do as much as we can to help amplify the Jewish content that does, by some miracle, get produced. It’s up to us to demonstrate to Hollywood that Jewish content, full of real, authentic, diverse Jewish voices, is a worthwhile investment. We must be the champions of our own stories.

The post ‘Judenrein’ Hollywood? The Troubling Trend in Jewish Representation first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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