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Fighting Antisemitism on New York Campuses Requires Sound Policies, Not Empty Platitudes
Protesters gathered at CUNY Chancellor Felix V. Matos Rodriguez’s office under the mantra ‘End Jew Hatred’ to protest growing antisemitism within CUNY and their campuses on Sept. 12, 2023. Photo by Meir Chaimowitz/NurPhoto via Reuters Connect
New York — the state that boasts the largest Jewish population in the United States — is also home to some of the most antisemitic universities in the country.
Published earlier this year, the Anti-Defamation League’s (ADL) “Campus Antisemitism Report Card” revealed that of the 14 New York-based schools listed, none had received an “A” rating in their ability to provide a safe environment for Jewish students.
In fact, several State University of New York (SUNY’) institutions were marked an “F’,” for failing to blunt the rise of antisemitic activity. Other schools, such as Columbia University and Cornell University, inched towards a passing grade and were categorized as a “D” rated school.
In recent years, the City University of New York (CUNY) has made headlines for its role as academia’s core of anti-Jewish hate.
CUNY professor and department chair Jeffrey Lax noted last year that for the first time, the University will not have Jewish representation among its senior leadership team.
Now, the antisemites embedded among CUNY’s cadre of employees and enrollees are intensifying their efforts to intimidate Jewish students.
For example, earlier this month, a gathering from the school’s Hillel organization was mocked, bullied, and chased into a kosher deli, as masked anti-Israel agitators hurled antisemitic epithets and blocked the restaurant entrance.
That incident is the latest in what amounts to a lengthy and alarming catalog of antisemitic episodes at CUNY.
To quell concerns, New York Governor Kathy Hochul (D) commissioned a review of “Antisemitism and Antidiscrimination” policies at the University, with the results of the evaluation released last week.
While acknowledging the rise of Jew-hatred at CUNY, the policy suggestions detailed in the report are flawed and filled with progressive undertones, which include providing mandatory training for campus chief diversity officers.
Most troubling, the independent investigation, conducted by ex-New York State Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman, concludes that CUNY need not formally embrace and specify “a definition of antisemitism, let alone any specific definition of antisemitism, in order to ensure that it provides its community with an environment safe from antisemitism and discrimination.”
Expanding on the report’s suggestions, Gov. Hochul recommends using the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Antisemitism as merely a “tool” when investigating anti-Jewish incidents on campus.
The policy proposals set forth by Judge Lippman and sanctioned by Gov. Hochul convey an attempt to disentangle CUNY from its eroding reputation as a radical center of antisemitic activity. But their unwillingness to clearly define antisemitism grants left-wing “intellectuals,” which — in CUNY’s case — consists of students and professors, the space to collaborate and escalate their intimidation of Jews while rebranding New York’s universities as major theaters of antisemitism.
One of New York’s lone Democratic Congressmen inclined to advocate on behalf of CUNY’s Jewish students is Ritchie Torres, who, in a post last week, correctly condemned CUNY officials for telling Jewish students not to hold upcoming Rosh Hashanah celebrations at the school.
While pressure placed by the lawmaker ultimately led CUNY’s Baruch College to put out a statement claiming that the allegations were false, the episode underscores the inclination of administrators to align with terrorist sympathizers who continue to rise in the school’s professional and student ranks.
And the leadership at New York-based schools such as CUNY, Columbia, and Cornell do not punish Jew-hating perpetrators when there’s little impetus from state executives directing them to do so.
Among the pro-Hamas protestors (many of whom advocate for a genocide of Israelis and Zionists), many wear masks and have their identities concealed when harassing or assaulting Jewish students.
Over the summer, New York Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman signed a law making it illegal for anyone over the age of 16 to wear a mask or face covering, with exceptions outlined for health or religious reasons. Unsurprisingly, the Republican-led County was listed as “America’s Safest County” in a US News and World Report ranking published last month.
For her part, Governor Hochul has softened her initial lackluster support for a partial mask ban, and currently seems settled on the position that criminals committing crimes while masked should simply face stiffer penalties.
Furthermore, the absence of a severe response to antisemitism at New York’s schools extends beyond the aesthetic, with Governor Hochul, to date, also opposing levying any financial penalties on the offending institutions.
Cornell University’s Rusell Rickford took a “voluntary leave” of absence last year after a video surfaced in which he proclaimed that the October 7 massacre in Israel was “exhilarating” and “energizing.”
Despite his odious and completely unacceptable comments, Rickford is now back teaching at the school. The Ivy League institution receives $127 million from the state of New York to help fund the four SUNY schools it operates, according to an analysis conducted by The New York Post.
If Rickford had made those comments about any other group, he clearly would have been fired, and never allowed to work in the state again.
Columbia University, an epicenter of antisemitic activism, is also gifted millions of dollars in New York state and city grants. Still, Governor Hochul, along with other liberal policymakers, has shied away from threatening to withhold financial assistance and use it as leverage against schools plagued by antisemitic violence.
It has to be mentioned that the top 10 US campuses with the highest incidents of anti-Israel activism are in states run by a Democratic governor. Moreover, the FBI’s newly released 2023 Hate Crimes Statistics revealed that American Jews are the most targeted of any religious group, with hate crimes against Jews reaching the highest level “ever recorded by the FBI since it began collecting data in 1991.”
It’s time for New York state officials to use their executive powers and reorient New York’s academic establishments to places committed to upholding safety and civic dialogue.
As home to the highest population of Jews in America, New York’s higher education institutions should be beacons in leading the fight against antisemitism, rather than acting as the gravitational pull towards its growth.
Irit Tratt is an independent writer residing in New York.
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US Immigration Judge Rules Palestinian Columbia Student Khalil Can Be Deported
Mahmoud Khalil speaks to members of media about the Revolt for Rafah encampment at Columbia University during the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza, in New York City, US, June 1, 2024. Photo: Jeenah Moon via Reuters Connect
A US immigration judge ruled on Friday that Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil can be deported, allowing President Donald Trump’s administration to proceed with its effort to remove the Columbia University student from the United States a month after his arrest in New York City.
The ruling by Judge Jamee Comans of the LaSalle Immigration Court in Louisiana was not a final determination of Khalil’s fate. But it represented a significant victory for the Republican president in his efforts to deport foreign pro-Palestinian students who are in the United States legally and, like Khalil, have not been charged with any crime.
Citing the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, Trump-appointed US Secretary of State Marco Rubio determined last month that Khalil could harm American foreign policy interests and should be deported for his “otherwise lawful” speech and activism.
Comans said that she did not have the authority to overrule a secretary of state. The judge denied a motion by Khalil’s lawyers to subpoena Rubio and question him about the “reasonable grounds” he had for his determination under the 1952 law.
The judge’s decision came after a combative 90-minute hearing held in a court located inside a jail complex for immigrants surrounded by double-fenced razor wire run by private government contractors in rural Louisiana.
Khalil, a prominent figure in the anti-Israel student protest movement that has roiled Columbia’s New York City campus, was born in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria, holds Algerian citizenship and became a US lawful permanent resident last year. Khalil’s wife is a US citizen.
For now, Khalil remains in the Louisiana jail where federal authorities transferred him after his March 8 arrest at his Columbia University apartment building some 1,200 miles (1,930 km) away. Comans gave Khalil’s lawyers until April 23 to apply for relief before she considers whether to issue a deportation order. An immigration judge can rule that a migrant cannot be deported because of possible persecution in a home country, among other limited grounds.
In a separate case in New Jersey, US District Judge Michael Farbiarz has blocked deportation while he considers Khalil’s claim that his arrest was made in violation of the US Constitution’s First Amendment protections for freedom of speech.
KHALIL ADDRESSES THE JUDGE
As Comans adjourned, Khalil leaned forward, asking to address the court. Comans hesitated, then agreed.
Khalil quoted her remarks at his hearing on Tuesday that nothing was more important to the court than “due process rights and fundamental fairness.”
“Clearly what we witnessed today, neither of these principles were present today or in this whole process,” Khalil said. “This is exactly why the Trump administration has sent me to this court, a thousand miles away from my family.”
The judge said her ruling turned on an undated, two-page letter signed by Rubio and submitted to the court and to Khalil’s counsel.
Khalil’s lawyers, appearing via a video link, complained they were given less than 48 hours to review Rubio’s letter and evidence submitted by the Trump administration to Comans this week. Marc Van Der Hout, Khalil’s lead immigration attorney, repeatedly asked for the hearing to be delayed. Comans reprimanded him for what the judge said was straying from the hearing’s purpose, twice saying he had “an agenda.”
Comans said that the 1952 immigration law gave the secretary of state “unilateral judgment” to make his determination about Khalil.
Khalil should be removed, Rubio wrote, for his role in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”
Rubio’s letter did not accuse Khalil of breaking any laws, but said the State Department can revoke the legal status of immigrants who could harm US foreign policy interests even when their beliefs, associations or statements are “otherwise lawful.”
After Comans ended the hearing, several of Khalil’s supporters wept as they left the courtroom. Khalil stood and smiled at them, making a heart shape with his hands.
Khalil has said criticism of the US government’s support of Israel is being wrongly conflated with antisemitism. His lawyers told the court they were submitting into evidence Khalil’s interviews last year with CNN and other news outlets in which he denounces antisemitism and other prejudice.
His lawyers have said the Trump administration was targeting him for protected speech including the right to criticize American foreign policy.
“Mahmoud was subject to a charade of due process, a flagrant violation of his right to a fair hearing and a weaponization of immigration law to suppress dissent,” Van Der Hout said in a statement after the hearing.
The American immigration court system is run and its judges are appointed by the US Justice Department, separate from the government’s judicial branch.
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Hamas Releases Video of Israeli-American Hostage Held in Gaza
FILE PHOTO: Yael, Adi and Mika Alexander, the family of Edan Alexander, the American-Israeli and Israel Defense Forces soldier taken hostage during the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas, pose for a photograph during an interview with Reuters at the Alexander’s home in Tenafly, New Jersey, U.S., December 14, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Stephani Spindel/File Photo
Hamas on Saturday released a video purportedly of Israeli-American hostage Edan Alexander, who has been held in Gaza since he was captured by Palestinian terrorists on October 7, 2023.
In the undated video, the man who introduces himself as Edan Alexander states he has been held in Gaza for 551 days. The man questions why he is still being held and pleads for his release.
Alexander is a soldier serving in the Israeli military.
The edited video was released as Jews began to mark Passover, a weeklong holiday that celebrates freedom. Alexander’s family released a statement acknowledging the video that said the holiday would not be one of freedom as long as Edan and the 58 other hostages in Gaza remained in captivity.
Hamas has released several videos over the course of the war of hostages begging to be released. Israeli officials have dismissed past videos as propaganda that is designed to put pressure on the government. The war is in its eighteenth month.
Hamas released 38 hostages under a ceasefire that began on January 19. In March, Israel’s military resumed its ground and aerial campaign on Gaza, abandoning the ceasefire after Hamas rejected proposals to extend the truce without ending the war.
Israeli officials say that campaign will continue until the remaining 59 hostages are freed and Gaza is demilitarized. Hamas insists it will free hostages only as part of a deal to end the war and has rejected demands to lay down its arms.
The US, Qatar and Egypt are mediating between Hamas and Israel.
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Some Progress in Hostage Talks But Major Issues Remain, Source tells i24NEWS
Demonstrators hold signs and pictures of hostages, as relatives and supporters of Israeli hostages kidnapped during the Oct. 7, 2023 attack by Hamas protest demanding the release of all hostages in Tel Aviv, Israel, Feb. 13, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Itai Ron
i24 News – A source familiar with the ongoing negotiations for a hostage deal confirmed to i24NEWS on Friday that some progress has been made in talks, currently taking place with Egypt, including the exchange of draft proposals. However, it remains unclear whether Hamas will ultimately accept the emerging framework. According to the source, discussions are presently focused on reaching a cohesive outline with Cairo.
A delegation of senior Hamas officials is expected to arrive in Cairo tomorrow. While there is still no finalized draft, even Arab sources acknowledge revisions to Egypt’s original proposal, reportedly including a degree of flexibility in the number of hostages Hamas is willing to release.
The source noted that Hamas’ latest proposal to release five living hostages is unacceptable to Israel, which continues to adhere to the “Witkoff framework.” At the core of this framework is the release of a significant number of hostages, alongside a prolonged ceasefire period—Israel insists on 40 days, while Hamas is demanding more. The plan avoids intermittent pauses or distractions, aiming instead for uninterrupted discussions on post-war arrangements.
As previously reported, Israel is also demanding comprehensive medical and nutritional reports on all living hostages as an early condition of the deal.
“For now,” the source told i24NEWS, “Hamas is still putting up obstacles. We are not at the point of a done deal.” Israeli officials emphasize that sustained military and logistical pressure on Hamas is yielding results, pointing to Hamas’ shift from offering one hostage to five in its most recent agreement.
Negotiators also assert that Israel’s demands are fully backed by the United States. Ultimately, Israeli officials are adamant: no negotiations on the “day after” will take place until the hostage issue is resolved—a message directed not only at Hamas, but also at mediators.
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