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The Sukkah Reminds Us That the Jewish People Will Always Rise Again
15-year-old Adin Stanleigh cleans palm branches used to cover a sukkah, or ritual booth, used during the Jewish holiday of Sukkot, in Jerusalem, Israel, Oct. 11, 2019. Photo: Reuters / Ronen Zvulun.
If you’ve ever traveled through the countryside in the UK or across Europe, you’ve probably come across the hauntingly beautiful ruins of medieval castles. These ancient strongholds, with impressive moats and thick walls, were once the homes of powerful kings and aristocrats. They now stand in varying states of decay.
Take, for example, Corfe Castle in Dorset, England. I’ve been there. It was originally built by William the Conqueror and remained in the English royal family until Elizabeth I sold it to Sir Christopher Hatton in 1572.
Sixty years later, the Hatton family sold the sprawling 20,000-square-foot palace to Sir John Bankes, a loyal royalist during the English Civil War. Bankes’ allegiance to the monarchy led to the castle being targeted and eventually destroyed by parliamentary forces in 1645.
Corfe Castle was once a formidable fortress, the seat of kings, and a symbol of immense power. Today, its crumbling walls are a picturesque reminder of its former glory, a shadow of what it once was.
Then there’s Château de Chinon in France, where Henry II of England once held court. Much of its medieval grandeur still lingers despite the obvious signs of decay. Initially built in the 10th century, this expansive fortress became a critical political hub during the 12th century under Henry II, whose influence stretched across England and vast territories in France.
At its height, the château was a center of political intrigue and royal might, even playing host to Joan of Arc in 1429, when she convinced Charles VII to claim the French throne. But now, much of it lies in ruins, a sad, empty shell with towers and walls weathered by centuries of neglect. Despite restoration efforts, large sections of the château remain crumbling ruins, reminding visitors of the passage of time and the impermanence of power.
Schloss Heidelberg in Germany is another similar example. Once the majestic seat of the Electors Palatine, it was a symbol of wealth and influence in the region. Perched high above the Neckar River, the castle was originally constructed in the 13th century. Its architecture, a mix of Gothic and Renaissance styles, was expanded and extended over the centuries, reflecting the grandeur and opulence of the notables who resided there in different eras.
But the castle’s fate took a tragic turn in the late 1600s when it was repeatedly damaged during the Nine Years’ War and the War of the Palatine Succession. After being heavily damaged by French troops, most of Schloss Heidelberg was left in ruins, and it has never been fully restored.
Today, the castle remains a pale shadow of its former glory, with grand façades that lead to empty spaces and stairways that lead to nowhere — a reminder of the fleeting nature of human achievement and the virtual impossibility of restoring the past to its idealized perfection.
These castles were all once symbols of strength and permanence, but they now lie in ruins. Ironically, the very fortifications built to last forever couldn’t withstand the ravages of time and history.
In the lead-up to Sukkot, I found myself reflecting on these castle ruins and others I’ve visited over the years, in connection with the special addition we include in Birkat Hamazon during the festival: הָרַחֲמָן הוּא יָקִים לָנוּ אֶת סֻכַּת דָּוִד הַנּוֹפֶלֶת — “May the Merciful One restore for us the fallen Sukkah of David.”
The phrase “Sukkah of David” has always intrigued me. After all, King David’s dynasty is usually called the “House of David,” which suggests something solid and permanent. So how do we understand the reference to this glorious royal dynasty as a “Sukkah” — a structure that is temporary and fragile by its very nature?
The reference in Birkat Hamazon is based on a verse in Amos (9:11): בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא אָקִים אֶת סֻכַּת דָּוִיד הַנֹּפֶלֶת—“On that day I will restore the fallen Sukkah of David.” Amos was prophesying during the First Temple period, when the House of David was on the verge of collapse. The use of the word Sukkah in this context is significant. Why not call it a house, which signifies strength and permanence, particularly when discussing the fallen monarchy’s reestablishment?
The Maharal of Prague offers a fascinating explanation. The Davidic dynasty is deliberately referred to both as a “sukkah” and as a “house.” A house is a structure that has a powerful, material existence—because it is meant to last. Which is why royal dynasties are often referred to as a “house – a word that connotes permanence and stability.
But here’s the thing: is a house truly permanent? When a house falls, it doesn’t just crumble — it loses its essence. Even if you rebuild it, it’s not the same house — it’s something new. The original house is gone, negated by its destruction. What you’ve built is a new creation, not a restoration of the old. And the larger and grander the house — like a castle, for example — the less likely it is that it will ever be reconstructed at all.
But a sukkah is different. It’s not permanent to begin with. When it falls, it can easily be reconstructed. Its whole purpose is to be reconstructed when it falls. And what’s more — when you rebuild it, it’s not considered something new — it’s still the original sukkah, regenerated in its full essence. It retains its identity, no matter how often it has to be put back up.
Which is why the Kingdom of David is called a “sukkah.” As a royal dynasty, it may be fragile, but it is always ready to rise again. It doesn’t need to be replaced or reinvented—it can simply be reestablished and it will be as if it was never gone.
This idea of the sukkah as a symbol of reestablishment is also a perfect metaphor for the Jewish people. Like a sukkah, we may be vulnerable, exposed to the winds of history, but each time we fall, we rise again. And we rebuild, not as something new, but as a continuation of who we have always been. We are not like a castle that, once ruined, can never reclaim its former glory. Instead, we are like a sukkah — temporary yet eternal, fragile yet enduring.
That’s why, during Sukkot, we invoke the image of the fallen “Sukkah of David” — a reminder that, like the sukkah, the Jewish people and the Davidic dynasty may fall, but they will always rise again, renewed and reestablished, as they have throughout history, and as we will again in the Messianic age that is unfolding before our eyes.
The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.
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Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire

Explosions send smoke into the air in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, July 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen
The spokesperson for Hamas’s armed wing said on Friday that while the Palestinian terrorist group favors reaching an interim truce in the Gaza war, if such an agreement is not reached in current negotiations it could revert to insisting on a full package deal to end the conflict.
Hamas has previously offered to release all the hostages held in Gaza and conclude a permanent ceasefire agreement, and Israel has refused, Abu Ubaida added in a televised speech.
Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the United States, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a US-backed proposal for a 60-day truce in the war.
Israeli officials were not immediately available for comment on the eve of the Jewish Sabbath.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on a call he had with Pope Leo on Friday that Israel‘s efforts to secure a hostage release deal and 60-day ceasefire “have so far not been reciprocated by Hamas.”
As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned along with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release a number of detained Palestinians.
“If the enemy remains obstinate and evades this round as it has done every time before, we cannot guarantee a return to partial deals or the proposal of the 10 captives,” said Abu Ubaida.
Disputes remain over maps of Israeli army withdrawals, aid delivery mechanisms into Gaza, and guarantees that any eventual truce would lead to ending the war, said two Hamas officials who spoke to Reuters on Friday.
The officials said the talks have not reached a breakthrough on the issues under discussion.
Hamas says any agreement must lead to ending the war, while Netanyahu says the war will only end once Hamas is disarmed and its leaders expelled from Gaza.
Almost 1,650 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed as a result of the conflict, including 1,200 killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Over 250 hostages were kidnapped during Hamas’s Oct. 7 onslaught.
Israel responded with an ongoing military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.
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Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel

People hold images of the victims of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Irina Dambrauskas
Iran on Friday marked the 31st anniversary of the 1994 bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires by slamming Argentina for what it called “baseless” accusations over Tehran’s alleged role in the terrorist attack and accusing Israel of politicizing the atrocity to influence the investigation and judicial process.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on the anniversary of Argentina’s deadliest terrorist attack, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 300.
“While completely rejecting the accusations against Iranian citizens, the Islamic Republic of Iran condemns attempts by certain Argentine factions to pressure the judiciary into issuing baseless charges and politically motivated rulings,” the statement read.
“Reaffirming that the charges against its citizens are unfounded, the Islamic Republic of Iran insists on restoring their reputation and calls for an end to this staged legal proceeding,” it continued.
Last month, a federal judge in Argentina ordered the trial in absentia of 10 Iranian and Lebanese nationals suspected of orchestrating the attack in Buenos Aires.
The ten suspects set to stand trial include former Iranian and Lebanese ministers and diplomats, all of whom are subject to international arrest warrants issued by Argentina for their alleged roles in the terrorist attack.
In its statement on Friday, Iran also accused Israel of influencing the investigation to advance a political campaign against the Islamist regime in Tehran, claiming the case has been used to serve Israeli interests and hinder efforts to uncover the truth.
“From the outset, elements and entities linked to the Zionist regime [Israel] exploited this suspicious explosion, pushing the investigation down a false and misleading path, among whose consequences was to disrupt the long‑standing relations between the people of Iran and Argentina,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said.
“Clear, undeniable evidence now shows the Zionist regime and its affiliates exerting influence on the Argentine judiciary to frame Iranian nationals,” the statement continued.
In April, lead prosecutor Sebastián Basso — who took over the case after the 2015 murder of his predecessor, Alberto Nisman — requested that federal Judge Daniel Rafecas issue national and international arrest warrants for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei over his alleged involvement in the attack.
Since 2006, Argentine authorities have sought the arrest of eight Iranians — including former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who died in 2017 — yet more than three decades after the deadly bombing, all suspects remain still at large.
In a post on X, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), the country’s Jewish umbrella organization, released a statement commemorating the 31st anniversary of the bombing.
“It was a brutal attack on Argentina, its democracy, and its rule of law,” the group said. “At DAIA, we continue to demand truth and justice — because impunity is painful, and memory is a commitment to both the present and the future.”
31 años del atentado a la AMIA – DAIA. 31 años sin justicia.
El 18 de julio de 1994, un atentado terrorista dejó 85 personas muertas y más de 300 heridas. Fue un ataque brutal contra la Argentina, su democracia y su Estado de derecho.
Desde la DAIA, seguimos exigiendo verdad y… pic.twitter.com/kV2ReGNTIk
— DAIA (@DAIAArgentina) July 18, 2025
Despite Argentina’s longstanding belief that Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah terrorist group carried out the devastating attack at Iran’s request, the 1994 bombing has never been claimed or officially solved.
Meanwhile, Tehran has consistently denied any involvement and refused to arrest or extradite any suspects.
To this day, the decades-long investigation into the terrorist attack has been plagued by allegations of witness tampering, evidence manipulation, cover-ups, and annulled trials.
In 2006, former prosecutor Nisman formally charged Iran for orchestrating the attack and Hezbollah for carrying it out.
Nine years later, he accused former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — currently under house arrest on corruption charges — of attempting to cover up the crime and block efforts to extradite the suspects behind the AMIA atrocity in return for Iranian oil.
Nisman was killed later that year, and to this day, both his case and murder remain unresolved and under ongoing investigation.
The alleged cover-up was reportedly formalized through the memorandum of understanding signed in 2013 between Kirchner’s government and Iranian authorities, with the stated goal of cooperating to investigate the AMIA bombing.
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Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns

Murad Adailah, the head of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, attends an interview with Reuters in Amman, Jordan, Sept. 7, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Jehad Shelbak
The Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist movements, has been implicated in a wide-ranging network of illegal financial activities in Jordan and abroad, according to a new investigative report.
Investigations conducted by Jordanian authorities — along with evidence gathered from seized materials — revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood raised tens of millions of Jordanian dinars through various illegal activities, the Jordan news agency (Petra) reported this week.
With operations intensifying over the past eight years, the report showed that the group’s complex financial network was funded through various sources, including illegal donations, profits from investments in Jordan and abroad, and monthly fees paid by members inside and outside the country.
The report also indicated that the Muslim Brotherhood has taken advantage of the war in Gaza to raise donations illegally.
Out of all donations meant for Gaza, the group provided no information on where the funds came from, how much was collected, or how they were distributed, and failed to work with any international or relief organizations to manage the transfers properly.
Rather, the investigations revealed that the Islamist network used illicit financial mechanisms to transfer funds abroad.
According to Jordanian authorities, the group gathered more than JD 30 million (around $42 million) over recent years.
With funds transferred to several Arab, regional, and foreign countries, part of the money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as illegal activities and cells.
In April, Jordan outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s most vocal opposition group, and confiscated its assets after members of the Islamist movement were found to be linked to a sabotage plot.
The movement’s political arm in Jordan, the Islamic Action Front, became the largest political grouping in parliament after elections last September, although most seats are still held by supporters of the government.
Opponents of the group, which is banned in most Arab countries, label it a terrorist organization. However, the movement claims it renounced violence decades ago and now promotes its Islamist agenda through peaceful means.
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