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The Disgusting Lies of Haaretz
“Gaza Is the Horror That Can’t Be Denied. But Israelis Will Try,“ writes Dahlia Scheindlin in a long piece in Haaretz, about the war that’s been going on in Gaza for over a year. Her point is pretty straightforward: Israelis always deny the atrocities they commit, no matter how strong the evidence — and they have been doing so from 1948 until today.
To prove her point, Scheindlin provides a series of cases from the last 76 years in which, she claims, both the State of Israel and Israelis were guilty of horrible crimes, but they refused to acknowledge their guilt, denied the obvious facts, and proclaimed their innocence.
But Scheindlin’s examples can be dismantled and falsified. Indeed, her hit piece against Israel serves as an excellent example of the propaganda war that’s been waged against Israel for decades. The goal of this war is to slander Israel and blame the Jewish State for the most terrible crimes — regardless of the facts.
Genocide and War Crimes in Gaza
Scheindlin starts with the worst accusation of all: genocide, and how both Palestinians and Israelis respond to this accusation:
And nothing inflames the debate more than the word “genocide.”
For Palestinians, genocide is a descriptive fact – anything else is a lie. For international courts, it is a legal convention, the International Court of Justice is deliberating South Africa’s charges, according to a high bar of evidence… For many Israelis, the word is an antisemitic plot and a lie.
Israel’s government already flatly denies lesser charges – war crimes, ethnic cleansing, a second Nakba…
In other words: for the Palestinians, genocide is being waged against them; for Israelis, the accusation is baseless; and the independent body of jurists — the International Court of Justice (ICJ — will decide who’s right. And in any case, even if there is no genocide, it’s clear that Israel is guilty of war crimes, which it also denies.
But the rejection of the claim that Israel commit systematic war crimes is not unique to Israel. In fact, it is consensus amongst non-Israeli military experts — high officers and scholars of war and military affairs from democratic countries who examined, studied and expressed their professional conclusion about Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza.
And the experts’ conclusion is that Israel does not engage in deliberate and unnecessary killing of civilians, and that it abides by the laws of war.
Among these experts are John Spencer, chair of urban warfare studies at the Modern War Institute at West Point, who said:
Israel has followed the laws of war, legal obligations, best practices in civilian harm mitigation and still found a way to reduce civilian casualties to historically low levels.
Sir John McColl, former Deputy Commander of NATO Forces: “I know Israel’s doing all it can to save civilians.”
Andrew Fox, lecturer at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst: “…all the actions they have taken since [Oct 7], are justified both morally and from a national security perspective.”
Geoffrey Corn, Chair of Military Law at Texas Tech Univ. & Lt Col US Army, and Lt. General George Smith: “Israel consistently implements its legal obligation to avoid, whenever feasibly, [civilian deaths].”
Colonel Richard Kemp, former Commander of the British troops in Afghanistan: “No army takes more precaution than the Israel Defense Forces in order to prevent civil casualties.”
Vincenzo Camporini, former head of the Italian armed forces, together with a group of retired generals from UK & US militaries: “[The] IDF has developed and implemented innovative procedures to mitigate the risk to civilians arising from attacks on valid military objectives.”
Others who support this view include Gen. Mark Milley, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Gen. David Petraeus, former commander of the American forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.
And a group of 7 US high ranking officers concluded in a special report that: Israel’s “[in] overall compliance with the Laws of Armed Conflict.”
There is no parallel group of that level who accuses Israel of violating the laws of war, or in deliberate unnecessary mass murder of civilian population. This is not “Israeli denialism.” Rather, it is the consensus amongst the relevant professionals.
“The Nakba” — 1948
Then Scheindlin turns to Israel’s great “original sin”: the flight of hundreds of thousands of Arabs from what became Israel, during the 1948 War of Independence. Here too, Israel denied its guilt and concealed the truth:
Israel’s leadership classified the archives related to the Nakba during the War of Independence, while David Ben-Gurion painstakingly cultivated the idea that most Palestinians left at their leaders’ instruction… Archives were declassified, scholars pieced together terrible truths, and Israel reclassified the material.
What “terrible truths” were revealed with the declassification of the archives?
The historian Professor Benny Morris, the prominent researcher of those archives in the early 1980s, concluded his book The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem with these words:
The Palestinian refugee problem was born of war, not by design, Jewish or Arab. It was largely a by-product of Arab and Jewish fears and of the protracted, bitter fighting that characterized the first Arab-Israeli war; in smaller part, it was the deliberate creation of Jewish and Arab military commanders and politicians (p. 286).
About 20 years later, more archival materials were declassified, and they brought Morris to somewhat revise his findings:
Birth Revisited describes many more atrocities and expulsions than were recorded in the original version of the book. But, at the same time, a far greater proportion of the 700,000 Arab refugees were ordered or advised by their fellow Arabs to abandon their homes than I had previously registered. It is clear from the new documentation that the Palestinian leadership in principle opposed the Arab flight from December 1947 to April 1948, while at the same time encouraging or ordering a great many villages to send away their women, children and old folk, to be out of harm’s way. Whole villages, especially in the Jewish- dominated coastal plain, were also ordered to evacuate.
In other words: the declassification of the archives revealed a reality of harsh war, and not unprecedented atrocities committed by Israel. In addition, even if most Arabs didn’t leave at the behest of their leaders, it was definitely true for many of them. This idea is not an invention of David Ben-Gurion, but a simple historical fact, which Dahlia Scheindlin happens to dislike.
The Tantura “Massacre” Affair
Scheindlin also mentions the story of the massacre that he IDF allegedly committed in the Arab village Tantura in 1948, according to the MA dissertation by Teddy Katz from 1998, which sparked an uproar:
Fellow academics unleashed smear campaigns and interviewees retracted their testimonies to Teddy Katz, whose master’s thesis chronicled a massacre by Israeli forces at Tantura in 1948 (that story is captured in an astonishing, eponymous film).
How many lies can be put in one sentence? First, there was no “smear campaign” by “fellow academics.” There were veteran, reputable historians who published their findings that there is no evidence of a massacre in Tantura, and that Teddy Katz’s thesis does not meet minimal academic standards.
Second of all, Katz’s interviewees did not “retract their testimonies.” They sued him, claiming that he distorted their testimonies unrecognizably, in order to support his pre-determined conclusion. And indeed, the trial revealed significant gaps between the recorded testimonies and how they have been quoted in the thesis, as well as other distortions and lies.
The Al-Dura Affair
Dahlia Scheindlin’s piece reaches the beginning of the first Intifada:
In recent years, denial efforts often focus on individual cases, picking apart tiny details to prove Israel’s innocence… Examples of these micro-denials include a cottage industry that emerged over years to prove that 12-year-old Mohammed al-Dura was not killed by Israeli fire in 2000, during the second intifada
The phrase “cottage industry” refers to “a business or manufacturing activity carried on in a person’s home.” That is, Scheindlin insinuates that the claims that Israel didn’t kill Mohammed al-Dura are based on some conspiracy theorists who investigated the case privately.
This claim has no basis. An Israeli investigative commission determined that the case of al-Durrah’s death was unclear, and that at the end of the infamous video supposedly showing his demise, the boy is seen alive. Moreover, the barrage of bullets that struck the boy could not have been fired from an IDF position, according to an Israeli police forensic expert, who took part in investigating the case. Dr. Yehuda David, who claimed to have already treated bullet scars on al-Durrah in 1994, was acquitted in a libel suit filed against him in French court.
But even if Sheindlin claims that all the above investigations and conclusions are Israeli propaganda, two main points stand:
- The video clip showing al-Durrah’s death contains zero evidence that the IDF killed the boy.
- Even if we accept the unproven allegation that al-Durrah died by IDF fire, he was not intentionally murdered, but rather caught in the crossfire between Israelis and armed Palestinians.
Which raises the question: why is Mohammed al-Dura’s death discussed 24 years after the event? The reason? It serves as a major propaganda tool to incite terrorism and murder against Jews and Israelis. That’s why it became a symbol.
Scheindlin is blind to the fact that in her efforts to malign Israel she only exposes the nature of anti-Israeli propaganda.
The Explosion at Al-Ahli Hospital
Scheindlin uses another case of the Palestinian propaganda, which in contrast to the al-Dura case, failed to become a major source for anti-Israeli propaganda:
If a terrible incident is wrongly attributed to Israel – such as the explosions at the Al-Ahli hospital early in the war, most likely by misfired munitions from Palestinian militias – this is leveraged as proof that Israel is innocent in all other cases.
Reminder: In the hour following the explosion at the Al-Ahli Hospital on October 17 2023, Hamas authorities claimed that Israel bombed the hospital and the people in it. The Palestinian Ministry of Health announced that 500 people were killed by the blast. Many major international media outlets accepted the Palestinian version as is, and delivered it to the world.
Only in the hours and days afterwards did evidence accumulate proving that it was a fabrication.
Media outlets and intelligence agencies around the world reached the conclusion: a failed Palestinian rocket hit the hospital’s parking lot, and the number of dead was lower by orders of magnitude than the initial claim.
Scheindlin doesn’t provide an example for someone who claims the Al-Ahli case proves that “Israel is innocent in all other cases.” But the case does showcase the motivation of the industry of lies to defame Israel at every opportunity, as well as the willingness of the international media to embrace every anti-Israeli lie, as long as that lie is not clearly exposed.
Northern Gaza
Finally, Scheindlin moves to discuss the IDF’s activity in the Northern Gaza Strip in recent weeks:
Israel is still starving, bombing and expelling the population of northern Gaza. Many suspect it is implementing the “General’s Plan,” which seeks to empty northern Gaza of Palestinians…
She also describes the proceedings in Israeli court regarding the paucity of humanitarian supplies entering northern Gaza. She writes about the call of Israeli settler leaders and coalition members to establish settlements there. The conclusion is clear: Israel is slaughtering, starving, and expelling hundreds of thousands of civilians in order to build settlements in their stead.
Meanwhile, this is the version of the IDF regarding the operation in Northern Gaza Strip (as far as Scheindlin is concerned, this is merely typical Israeli “denialism”):
The Israel Defense Forces said Sunday that troops had encircled Jabaliya amid a new ground operation targeting efforts by Hamas to reestablish itself in northern Gaza. […]
Amid the expanded operation, the IDF announced on Sunday that it was preparing to evacuate civilians from the entire north of Gaza and would increase the size of the Israeli-designated humanitarian zone in the southern Strip.
The zone, where the vast majority of the Gazan population currently reside, is where most humanitarian aid is being delivered. There are also field hospitals there.
The military also said it was opening up two evacuation routes for Palestinians — along the Salah a-Din road and the coastal road.
The evacuation order’s purpose, according to the IDF, is to minimize the damage to the Palestinian population, while fighting Hamas and preventing the terror organization from tightening its hold in the region.
Which version should we believe — the IDF’s or Dahlia Scheindlin’s?
Well, it’s easy to believe Sceindlin if we ignore the military reality on the ground and Hamas’ modus operandi. And Hamas’ reality on the ground, as explained by a recent document by the Washington Institute, is that Hamas is maintaining “shadow governance” wherever the IDF hasn’t cleared completely of the terror organization’s presence:
Hamas has employed various methods to demonstrate a presence on the ground, provide essential emergency services to the people, and—most important—prevent any other potential players from stepping into its shoes.
These methods include, among others, taking over the humanitarian aid and its distribution to the population; establishment of terror command centers and ammo depots well inside the civilian population; and violently preventing civilians from leaving to the humanitarian zones, including by shooting those who dare evacuate.
These are the conditions that Hamas created, which require evacuating the civilians, in order to fulfill the two goals: to end Hamas’ rule in Gaza, and to minimize civilian casualties.
Regarding the expansion of humanitarian zones, Scheindlin writes:
The IDF says it has expanded the humanitarian zones for Gazans, but Tania Hary, executive director of Gisha, an Israeli NGO working on human rights in Gaza and the lead petitioner, rejects that term: “There is nothing actually humanitarian about the humanitarian zone … there’s not enough aid or shelter for people there, and airstrikes still take place in the zone
And again, it’s very easy to portray Israel as a monster, as long as we ignore Hamas’ existence and the ways it chooses to operate throughout Gaza, even a year after it chose to start a war. And so Scheindlin hides from her readers the systematic theft of humanitarian supplies by Hamas; Hamas officials who hide in the humanitarian zones; the firing of rockets from those zones; and the use of humanitarian zones to establish command centers, weapon workshops, ammunition storages, and bases to launch attacks against Israeli forces.
Conclusion
It’s very easy to incriminate the Jewish State and portray her in a monstrous light, when you believe any lie that her enemies tell about her, and dismiss any evidence that exonerates Israel as worthless “denialism.” That how Dahlia Scheindlin dismisses the professional assessments of military experts regarding Israel’s conduct of war; what historians say about the 1948 war; the real meaning of the al-Dura and Al-Ahli hospital affairs; and what’s going on in the Northern Gaza Strip and the humanitarian zones.
Dahlia Scheindlin wanted to write an indictment against the Israelis’ propensity to reject and deny their crimes. But ironically, the manifest that she wrote is a good example of the way Israel’s haters would blame the Jewish State for anything, disregarding inconvenient facts.
Shlomi Ben Meir is a contributor to CAMERA, where a version of this article first appeared.
The post The Disgusting Lies of Haaretz first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Letter from Jasper: This hanukkiah miraculously survived Alberta’s summer wildfire
Warren Waxer has lived in Jasper, Alta., since 1980. His home, along with 358 others, was destroyed in the wildfire that roared through the town from July 22-24, 2024. Very little survived the intense flames—even his car keys were found melted in the rubble, he told The CJN. But as professional crews scoured the razed house, he writes, they uncovered one treasured object.
Three weeks after the wildfire that swept through Jasper National Park and the townsite, Team Rubicon arrived and got to work. Team Rubicon is a humanitarian group, led by military veterans, that helps clean up after disasters. Wearing hazmat suits and breathing masks, this group safely sifts through the ash and debris—the remains of people’s homes and businesses.
Other than the charred hulks of the furnace, fridge and stove, we couldn’t see much that could be salvaged, and we weren’t far wrong. When you see a couple of shiny metal parallel stripes on the grass where your aluminum ladder once was, you can’t be too hopeful.
Each item or partial item that the team recovered would be scrubbed of possible contaminants and was then presented us, the homeowners. We were handed a 35mm camera with the glass lens dripping out the front, shattered bits of marble sculpture, singed bits of pottery, and… wait, what’s that?
Our Hanukkah menorah!
A little worse for wear, listing backwards, missing a couple of nights and the shamash holder, but there it was, proud and defiant. From a fire that destroyed anything made of soft metal, somehow, this menorah lived to celebrate another Hanukkah.
It had been a bad month realizing that treasured memorabilia and family keepsakes were most likely gone. Looking at the basement that was now filled knee-deep with ash and the charred remains of a two-storey house, it was hard to be optimistic. The fact that the menorah survived has boosted our spirits considerably. It has also boosted the status of this menorah from perfectly serviceable (albeit unremarkable) to treasured family heirloom. Not bad for a small-town menorah.
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Mural of Holocaust Survivors in Italy Completely Painted Over in Antisemitic Vandalism
A mural in Milan, Italy, that depicts two Holocaust survivors was recently painted over by vandals, who defaced the artwork last month as well.
The mural, located in Milan’s Piazzale Loreto, was painted by renowned Italian contemporary pop artist and activist aleXsandro Palombo and unveiled on Sept. 28. It shows Italian Senate member for life Liliana Segre and Italian author Sami Modiano, two survivors of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp during the Holocaust. They are dressed in a striped uniform, worn by concentration camp inmates, underneath bulletproof jackets with yellow Stars of David badges that have the word “Jude” in the center. The badges resemble the ones Jews were forced to wear by the Nazis during World War II. The mural is titled “Anti-Semitism, History Repeating.”
Palombo shared on Dec. 2 that vandals painted over the entire mural with white paint, erasing it completely. He said in a released statement that he felt “profoundly embarrassed” by the vandalism. He described it as “an offense after the offense” and “the best way to hide antisemitism at a time when antisemitism is spreading and someone has also decided to deny honorary citizenship to a woman who survived the Holocaust.”
Palombo was referring to Pinero, a small town near Turin in Italy that recently rejected efforts to grant honorary citizenship to Segre. A public educator on the topic of the Holocaust, Italy’s President Sergio Mattarella named Segre a senator for life in 2018. This past November, the City Council of Pinero rejected a motion to confer honorary citizenship to Segre as a symbol in the fight against antisemitism. The move sparked controversy, especially in light of the fact that it took place not long after Pinero Mayor Luca Salvai displayed a Palestinian flag on the balcony of the town hall.
Palombo’s mural of Segre and Modiano was previously vandalized on Nov. 11. The yellow Stars of David and the faces of the Holocaust survivors were scraped off.
Ignazio La Russa, president of the Senate in Italy, denounced the mural’s most recent vandalism in an Italian-language post on X. “A coat of white paint applied by some idiot can erase a mural but not the memory,” he wrote. “In firmly condemning a vile act, we reiterate our strong no to anti-Semitism and extend our sincere solidarity to Senator Liliana Segre and Sami Modiano.”
Italy’s Holocaust memorial museum, the Fondazione Museo della Shoah, said, “These acts not only harm art, but undermine the value of memory, which is fundamental for building a conscious and just society.”
In October, a mural by Palombo that showcased Vlada Patapov — a survivor of the Nova music festival massacre that took place during the Hamas-led terrorist attack in Israel on Oct. 7 last year — was also defaced by vandals.
In November 2023, a month after the start of the Israel-Hamas war, Palombo painted a mural that featured Holocaust victim and teenage diarist Anne Frank next to a girl from the Gaza Strip. At the time, he made a second mural of a boy from Gaza dressed as a Hamas terrorist. The boy is depicted standing next to an adult terrorist and together they point their guns at a young Jewish boy from the Warsaw Ghetto during the Holocaust.
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Montreal’s mayor and police must take a stronger stance on anti-Israel protests, say local politicians
Montreal police (SPVM) are failing to use Criminal Code provisions and municipal bylaws to address unlawful and hate-related activities in the city on a regular basis, and a stronger tone needs to be set, say a trio of Montreal-area politicians.
Writing to Mayor Valérie Plante on Dec. 18, Mount Royal MP Anthony Housefather, along with Côte Saint-Luc Mayor Mitchell Brownstein and Westmount Mayor Christina Smith, expressed “deep concern” about the SPVM’s failure to address unlawful assembly, incitement to hatred, mischief, disturbing religious worship and intimidation, while preferring de-escalation in most cases.
Acknowledging civilian police oversight cannot direct daily operations or how cases are handled, the group wrote, “We can address deficiencies in policy and strategic guidance that have emboldened hate activists to regularly violate the law, without consequence.” The three signatories want to see policy direction to ensure zero tolerance for antisemitic crime and activity in Montreal, and “police robustly use the criminal law tools and municipal bylaws available to them to protect the public.”
They cite damage at Concordia University on Nov. 21 and Palais des congrès on Nov. 22 as a result of violent protesters; intimidation by demonstrators outside Shaar Hashomayim synagogue on Nov. 5, despite a court injunction; and activities in Westmount involving clear violations of municipal bylaws, among other instances. “The approach taken by SPVM appeared to be rooted, at least in part, in the desire to de-escalate, and thereby reduce violence,” which they say is a commendable goal—but add the current approach is flawed.
“Over-reliance” on non-enforcement to de-escalate has emboldened protesters and demonstrators to engage in intimidating, violent acts and unequivocal hate speech, they say, which police fail to recognize at protests, demonstrations and riots. “This hate speech promotes fear, emotional trauma and psychological harm on targeted community members, affecting the community’s perceived safety. It normalizes hatred, creating a culture that marginalizes those affected and makes future discrimination, hate crimes and general violence more likely.”
They contend the SPVM approach undervalues and undermines the rationale of criminalizing wilful promotion of hatred and betrays a lack of understanding of the full range of tools available to police. If the goal is to de-escalate and reduce violence, “the goal is not succeeding. Montreal, more than any other city in our country, is witnessing protests that are not peaceful, as hatemongers believe they can act with impunity, with few if any consequences.”
The City of Montreal & its police force need to improve the way they police demonstrations. Following meetings with Mayor Plante & police, Mayors @mbrownsteincsl & @smithwestmount & I have written to Mayor Plante to explain what needs to change & how to do it. pic.twitter.com/poo83sOeAR
— Anthony Housefather (@AHousefather) December 19, 2024
While Housefather, Brownstein and Smith took pains to praise officers on the ground and efforts to protect Jewish institutions since October 2023, they contend the SPVM is also undermining constitutional rights of those victimized.
They reminded Plante about Rabbi Adam Scheier, who was ordered by police to leave a Montreal street corner as a pro-Palestinian demonstration passed to avoid inciting the crowd, “in the misguided belief that intimidation is best addressed by capitulating to those who might hate a man wearing a kippah.” A few weeks earlier, Rabbi Scheier and attendees were advised by police to leave their synagogue through the back door to avoid an illegal demonstration.
They want the agglomeration (which governs shared municipal services like the SPVM but is effectively controlled by the City of Montreal) to have police use existing provisions to address unlawful activities associated with anti-Israel protests; conduct specialized training on hate crime investigations (repeating a request to call on Toronto attorney Mark Sandler to train police in hate crime investigations); implement zero-tolerance for antisemitism and other forms of hate; and ensure robust enforcement of all relevant laws.
The letter details how Criminal Code provisions may be applied but are ignored, for example, participating in unlawful assemblies and wearing masks or disguising oneself pursuant to section 66. Incitement to hatred, mischief, disturbing religious worship, counselling terrorist activity, and intimidation have all been duly recorded and witnessed multiple times over the last year by Montrealers, Jews and non-Jews alike, yet the SPVM, they write, continues to look the other way, preferring maintaining peace over enforcing order.
Missing from the Montreal police toolkit, they contend, is understanding the significance of protesters’ language and symbols, which requires expertise, noting some protest activities “speak powerfully to wilful promotion of hatred and incitement to hatred,” including glorification of terrorist symbols, slogans, and activities, praise for Oct. 7 architect and deceased Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar.
The letter was copied to SPVM Chief Fady Dagher, Chief Inspector Mohamed Bouhdid, and other elected officials, along with Deborah Lyons, the federal special envoy on preserving Holocaust remembrance and combatting antisemitism. It was delivered the same day as an appeal from the United Against Hate Canada (UAHC) advocacy group, urging all suburban mayors to address the issue.
Montreal has become the epicentre of antisemitism in Canada, says UAHC director general and former Montreal city councillor Marvin Rotrand, citing SPVM numbers indicating 238 reported hate crimes and incidents targeting Jewish communities since Oct.7, 2023. The Dec. 18 Beth Tikvah synagogue firebombing is the latest in a “growing list of violent incidents against Jews and Jewish institutions in Montreal.”
The SPVM says there have been 42 arrests in connection with anti-Israel demonstrations and antisemitic incidents in the city since October 2023, but refused to divulge any information about the cases, many of which, The CJN has learned, have not yet been turned over to Quebec prosecutors.
There have been few arrests or charges in Montreal in contrast to elsewhere in Canada, says Rotrand, who concurs with Côte Saint-Luc’s Brownstein, who recently charged that the tone is set by Montreal’s mayor, who has regularly expressed concerns that the free speech rights of protesters at hateful rallies targeting Israel need to be prioritized.
The Plante administration has been under a barrage of criticism over the last year for everything from anti-racism commissioner Bochra Manaï attending the rally where Adil Charkaoui called for God to slay all Zionists, to the administration’s condemnations of Islamophobia in the same breath as every statement on antisemitism, and proclamations of Montreal as a “city of peace.”
The letter comes as the SPVM releases a collection of photos three weeks following the destructive anti-NATO riots in Montreal, seeking the public’s help identifying suspects. That suggests a sluggish response, say critics, and a product of the SPVM strategy arresting perpetrators after incidents to avoid intensifying situations, but also minimizing any immediate deterrence.
Last week, Brownstein posted a message to Plante, offering as example how south shore Longueuil police and Sûreté du Québec officers acted in swift and muscular fashion without incident to clear protesters in their respective jurisdictions. “We are at an inflection point in the history of the city of Montreal,” he said. “The world is watching the streets of Montreal and is horrified by what they see.”
Rotrand laid some blame with Plante’s close colleagues, particularly Côte des Neiges-Notre Dame de Grâce borough mayor Gracia Katahwa, who slammed an action plan to combat antisemitism that was penned by one MP, two MNAs and several municipal politicians in west-end Montreal.
Plante’s point-person on fighting racism objected to a recommendation to allow off-duty, armed police officers, or specially trained security guards who carry weapons as when transporting cash for private business, to be hired to secure Jewish schools and institutions targeted by hate crimes and violence. She derided the report as “American-style gun-centred solutions.” Rotrand also cited Manaï’s behaviour and city councillor Alex Norris’s public support for the boycott, diverstment and sanctions movement.
At agglo council Dec. 19, Smith demanded action as residents, including many seniors, are subjected to weekly demonstrations and often blocked from entering or leaving their homes for hours on end, and businesses cannot be accessed or are forced to close early. “We need to see clear and easy access to homes and businesses,” she said, asking Plante to meet with police “to make sure all the bylaws of the City of Westmount are respected.”
The response came from Norris, who said he understand that some of the 400 demonstrations “can disturb and create inconveniences, but above all the right to demonstrate is enshrined in the constitution and charters of Canada and Quebec—and the mission of the SPVM, our mission, is to ensure the security of everybody. That’s residents, businesses, demonstrators, everybody, and we will respect the independence and professionalism of the SPVM.”
Smith was unimpressed. “I understand all that; everybody understands that. But noise, activities—sometimes it’s after midnight and for these people, it has been 15 months like this.” Businesses that survived COVID, she said, must now close a few times a week. “We have bylaws for this. It’s simple.”
Plante agreed her concerns were valid. “Bylaws must be respected, and we’ve had this conversation,” she said, pledging to follow up. “We have to go further and look at among other things, night disturbances and people feeling safe. That’s absolutely essential.”
For his part, Brownstein explained to agglo council that Criminal Code prohibitions already exist against unlawful assemblies and mask-wearing during such events. “Are police aware?” he asked Plante, adding they may need reminding or expert training. Norris said the city will look at Brownstein’s recommendations, “but with respect of the autonomy and professionalism of the police to make sure there is no interference in operational affairs.” Brownstein lauded police in his city for the work they do but said it’s time for Montreal to adopt “zero tolerance…. It’s enough.” He said a stronger tone is required, as are more arrests.
Plante called it “odd for you to tell us to interfere and tell the police what to do. I understand the feelings many people have but we must not interfere with forces of law and order because it creates problems for our democracy…. You have the right to not like my answer…. Since the beginning of the terrorist attacks by Hamas and afterwards, what’s happened in Palestine and with 400 demonstrations, we know it’s difficult for the Jewish community, absolutely, and we denounce it every single time.”
She said she will look at recommendations. “I understand the insecurity, but we’re not going to tell police what to do. Don’t ask me to tell the police what to do. I will always refuse.”
While Plante is not seeking a third term, her party, Projet Montréal, will contest the 2025 election, and Côte-des-Neiges—Notre-Dame-de-Grâce Mayor Gracia Kasoki Katahwa has already declared her interest in a city mayoralty run. In an email last week, Rotrand told supporters that, while his group rarely takes overt political positions, “We are calling for the defeat of Projet Montréal. Its total lack of empathy for the Jewish community should be one of the prime reasons for its defeat.”
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