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How a complete unknown created one of the most iconic music events of the 1970’s
“I’ve always been a stranger,” Ido Fluk told me when I met him in a near-empty conference room in a sleek, Nordic-designed hotel in Berlin this past February. It was the afternoon after the Berlin Film Festival’s world premiere of the Israeli director’s German-language film, Köln 75, a kinetic behind-the-scenes look at Keith Jarrett’s famous live album, The Köln Concert. Jarrett improvised the hour-long set at the Cologne Opera House on Jan. 24, 1975, on a substandard piano — a beat-up baby grand rehearsal piano instead of the 10-foot-long Bösendorfer Imperial he’d been promised.
The film has grossed over a million dollars at the German box office — no mean feat for a domestic production — and was nominated for four Lola awards (Germany’s version of the Oscars) including Best Picture.
Fluk, 40ish, with tousled hair and a thick mustache, stubble and round, dark-framed glasses, had a peripatetic upbringing. Born in Tel Aviv, he was raised both there and in Paris, where his family relocated for five years during his childhood. Just shy of 20, he moved to New York City to study at N.Y.U.’s Tisch School of the Arts.
He returned to Israel to shoot his first feature film, Never Too Late (2011) about a young Israeli man who comes home after eight years in South America and takes a road trip in his 1985 Volvo through the country he left behind. It holds the unusual distinction of being the first crowd-funded Israeli film and won the main prize at the Fribourg Film Festival. Fluk shot his next film, The Ticket (2016), about a blind man who regains his vision, in Kingston, New York. Köln 75 was filmed largely on location in Cologne.
“I’ve always been, like, moving around. So for me, it’s very natural to go to a new country to make a film,” said Fluk. “I also think it’s the story of cinema a little bit these days where art house cinema in the States is kind of a dying breed. You see more and more filmmakers from the U.S. traveling to Europe.”
“And, you know,” he added, “it’s also kind of the story of Keith Jarrett in the 70s, which is that jazz musicians were losing their audiences in the States, and they started coming to Europe, because in Europe they still found an eager audience for their work. So I could identify with that, in a way.”
Fluk was wearing a black T-shirt for the British punk rock band Idles that showed a man in a balaclava posing with a birthday cake. The image was captioned, “JOY STILL AN ACT OF RESISTANCE.” Fluk has a musical background. When he moved to New York, he played bass for “all these punk bands that never made it.” One band that sort of did was Elephant Parade, a lo-fi indie outfit that he formed with his now-partner, Estelle Baruch. They played legendary venues and festivals like CBGB and South by Southwest and even opened for Beirut.
“I’m not a good musician by any means,” he said, “but it helps you understand just how difficult what Jarrett is doing. It’s such a feat, what this man was doing in the 70s, which means driving in this tiny car, and every night showing up at a new city and playing a new thing that nobody’s ever heard before. He doesn’t think about it. He just starts playing.”
Despite, or perhaps because of, the respect that Fluk has for Jarrett (a reclusive artist, now 80, who had nothing to do with the film), the director did not set out to make a conventional biopic. Instead, the narrative and emotional center of the film, which Fluk also wrote, is Vera Brandes, the 18-year-old self-made concert promoter who, 50 years ago, signed Jarrett for the gig, sold out the venue, and convinced the reluctant pianist to perform on a subpar keyboard for the 1400-strong crowd that packed into the Cologne Opera House for the 11:30 pm concert. (The late hour was due to a performance of Alban Berg’s Lulu earlier that evening, a wonderfully strange detail that makes it into the film).
“There are a lot of movies about music that tell you the same story. It’s about the artist. It’s about his rise. There’s some complication, then there’s a comeback, there’s a big show at the end. And here was a story about the woman behind the scenes. It wasn’t a story about the artist so much as about the promoter and the invisible people behind the artist. I thought that was really interesting and fresh,” Fluk said. At the start of the shoot, Fluk invited Brandes, now 69, to visit the set, an event that he recalled as inspiring for him and the film’s team.
“She’s like a punk rock goddess from the 70s who, like, changed the world and never got a proper thank you. This was an opportunity to shine a light on her, because however good Keith Jarrett is, no Vera Brandes, no ‘Cologne Concert.’ If Keith Jarrett had the perfect piano on stage that night, the album wouldn’t sound the way it sounds, and it wouldn’t be as special as it is,” he said.
Mala Emde, a 29-year-old German actress, plays Brandes as a spirited and determined young woman striking out on her own, using her charm, enthusiasm and tenacity to navigate (and often bluff her way through) an exciting adult world that she cannot wait to enter. Emde carries the film on her capable shoulders. Jarrett, performed with brittle world-weariness by the American actor John Magaro, is another standout.
Köln 75 was in pre-production for four years and Fluk used that time to learn German. “By the time we were shooting, I already understood German. Now I can read, I can understand – I don’t like speaking it because I sound like an idiot — but it was enough for me to hear actors improvise, which was really important for me in this film, because it’s a film about improvisation and it needed to feel free,” he said. He added that Michael Winterbottom’s 2002 film 24 Hour Party People, about the birth of rave culture in late 1970s Manchester, was a key inspiration in terms of tone and energy, calling it “the spirit animal of this film.”
Fluk didn’t reveal too much about his upcoming projects, which include an HBO series based on the bestselling non-fiction book Empty Mansions and a legal thriller about the trial of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, which Fluk described as “a really beautiful script and really important story about American Jews and the way they were perceived in America.”
With so many stateside projects lined up, can we expect Fluk to film again in Europe or Israel in the future?
“If the story I want to tell is located there? Absolutely,” he said. “I am very agnostic about territory. I have a film, and the film says where it needs to be shot, then we go there and shoot it.”
Köln 75 begins its theatrical run at the IFC Center in New York on Oct. 17. (It opens a week later in Los Angeles).
The post How a complete unknown created one of the most iconic music events of the 1970’s appeared first on The Forward.
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Think the left is politically violent? Young Republicans have a wake-up call for you
“I love Hitler,” one individual wrote, in leaked texts from a Young Republicans group chat that Politico reported on earlier this week. Over the course of several months earlier this year, the chat’s participants talked about sending those who worked against them in their quest for political power to gas chambers. One person, referring to a Jewish colleague, wrote that a fellow texter was giving “the Jew” too much credit.
Condemnation came quickly — but not from the White House.
While some members of the chat were fired by their Republican bosses, and others found their chapters of the Young Republicans disbanded, the reaction from the top was defensive. Vice President JD Vance downplayed the texts by comparing them to violent texts sent in 2022 by Jay Jones, who is running to be Virginia’s attorney general. “This is far worse than anything said in a college group chat, and the guy who said it could become the AG of Virginia,” Vance posted on X.
But in attempting to deflect attention from the violent fantasies of GOP youth, Vance actually highlighted why they’re so concerning. If our collective understanding of whose urges toward political violence matter most hinges on the question of who has power, we should be more concerned by those urges on the right.
Yes, even when they’re expressed in a “college group chat” with limited practical influence. Because when we look at who actually has power in this country, we can see quite clearly that it’s the reactionary right. The chat is yet more evidence of the ways in which that political sector has normalized and elevated violent, extremist hatred, including antisemitism — and why we should see that normalization as a pressing problem.
The Republicans in power in the White House and Congress, and their powerful allies in conservative media, have succeeded in making the idea of the politically violent left seem like the primary threat. If one consumes certain media, one gets the impression that cities are being destroyed by violent leftists, and that the greatest threat to American Jews today is the left.
But the truth — although President Donald Trump’s administration pulled down the government web page that laid out the data — is that the right is the most common source of political violence in this country. And, unlike the left, it is so with the backing of the most powerful people in the country.
Consider the fallout from the murder of the prominent young conservative activist Charlie Kirk.
Trump officials and various figures across the right jumped to blame the murder on leftist political violence, long before a suspect was publicly identified. They blamed their political enemies for the killing and vowed to crush them, going so far as pushing to get people fired for not having the response to Kirk’s death that they deemed appropriate. (More than 145 people did in fact lose their jobs).
In other words, the right cast political violence as something that should automatically be perceived as a leftwing problem — one that could be solved by some of the most powerful people vilifying the everyday people who disagreed with them, including nurses, restaurant managers and professors, while leaving calls for reactionary violence against the left unchecked.
This was not calls for violence and punishment ping ponging back and forth from side to side. It was those with power blaming and seeking to punish those with whom they disagreed.
Perhaps some do not consider members of the Young Republicans to have power just yet. But surely all can agree that the Pentagon official pushing a conspiracy about Leo Frank, and the various White House officials with ties to antisemitic extremists — to take just a few examples — do. The Young Republicans in this chat are training to be the next generation of people in these roles. They are following the example that’s been set for them, and working to stitch it more firmly in the fabric of the right.
Seeing this clearly is especially pertinent for American Jews in grappling with antisemitism today.
This is not to say that there isn’t antisemitism on the left as well as the right. Of course there is. I have no doubt that some readers of this piece will be thinking of the images of college protesters against the war in Gaza, some of whom did indeed cross over into antisemitism. There have been significant cases in which antisemitism from those on the left has led to vandalism and even, tragically, violence.
But those college protesters, the vast majority of whom were peaceful, do not have any real power.
It may feel like they do, particularly for students who feel lost or excluded in the campus political climate. But real power on campus is held by the board of trustees. It is held by the people who have too often, recently, decided to compromise academic freedom in order to try to placate Congress and the administration over weaponized charges of student antisemitism.
Congress and the president have still more power. And they, as Vance’s dismissal of the hatred from the group chat signifies, are comfortable normalizing hatred when it comes from within their own ranks.
I sympathize with young people navigating their feelings about Jewish identity and Zionism who have felt ostracized or demonized by their peers. But their peers cannot arrest, detain and threaten to deport them. Those who hold real power can and do, and are doing so ostensibly to fight antisemitism — just ask Mahmoud Khalil.
And yet, at the same time, the FBI is being helmed by someone who has repeatedly appeared on a podcast hosted by a prominent Holocaust denier.
It may be that many of us are more likely, in our everyday lives, to encounter someone who is leftwing and blurs the line between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. But that we are more likely to encounter this kind of antisemitism more often in a social context does not change the basic math. The right in this country, which holds power in the White House, Congress and the Supreme Court, is made up of individuals who have shown themselves to be at best disinterested in ridding their movement of calls for discriminatory political violence. And they are the ones whose decisions have the ability to actually affect the essential conditions of our lives.
And so, in this one extremely limited way, we should listen to Vance. We should look at who has actual power, and think critically about the ways in which they have advanced — or facilitated the advance of — racist, extremist, xenophobic and, yes, antisemitic political rhetoric. Because when we do that, we can see that there is no equivalence. It is those who have power — real power — who are making ours a more politically violent country.
The post Think the left is politically violent? Young Republicans have a wake-up call for you appeared first on The Forward.
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Families of Deceased US Hostages Still Held by Hamas in Gaza Call for Maximum Pressure to Ensure Return of Sons’ Bodies
Ronen and Orna Neutra, parents of US-Israeli citizen Omer Neutra who was killed during the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas, speak accompanied by their family, as Hamas continues to hold Omer’s body hostage in Gaza, at the Kennedy Center in Washington, DC, US, Oct. 7, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Annabelle Gordon
Despite widespread celebration over the release of the last 20 living Israeli hostages being held in Gaza, the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas has still not handed over the remains of 19 deceased hostages, including the bodies of two Americans with dual citizenship.
The families of Itay Chen, 19, and Omer Neutra, 21 — both American-Israeli dual citizens who were born in the US and served in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) — are intensifying calls for the return of their sons’ remains more than two years after they were murdered during Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of and massacre across southern Israel.
“My son, Itay Chen, is still in Gaza and we have no confidence he will be returned soon, as the deal signed does not provide guarantees that all the hostages will return this week. And until he, and every last hostage, is home, our fight is not over,” Chen’s father, Ruby, wrote earlier this week in an op-ed for USA Today, referring to the US-brokered ceasefire and hostage-release deal that halted fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza.
Hamas-led Palestinian terrorists from Gaza kidnapped 251 hostages and murdered 1,200 people during their Oct. 7 rampage. All the living hostages still in captivity were released on Monday as part of the ceasefire. However, the Palestinian terrorist group has still not handed over the remains of 19 out of the remaining 28 deceased hostages, violating its obligation under the agreement to release everyone who was abducted during the Oct. 7 atrocities.
Israel has demanded full compliance with the ceasefire, accusing Hamas of flouting its terms. Hamas claims the destruction of Gaza has made locating all the bodies unfeasible, saying that “significant efforts and special equipment” are necessary to continue the search.
“Israel has made this mistake before. Following previous wars, the government failed to bring home several captured soldiers, even when the world promised to help. Some of those soldiers’ remains have been lost forever. We cannot allow history to repeat itself,” Chen wrote.
Neutra’s father, Ronen, has expressed similar sentiments.
“I expect the United States to exert strong pressure on the mediators,” Neutra told Fox News Digital. “We’ve heard that Washington has spoken directly with Hamas in Egypt, and we demand full implementation of the agreement — or serious consequences: halting humanitarian aid, and stopping the movement of goods and people through the Rafah crossing.”
“Our expectation is for President Trump to ensure that the two American citizens still held by Hamas — our son Omer and Itay Chen — are brought home for burial,” he continued. “After two years of fighting for this, we deserve closure — and our son deserves proper burial in the land he loved and defended.”
Neutra added that he met with Trump on Monday and said the US president “assured us he would do everything to bring our children home.”
US Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-MD) on Wednesday released a statement praising the release of the 20 living hostages while calling attention to the remaining captives in Gaza, adding that Israelis deserve both protection and honor in life and death.
“As we build on the progress we made with the first stage of the peace agreement between Israel and Hamas, I urge President Donald Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Special Envoy Steve Witkoff to keep applying pressure to fulfill the deal’s terms to return the remains of the deceased hostages still held in Gaza – especially the two Americans among them, Itay Chen and Omer Neutra,” Hoyer said.
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Oklahoma made Bibles mandatory in schools. The new superintendent is reversing course.
Oklahoma public schools will no longer require Bibles in classrooms or use a biblical curriculum, state superintendent Lindel Fields announced Thursday.
Fields’ predecessor, Ryan Walters, resigned last month following repeated controversy over his focus on culture war issues and accusations that his office television screened explicit images during a meeting with education officials. Walters had made Bible-centered instruction a hallmark of his tenure and mandated that every public school classroom in Oklahoma have a state-approved copy.
The directive drew lawsuits from faith leaders and parents who argued that the Bible mandate violated the First Amendment’s establishment clause.
Now, attorneys for the Oklahoma State Department of Education said they will notify the court of the reversal in policy and file a motion to dismiss. Opponents of Walters’ policies hailed the decision as a win for the separation of church and state.
“This is the right move,” said state Rep. Melissa Provenzano, a Democrat who represents Tulsa. “Religious guidance is deeply personal to every family. It belongs in the rightful hands of parents and guardians, not our public schools.”
The turnabout comes amid a growing push to infuse Christianity into public schools. Last November, a federal judge struck down a Louisiana law requiring schools to display the Ten Commandments. The case is expected to reach the Supreme Court. Similar lawsuits over a law requiring the Ten Commandments in schools are ongoing in Texas.
Walters, interviewed by the Forward last July, defended his policy as a way to teach the Bible in the context of history rather than as a religious text. He said biblical history could also be incorporated into subjects like art and mathematics.
“How do you cover the artwork and not mention the Bible when you’re looking at the Renaissance?” Walters said.
Walters, who is now working as CEO of the Teacher Freedom Alliance, an organization that opposes the influence of teachers’ unions, weighed in on the reversal with a post on X.
“I could not be more disappointed in the decision to move away from empowering our teachers in Oklahoma to use a foundational document like the Bible in the classroom,” Walters posted. “The war on Christianity is real.”
The post Oklahoma made Bibles mandatory in schools. The new superintendent is reversing course. appeared first on The Forward.