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ADL enlists major law firms to launch pro bono network for antisemitism cases
The Anti-Defamation League is launching a nationwide legal service to connect victims of antisemitism with lawyers who are able to take their cases on a pro-bono basis.
The initiative comes as the ADL has increasingly turned to litigation as a tactic — the group says it has filed more lawsuits and legal complaints in the last years than in its previous 110 years combined.
Announced on Wednesday, the ADL Legal Action Network comes out of a partnership with Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, one of the largest law firms in the country. In total, more than 40 firms have agreed to participate, collectively tapping a pool of 39,000 attorneys.
The network will accept online submissions involving discrimination, intimidation, harassment, vandalism or violence and use artificial intelligence to evaluate them. Tips that make it through the system will be referred to partner firms or the ADL’s in-house litigators.
“For decades, victims of antisemitism have come to ADL to receive frontline services,” ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt said in a statement. ”We are now dramatically expanding our capabilities to support more Jewish Americans by helping to provide direct access to legal support anywhere in the country.”
Gibson Dunn partner Orin Snyder called the network an “unprecedented legal firewall against antisemitism, extremism, and hate.”
The initiative comes as the ADL, which is flush with donations, retreats from some of its traditional advocacy and educational work while facing an onslaught from the right, including the cutting of longstanding ties to the FBI after the agency’s director, Kash Patel, said the ADL has been “functioning like a terrorist organization.” (The group has also faced criticism from the left.)
The group recently eliminated an online resource known as the Glossary of Extremism and Hate, which counted more than 1,000 entries after accusations of bias by conservatives. It has also, for example, eliminated a signature anti-bias training for students and school teachers that included a focus on racism and LGBTQ issues.
Greenblatt has said he is intentionally retooling the organization to prioritize countering antisemitism as American Jews report increased harassment and discrimination.
The legal network formalizes and expands the Campus Antisemitism Legal Line, which Gibson Dunn launched with the ADL, Hillel International and the Louis D. Brandeis Center in 2023. The ADL says CALL has received nearly 1,000 reports from 230 campuses and helped spur civil rights complaints and criminal cases. The new system extends that model beyond higher education to workplaces, public accommodations and allegations involving extremist organizations and individuals.
One example that originated with a tip is a federal complaint filed by the ADL and its partners in June alleging that a high school in the Boston suburbs failed to protect Jewish students from antisemitism.
The complaint said that Concord-Carlisle High School and Concord Middle School became hotbeds for abuse of Jewish of students, including “Nazi salutes in school hallways, students dividing themselves into teams called ‘Team Auschwitz; and ‘Team Hamas’ during athletic games, swastikas drawn in notebooks and on school property, and the use of antisemitic slurs such as ‘kike,’ ‘dirty Jew,’ and ‘go to the gas chamber,’” according to the ADL. School administrators allegedly downplayed or dismissed students’ complaints.
The district has said it takes antisemitism seriously and that it is cooperating with officials. It also said it is consulting with Jewish groups as it reviews its classroom policies and training programs.
Directing the expanded network is James Pasch, who was tapped in 2023 to head a new litigation division for the organization. In an interview, Pasch said the organization is deliberately making the courthouse a central arena.
“ADL does and has done, historically, three things incredibly well — we educate, we advocate and we investigate — and now we litigate,” he said. The aim, he added, is to “create life-altering costs to perpetrators who are committing illicit acts of antisemitism,” develop case law that better protects Jews, and give victims “a necessary outlet to tell their story in a complete way.”
Pasch said the ADL’s litigation team has grown into “like a boutique litigation firm inside ADL,” with roughly seven litigators plus support staff, while most large matters proceed with support from outside law firms. The expansion comes amid skyrocketing fundraising, which topped $170 million in annual donations, according to its most recent audited financial statements — a $65 million increase over its best year.
Pasch said settlements, or even the threat of a filing, can lead to immediate impact and set standards for other institutions.
The ADL’s case list since Oct. 7 ranges across campuses, K-12 districts, workplaces and terror-finance suits. The group filed federal actions seeking to hold Iran, Syria and North Korea responsible for allegedly supporting Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack; separate complaints invoke Title VI against universities and school districts over what the ADL calls failures to adequately respond to antisemitism. The organization has also backed a church lawsuit targeting intimidation by a white supremacist group.
The initiative comes as many large firms reportedly recalibrate their pro bono work under pressure from the Trump administration, which has elevated antisemitism as a signature priority. To avoid becoming targets over more politically sensitive matters such as immigration and asylum, some firms are reportedly steering clear of those cases. Partnering with Jewish organizations on antisemitism claims lets the firms align with an issue the administration has endorsed.
Under President Donald Trump, the Department of Justice has reorganized its civil rights division to focus on a narrow list of priorities, among them antisemitism. The department has launched probes into universities accused of mishandling last year’s protests over the war in Gaza, and last month brought charges against an alleged Palestinian militant who participated in Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel before entering the United States as an immigrant.
Pasch said he welcomes federal efforts but added that increased government action is no reason for civil society to let up the legal pressure.
“This is a moment that will take an all-of-society approach from the government, to NGOs, to private business,” he said. “In legal cases, the Justice Department generally does not represent private individuals who are victims of antisemitism, but ADL along with our partners in firms have the ability to bring those cases to the forefront.”
The ADL is not the only Jewish group also ratcheting up litigation.
The Brandeis Center, a Washington, D.C.–based nonprofit dedicated to advancing “civil and human rights of the Jewish people” on Monday announced five new hires. The group is led by Kenneth Marcus, who is credited with pioneering the use of federal civil rights law — especially Title VI — to address antisemitism in education.
The pro-Israel group StandWithUs reports that its legal team has tripled in since the Oct. 7 attacks and has been publishing semiannual reports detailing new cases.
The increase in legal activity comes amid a broader debate about how to balance civil rights enforcement with free-speech protections. As part of settlement negotiations, the ADL has demanded that school districts and universities formally adopt what’s known as the IHRA definition of antisemitism.
But civil liberties groups and Palestinian-rights advocates have criticized the use of Title VI complaints tied to the IHRA definition because they say aggressive enforcement can stifle political discussions about Israel. The ADL and its partners counter that the cases target conduct — harassment, threats, discrimination — not viewpoints, and that filings have already yielded concrete changes on campuses and in districts.
In explaining how he selects what cases to pursue, Pasch said the criteria include whether a filing would disrupt harmful activity, strengthen or establish law, and give victims a full voice.
“We can’t heal the injured and we can’t bring people back from the dead,” he said. “But we can provide a voice and some semblance of relief for victims, whether that be policy change or monetary relief.”
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The post ADL enlists major law firms to launch pro bono network for antisemitism cases appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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A Saturday night in Portland, very close to the ICE building
ס׳איז געווען אַ שטילע נאַכט אין פּאָרטלאַנד, אָרעגאָן. מײַן חבֿר ברונאָ, אַ משפּחה־דאָקטער װאָס אַרבעט אויפֿן געביט פֿון עפֿנטלעכן געזונט פֿאַר דער שטאָט, האָט פּאַרקירט זײַן אױטאָ אין אַ טונקעלער גאַס אַ פּאָר בלאָקן פֿונעם „אײַס“־קאָמפּלעקס.
„אײַס“ זענען די ראשי־תּיבֿות פֿון דער אַמעריקאַנער אימיגראַציע־אַגענטור, וואָס האָט זינט אָקטאָבער 2024 אַרעסטירט מער ווי 185,000 אומדאָקומענטירטע אימיגראַנטן.
„װילסט טראָגן דעם האָן־קאָסטיום?“ האָט ער מיך געפֿרעגט. דאָס ערשטע מאָל אין מײַן לעבן הער איך אַזאַ פֿראַגע. איך זאָג זיך אָפּ, און ער קװעטשט זיך אַרײַן אין דעם אייגנאַרטיקן פֿאַרשטעלעכץ.
אין פּאָרטלאַנד בין איך געפֿאָרן צוליב אַ קאָנפֿערענץ. נישט געקוקט אױף די בויך־סבֿרות פֿון דאָנאַלד טראָמפּ, איז דאָס אַ שײנע שטאָט, פֿול מיט אײגנאַרטיקע װעגעטאַרישע רעסטאָראַנען, מאָדישע שענקען און אַ סך בריקן אַרום אַ בילד־שײנעם טײַך. מע האָט אויך געזען הײמלאָזע אױף די גאַסן אָבער דאָס איז שוין אַ טײל פֿון דער לאַנדשאַפֿט אין כּמעט יעדער גרויסער אַמעריקאַנער שטאָט, אַ סימן פֿון אונדזערע אומגלײַכקײטן.
נאָר צופֿעליק כאַפּט מען זיך אַז נישט אַלץ איז פֿױגלדיק. אָפּשטאַטנדיק אַ װיזיט אין אַ היגער קליניק, האָב איך באַמערקט די באַװוּסטע שילדן, װאָס װאָרנט „אײַס“ נישט אַרײַנצוטרעטן אָן אַ יורידישן באַפֿעל. פֿאַרבײַגײענדיק אױף דער גאַס, הער איך אונטער װי עס רעדט אַ פּאָרל. זי: „איך באָד זיך אין חובֿות. אַפֿשר זאָל איך זיך פֿאַרשרײַבן פֿאַר אַן אײַס־אַגענט, מע זאָל מיר פֿאַרגעבן די חובֿות.“ ענטפֿערט ער אַ שאָקירטער: „רעד נישט אַזעלכע רײד אין דער עפֿנטלעכקײט!“
װי באַװוּסט װערט פּאָרטלאַנד די טעג אָפֿט מאָל דערמאָנט אין די נײַעס, װײַל טראָמפּס אױפֿמערק האָט זיך פֿיקסירט אױף איר, װוּ עס בושעװעט כּלומרשט אַ מלחמה. כאָטש די אײנציקע קריג װאָס איך האָב דאָרט געזען איז געװען דאָס שטופּעניש אין מײַן האָטעלס לאָבי־באַר, האָב איך באַשלאָסן זיך אַריבערצוכאַפּן אין די בלאָקן לעבן „אײַס“־בנין. און דערפֿאַר האָט מײַן חבֿר זיך אָנגעטאָן דעם הון־קאָסטום.
צוליב דעם וואָס איך בין אָנגעקומען אין פּאָרטלאַנד נאָך שבת האָב איך פֿאַרפֿעלט די דעמאָנסטראַציע מיט אַ 100 מענטשן װאָס איז פֿריִער פֿאָרגעקומען, נאָר איך האָב יאָ געזען דעם עולם װאָס זאַמלט זיך דאָרט חדשים לאַנג, און װאָס טראָמפּ װיל באַקעמפֿן מיט דער נאַציאָנאַלער גװאַרדיע.
אַלץ איז געװען גאַנץ פֿרידלעך, כאָטש אַקטיװ. מ׳איז געשטאַנען אין קרײַזלעך, רעדנדיק, אַ מאָל גאַנץ הױך. עטלעכע „יוטובער“ טיפּן האָבן פֿילמירט.
ניק שירלי, אַ 22-יאָריקער װידעאָ־בלאָגער און „קאָנטענט־שאַפֿער“, האָט מיר געזאָגט, „איך בין דאָ צו רעדן מיט מענטשן [אױפֿן אינטערנעט] צו זאָגן זײ װאָס דאָ קומט פֿאָר. אַנטי־פֿאַ און פּראָטעסטירער פֿאַרנעמען די געגנט צו פּראָטעסטירן ׳אײַס׳.“ אַזעלכע פֿילמירערס, אַרומשפּאַנענדיק מיט אַפּאַראַטן אין דער האַנט און מאָבילקעס אױף סעלפֿי־שטעקנס, האָבן געשאַפֿן גיכער אַ מין צירק־געפֿיל, איידער אַן אײַנדרוק פֿון אַ קאָכעדיקן פּראָטעסט.
אַפֿשר אַ פֿופֿציק מענטשן זײַנען געשטאַנען אױף דער גאַס לעבן דעם „אײַס“־בנין יענעם שבת־צו־נאַכט, שרײַענדיק אױף די אַגענטן װאָס האָבן זיך אַװעקגעשטעלט אױפֿן דאַך. טעראָן, אַ 19-יאָריקער, האָט געזאָגט אַז ער איז געקומען כּדי זיך אַקעגנצושטעלן קעגן „אײַס.“ ניקאָל, 22 יאָר, האָט געזאָגט, „מע נעמט אַװעק אונדזערע קאָנסטיטוציאָנעלע רעכט. דערפֿאַר זײַנען מיר דאָ.“
ברי, אַ יונגע, נידעריקע פֿרױ איז געשטאַנען אין מיטן אַ קרײַזל מענטשן, האַלטנדיק פֿעסט אין דער הײך אַ מעקסיקאַנער פֿאָן. „װאָס טוסטו דאָ?“ האָב איך זי אַ פֿרעג געטאָן. „מיר פּראָטעסטירן קעגן דעם ׳אײַס׳־בנין און לאָזן פֿלאַטערן די פֿאָן כּדי אַרױסצוּװײַזן סאָלידאַריטעט מיט אונדזערע מעקסיקאַנער ברידער און שװעסטער, װאָס װערן עטניש גערײניקט.“
אַז אַ פֿרױ, װאָס האָט נישט געװאָלט געבן איר נאָמען, האָט געהערט אַז איך שרײַב פֿאַר אַ ייִדישער צײַטונג, האָט זי האַסטיק אַ פֿרעג געטאָן, „װאָס מײנסטו װעגן עזה? האַלטסטו דאָס פֿאַר אַ גענאָציד?“
אױפֿן װעג צום עולם טראָפּמיסטן (אַ היפּשע צאָל, כאָטש אַ קלענערער װי די לינקע – מיט טראָמפּ־ און אַמעריקאַנער פֿאָנען), האָב איך געטראָפֿן אַ יאַט אָנגעטאָן אין שװאַרץ. „איך װיל גאָר נישט זאָגן, נאָר ס׳איז אַ מזל אַז קײנער איז דאָ נאָך נישט דערהרגעט געװאָרן.“
אַ פּאָליצײ־אױטאָ איז אַדורכגעפֿאָרן. „בלאָקיר נישט די גאַס! זײַט אײדל אײנער צום צװײטן!“ האָט מען געפֿאָלגט. מײַן חבֿר מיטן הון־קאָסטיום האָט געטאַנצט צו דער מוזיק װאָס עמעצער האָט געשפּילט.
אַ פֿאָן־טרעגער צווישן די טראָמפּיסטן האָט מיר באַשריבן זײַנע צילן. „איך בין דאָ צו פֿאַרברענגען, אָנצוקוקן דעם עולם און פֿאַרטײדיקן די פּאַטריאָטן.“
אַ פֿרױ און אַ בחור זענען געשטאַנען אױפֿן ראַנד טראַטואַר. „פֿאַר װאָס זײַט איר דאָ?“ האָב איך אַ פֿרעג געטאָן.
„איך בין אַ שטיצער פֿון די פּאַטריאָטן,“ האָט זי זיך אָפּגערופֿן. „אָנגעקומען בין איך אין פּאָרטלאַנד צו 18 יאָר װי אַ נישט־חתונה־געהאַטע מאַמע. איך האָב געדאַרפֿט שפּעטער פֿאַרלאָזן די שטאָט װײַל איך האָב מער נישט געקענט פֿאָרן מיט דער צופֿאָר־באַן. דראָג־אַדיקטן. ווילדע אומרוען. מע באַגנבֿעט אײנער דעם צװײטן. איך הייס בעט. אָט איז מײַן זון לאָראַן.“
„מעג איך אַראָפּנעמען אײַער בילד?“
„װאָסער צײַטונג, װידער?“
„אַ ייִדישע.“
„אין דעם פֿאַל, דאַרף איך ענדיקן מיט דעם: יעזוס איז דער מלך.“
איך האָב אַ קוק געגעבן אױפֿן האַנטזײגער און זיך געכאַפּט אַז ס׳װערט שפּעטלעך. איבערגעכאַפּט אַן אינדיש־װעגעטאַרישע װעטשערע, זײַנען מיר צוגעפֿאָרן צום פֿליפֿעלד. מײַן חבֿר איז שױן געװאָרן אױס האָן.
כ׳בין אַהײמגעפֿאָרן מיט פּאָרטלאַנדער זכרונות פֿון פֿאָנען און פֿאָטאָגראַפֿן.
The post A Saturday night in Portland, very close to the ICE building appeared first on The Forward.
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Michigan Lt. Gov. Garlin Gilchrist Attacks Israel During Democratic Primary Campaign for Governor
Michigan Lt. Gov. Garlin Gilchrist speaks at a “Hands Off” protest at the Michigan Capitol in Lansing, Michigan, on April 5, 2025. Photo: Andrew Roth/Sipa USA via Reuters Connect
Michigan Lt. Gov. Garlin Gilchrist has sparked backlash among the state’s Jewish community in recent weeks over his fierce condemnations of Israel while running in the Democratic primary to be Michigan’s next governor.
Gilchrist has sharpened his rhetoric against Israel, falsely accusing the Jewish state of both committing a “genocide” against the Palestinian people and purposefully inflicting famine across Gaza.
Since entering the race, Gilchrist has embarked on a full-court press to galvanize Michigan’s Arab community behind his campaign. Gilchrist recently spoke at events held by the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee and ArabCon, in which he condemned Israel for supposedly committing a “genocide” in Gaza. He has also vowed not to accept money from organizations that support Israel’s war against Hamas, including the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), a lobbying group that seeks to foster bipartisan support for the US-Israel alliance.
“This is not a matter of opinion; it is a matter of fact,” Gilchrist said to a cheering audience at ArabCon last month. “This has been established by the global leaders who study genocide. This is not something we should support. American taxpayer dollars should not fund offensive weapons of war while children are starving, while medical resources are being blocked to civilians, and while lineages of families are being erased.”
ArabCon, an annual convention held in Dearborn, Michigan to address issues affecting the Arab American community, featured several speakers connected to terrorist organizations. Some featured speakers referred to Zionists as “vile” and dismissed the Jewish people’s connection to Israel.
At last year’s event, Mohammed Maraqa, data strategist for the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, said that “the Jewish community is led by their business people, by their moneyed interests.”
Gilchrist further condemned Israel in fundraising emails, claiming that the Jewish state has oppressed Palestinians and accusing AIPAC, the foremost pro-Israel lobbying organization in the US, of collaborating with “billionaire allies” to silence him.
“What’s happening in Gaza is a genocide. Families are starving. Children are being bombed. And our federal government is writing the checks that fund it,” Gilchrist’s campaign wrote in a fundraising email. “I stand for human rights, dignity, and safety. That is why I am standing with the Palestinian people and their family, friends, and allies in Michigan – even knowing that AIPAC and its billionaire allies will flood Michigan with attack ads to try to shut me up.”
The Jewish Federation of Detroit issued a statement accusing Gilchrist of peddling “antisemitic” tropes and mischaracterizing Israel’s military campaign against the Hamas terrorist group in Gaza.
“Gilchrist promotes an inaccurate and offensive narrative that also omits the horrific attacks of October 7th and ignores those that remain hostage in Gaza,” the Jewish Federation of Detroit said in a statement, referring to Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of and massacre across southern Israel.
“This inflammatory language is an attempt to foster divisiveness as a campaign tool. We expect our elected representatives to reject political rhetoric that plays into antisemitic tropes and instead promote peace and understanding among all Michiganders,” the group continued.
US Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-MI), one of the most vocal critics of Israel in the US Congress, endorsed Gilchrist on Tuesday.
“I trust Garlin [and his] lived experience, not only as a father, but as someone who understands what it means when we don’t have people in office defending us and fighting on our behalf,” Tlaib said.
Skeptics have suggested that Gilchrist’s repudiation of Israel is an effort to inject life into his fledgling gubernatorial campaign. Despite serving as the running mate of sitting Gov. Gretchen Whitmer (D-MI), Gilchrist has failed to secure her endorsement. Earlier this year, Whitmer refused to throw her weight behind Gilchrist, breaking a longstanding tradition of Michigan governors endorsing their second in command.
According to polls, Gilchrist faces a steep uphill climb to win Michigan’s Democratic nomination for governor. A recent poll conducted by Impact research showed Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson leading Gilchrist by a whopping 39 points. Unlike Gilchrist, Benson has refused to call Israel’s actions in Gaza a “genocide.”
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US-Backed Efforts Bring Longtime Foes Israel and Syria Closer to Security Pact
Members of Israeli security forces stand at the ceasefire line between the Golan Heights and Syria, July 16, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ammar Awad
Israel and Syria are reportedly in the final stages of months-long negotiations over a security agreement that could establish a joint Israeli, Syrian, and US presence at key strategic locations.
Jerusalem and Damascus have agreed to form a joint Israeli-Syrian–American security committee to oversee developments along their shared border and uphold the terms of a proposed deal, Israeli officials told Saudi media outlets Al-Arabiya and Al-Hadath.
Following the fall of longtime Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in December, Israel deployed troops into a buffer zone along the Syrian border to establish a military position aimed at preventing terrorists from launching attacks against the Jewish state.
The previously demilitarized zone in the Golan Heights was established under the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement between Damascus and Jerusalem that ended the Yom Kippur War. However, Israel considered the agreement void after the collapse of Assad’s regime.
After months of negotiations and rising tensions, both countries appear close to finalizing an agreement based on the 1974 framework, with minor adjustments to reflect current realities — one of the most promising efforts yet to reach a lasting security arrangement.
For its part, Israel assured US and Syrian officials that it will not support any destabilizing forces within Syrian territory, according to reports.
Meanwhile, the Syrian government pledged to protect the Druze population while providing Sweida, a Druze region in the country’s south, with the support and resources needed to maintain stability.
Under a US-backed proposal, a humanitarian corridor from Israel to Sweida has reportedly been ruled out, with any aid route instead planned to run from Damascus to ensure all movement passes through officially sanctioned channels.
Earlier this year, tensions escalated after heavy fighting broke out in Sweida between local Druze fighters and regime forces amid reports of atrocities against civilians.
At the time, Israel launched an airstrike campaign to protect the Druze, which officials described as a warning to the country’s new leadership over threats to the group — an Arab minority with communities in Syria, Lebanon, and Israel whose religion is derived from Islam.
Jerusalem has pledged to defend the Druze community in Syria with military force if they come under threat — motivated in part by appeals from Israel’s own Druze minority.
But the Syrian government has accused Israel of fueling instability and interfering in its internal affairs, while the new leadership insists it is focused on unifying the country after 14 years of conflict.
Describing Syria’s new rulers as barely disguised jihadists, Israel has consistently vowed to prevent them from deploying forces in the country’s southern region, which borders northeastern Israel.
Despite lingering reservations about the newly established Syrian regime, Israeli officials have signaled interest in pursuing formal diplomatic relations if specific conditions are met.
Under the Trump administration, Washington has lifted sanctions on the Syrian government to support the country’s reconstruction efforts and pushed for Damascus to normalize relations with Israel.