Opinion
Impressive allocations to our organizations from Jewish Federation and Jewish Foundation
By BERNIE BELLAN In 2009 the total value of all endowment funds held at the Jewish Foundation of Manitoba represented just a little more than $57 million. That figure represented a very low point in the history of the Foundation, which had been showing steady growth in the total value of its endowment funds until the devastating stock market crash of 2008.
At the recently held Jewish Foundation AGM it was announced that the total value of all endowment funds has now grown to over $123 million. On top of the growth in the value of existing endowment funds, each year the Foundation sees new endowment funds initiated. As I note in my report on this year’s AGM on page 1, over $3.3 million in new contributions were received by the Foundation in 2020 – either in the form of contributions to existing funds or new funds, of which 55 were begun in 2020.
While the Jewish Foundation has proved to be of extraordinary importance in sustaining so many of our community’s organizations, as well as many organizations in the general community – and it has maintained a fairly spectacular record of growth since that low point in 2009, the success of the Combined Jewish Appeal in raising over $6.4 million in 2020 is even more remarkable.
Granted, there were several quite large one-time donations to the CJA as a result of the onset of the Covid pandemic that will not be repeated in 2021, but nonetheless, the tremendous success achieved by the CJA is reflected in the sometimes huge increases in funding that certain beneficiary agencies will be receiving in 2021.
For instance, I’m not sure how the board and staff of Jewish Child and Family Service are reacting to the news that agency will be receiving $256,000 more from the Federation than JCFS had actually requested from the Allocations Committee of the Federation, but it must come as welcome news indeed – to put it mildly.
Similarly, the fact that the Rady JCC will be receiving $110,000 more than had been requested from the Allocations Committee will probably help to put Rady JCC Executive Director Rob Berkowits’s mind somewhat at ease as he continues to wrestle with the vast number of unknowns with which he’s had to deal every since the Rady JCC started being put into a series of lockdowns, beginning last spring.
I know that in speaking with Rob, while he’s always been hopeful that the current restrictions preventing gyms and fitness facilities from opening would be relaxed, and that members would be able to enjoy returning to the Rady JCC, the fact is that he and others involved with the Rady JCC are not sure how many members may decide not to renew their memberships. (All memberships, by the way, were put on hold back in September pending the full reopening of the Rady JCC.)
But now, with the unexpectedly large allocation that the Rady JCC will be receiving from the Federation, assuming that fitness and community centres will be back to full operation by the fall – which is the time that our Manitoba government is targeting for a full return to normal, it seems safe to conclude that the Rady JCC will be able to resume operations without having to scale anything back due to financial constraints.
The fact that institutions within the Jewish community have been able to weather the financial storm brought on by the Covid pandemic is due largely to the efficient manner in which the Jewish Federation – to a certain extent, but even more so, the Jewish Foundation, were quick to respond to the challenges faced by so many not-for-profit organizations within our community.
As outgoing Foundation Chair Richard Yaffe noted during his remarks at the Foundation’s recently held AGM, it must have come as a welcome surprise to the 28 different Jewish not-for-profits that received cheques in the mail for a total of $200,000 in April 2020 – for varying amounts based upon certain criteria the Foundation employed in determining how large each cheque woud be. In addition, $100,000 was sent to four general community organizations at the same time.
That initial spate of emergency funding was followed by two further roll-outs of funding to Jewish organizations, although in those latter two initiatives, organizations were required to apply for funding and have their requests approved by the Foundation.
What the funding from the Foundation – and to a lesser extent the Federation, which held its own emergency drive, meant for so many Jewish organizations, including synagogues, was that they were able to keep their doors open, retain staff without major layoffs (with the exception of the Rady JCC, which simply had no need for its typically large complement of staff when all programming had been brought to a halt), and transition as best they could to the new world of online programming.
For all this we have to be grateful to individuals who, going back over 57 years, have had the foresight to realize that Jewish community institutions in Winnipeg for years to come would be reliant upon gifts made to the Jewish Foundation, often long ago. The Foundation will be releasing a detailed accounting of all the many grants it issued during 2020 in a very short while, and when you combine those grants with the significant increases in funding that the Jewish Federation will be providing beginning September 1st, we should all rest assured that institutions such as BB Camp and Camp Massad, for instance, will be able to persevere notwithstanding that both camps will not have been able to provide regular camping activities for what will be two consecutive summers.
Other camps are not so lucky – as camps throughout North America have either closed permanently or are faced with severe financial difficulties even as they attempt to reopen to one extent or another. Our two sleepover camps, even without being able to hold regular camp sessions (although at the time of writing BB is planning on having its second session in August), have still been able to hire full complements of staff who, while they may not be undertaking their usual duties, will still be on site at the camps, undergoing training in anticipation of a full reopening of both camps next summer. That could not have happened without the assistance of the Jewish Federation and the Jewish Foundation.
Our community may be small in terms of numbers, but our institutions for the most part are on solid financial ground. One wonders though what will happen with our synagogues once all restrictions are lifted. Will congregants return to in-person attendance – especially after so many have found Zoom participation more to their liking? Those are the kinds of questions faced by faith groups everywhere.
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Turning to another subject entirely, elsewhere on this website you can read two reports that offer some interesting insights into the issue of Israeli-Palestinian relations. One is my report on what former Mossad chief Efraim Halevy had to say during his recent online Kanee lecture. The other is a quite lengthy interview I conducted with Daniel Levin, who is not someone with whom our readers would likely be familiar.
Like Halevy, who described himself as a “Man in the Shadows” in his autobiography, Levin operates in the background of some of the toughest areas of the Middle East. His most recent efforts at attempting to develop democratic institutions in that area of the world have focused on Libya and Yemen. Yet Levin, who is Israeli by birth and who served in combat in the Israeli army, is also very familiar with some of Israel’s most hardened enemies.
What I found particularly interesting, both in listening to Halevy’s remarks and in interviewing Levin, was how they both had the same perspective when it came to negotiating with Hamas: You won’t know whether it’s possible unless you try.
As Halevy suggested, the kind of secret negotiations that the British government undertook with the Irish Republican Army during the era that was known as “the Troubles” eventually led to a successful peace agreement in Northern Ireland.
Levin told me that he’s been to Gaza many times and is quite familiar with many individuals in Hamas. He suggested that Hamas has evolved over the years and is hardly the same organization that was first formed in 1988 – which is not to say that anyone associated with Hamas would ever agree publicly to enter into negotiations with Israel.
Yet, in listening to both these men, with their years of experience operating in what is often described as one of the world’s “toughest neighbourhoods”, I couldn’t help but think that achieving an actual peace between Israel and Hamas is not an impossibility. For Binyamin Netanyahu, however, maintaining Hamas as a constant foil suited his political purposes in the sense that he was able to present himself as the hardened warrior who sought to maintain Israel’s security while never making any concessions, either to Hamas or the Palestinian Authority.
Naftali Bennett seems to be even more intractable than Netanyahu when it comes to negotiating with Palestinians, although there are certainly individuals within the new coalition who are more amenable to stepping back from the rigid positions that both Netanyahu and Bennett have maintained over the years.
In the final analysis though, it is only individuals such as Netanyahu and Bennett who can give the orders to men such as Halevy and Levin to work quietly behind the scenes to try to open up back channels to individuals in Hamas who many be amenable to some sort of negotiated long-lasting peace. As Ariel Sharon proved when he ordered the evacuation of Israeli settlers form Gaza (and whether that turned out to be a bad move is irrelevant to my argument), only a right wing Israeli politician can take the bold steps that are needed in order to negotiate peace with Israel’s enemies. We need more Halevys and Levins operating in the Middle East – paving the way for a right winger such as Naftali Bennett to make a sudden reversal in course. Let’s hope that there are others out there doing exactly that.
Local News
Is It Alberta’s Turn to Regulate Online Gambling? Looking at the Possibilities
Online gambling and betting in Canada is booming, with each province allowed to regulate its own space. Ontario, Canada’s most populated province, turned two this year after leading the way in April 2022. In what should motivate Alberta and other provinces, Ontario is already reaping the rewards, generating $100 million annually in gambling revenue. Will the local administration in Alberta do what is needed?
Talks have been rife that Alberta is considering going the Ontario way by having an open-licensing system. In July 2023, the minister for Service Alberta and Red Tape Reduction, Dale Nally, issued a mandate to make this province a hub of online sports betting and gambling.
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith recently asked Nally to cooperate with indigenous partners and other stakeholders to develop an online gaming strategy. The main focus will be on revenue generation and responsible gambling. In light of this, Nally said Alberta’s primary focus is becoming a “leading hub for iGaming” with streamlined regulations and low corporate taxes. Such conditions should position Alberta to become a leading iGaming destination.
A few weeks ago, the minister attended the ICE international gaming conference held in London. Together with Ontario’s Attorney General, Doug Downey, and other stakeholders, Nally participated in a roundtable discussion regarding the status of iGaming in Canada. CDC Gaming Reports also revealed that the discussion highlighted the success of iGaming in Ontario and how Alberta can emulate this success story.
Looking into the Alberta Budget 2024, it’s evident that state monopoly could soon give way to Canadian casinos to thrive in the province. Alberta took the first baby steps towards a more liberal gambling sector after setting aside $1 million for gambling. This budget will support the looming review of the Gaming, Liquor, and Cannabis Act and supporting Regulation. The idea is to review the entire regulatory framework to find more funding ways for Alberta charities and community projects.
Major operators like BetMGM, PointsBet, and PokerStars have since hired lobbyists to ensure commercial operators become a reality in Alberta. Speaking to investors and industry analysts in March this year, PointsBet CEO Sam Swanell tipped Alberta and British Columbia to legalize online betting soon. He noted that this could provide the much-needed expansion of that TAM.
Alberta is yet to take full advantage of online gambling despite being the country’s fourth-largest province, with around 4.3 million people. Smaller markets in North America, such as West Virginia and Connecticut, are already benefiting from commercialized online gambling. The good news is that noises about legal online gambling are getting louder in Alberta. It’s just a matter of when the government will make the announcement.
What Next for Online Gambling and Betting in Alberta?
Including a $1 million gambling review budget is definitely a step in the right direction. However, there’s still much to do to end Alberta’s long-standing gambling status quo. But at least the budget opens the door for further discussions and reforms regarding iGaming in Alberta. That discussion has been underway, although the momentum has increased in the last year or so.
As it stands, PlayAlberta.ca is the only regulated online gaming platform in Alberta. It’s a government-run website operated by the AGLC (Alberta Gaming Liquor and Cannabis). Besides casino games, this website provides sports betting and lottery-style gaming experiences. The legal sign-up age on PlayAlberta.ca is 18 years.
For Albertans who prefer more gambling freedom, the government doesn’t restrict anyone from joining offshore operators. Most gaming sites operating in Alberta are licensed in Curacao, the UK, and Malta. Compared to PlayAlberta.ca, these websites provide a more extensive variety of games, rewards, and general experience.
In conclusion, it’s just a matter of when Alberta will introduce an open-licensing market. This approach has proved to be a success elsewhere, especially in Ontario. A recent Ipsos report in Ontario revealed that only 13.6% of the residents prefer to gamble on offshore websites. Alberta could soon follow this path, although there’s much work to do to realize this dream.
Opinion
Hamas savages make no distinction between Israeli Jews, Arabs
By MYRON LOVE I remember many years ago attending a presentation by Simon Wiesenthal, the world’s leading Nazi hunter, during which he made the point that the focus of Holocaust education should not be on the number six million – the number of estimated Jews who were murdered – but rather on the 12 million martyrs – including other targeted groups such as the Roma, people who were gay, the mentally and physically handicapped and the many great many Slavic people who were also murdered. After the Jews, the Slavs were next on the list.
By focusing strictly on Germans killing Jews, he observed, it became too easy to make it out to be only Germans versus Jews – thereby making it easier for Holocaust deniers and absolving the other European peoples who were complicit in the killings.
Similarly, while we naturally mourn our Jewish brethren who were so horribly slaughtered on October 7, we need to also bear in mind that Hamas made no distinction in its murderous rampage between Israeli Jews and Israeli Arabs or between Israelis and foreign workers.
In a posting for The Gatestone Institute on November 30, Israeli-Arab journalist Khaled Abu Toameh noted that he Hamas terrorists who attacked Israel on October 7 did not slaughter Jews alone. The terrorists also murdered and kidnapped scores of Muslim citizens of Israel, including members of the Bedouin community. The terrorists’ murder spree made zero distinction between young and old, Muslim and Jew.
“Scores of Arab Israelis were wounded, murdered or taken prisoner,” he reported.
One such brave individual was 23-year-old Awad Darawshe, an Arab-Israeli paramedic who was on duty at the music festival near Kibbutz Re’im, which was among the first locations under attack. When the medical staff on site were ordered to flee, he insisted on remaining behind to treat the wounded.
Abu Toameh suggests that the paramedic thought that because he was Arab, he could reason with the killers. He was murdered nonetheless.
Another courageous Arab-Israeli that the writer noted, 50-year-old Abed al-Rahman Alnasasrah, was murdered by Hamas terrorists when he attempted to rescue people from the music festival. He was married and a father of six children.
Fatima Altallaqat, 35, from the Bedouin village near Ofakim, was murdered while working with her husband near the city of Ofakim in southern Israel. She was a mother of nine children, the eldest nine years old.
Abu Toameh quotes her husband as saying: “We’re a religious Muslim family and she wore the traditional headdress of a devout woman. It is inconceivable they [Hamas terrorists] could not see who was inside [the car]. They were five meters away from her as they passed.”
Forty bullets were fired into her.
Abu Toameh further cites the comments of Suleiman Zayadneh, brother and uncle, respectively, to four of the Arab-Israeli hostages, who describes himself “as proud to be a Palestinian and Muslim”.
‘The people who came to shoot and kill — they know nothing of religion,” the writer quoted Zayadneh as saying. “These [Hamas] people came and killed left and right.”
Abu Toameh went on to reference the words of Nuseir Yassin, a video blogger with 65 million followers. Two days after the massacre, he wrote: “I realized that… to a terrorist invading Israel, all citizens are targets. More than 40 of them [the murdered] are Arabs. Killed by other Arabs. And I do not want to live under a Palestinian government. Which means I only have one home, even if I’m not Jewish: Israel…. So from today forward, I view myself as… Israeli first. Palestinian second. Sometimes it takes a shock like this to see so clearly.”
Abu Toameh reported that “there have been many storie about reciprocal inter-communal generosity and heroism in the aftermath of this national tragedy, and they create hope for the future”.
He quoted a statement by the Darwashe Family:
“We are very proud of Awad’s actions… This is what we would expect from him and what we expect from everyone in our family — to be human, to stay human and to die human.”
Abu Toameh also quoted Ali Alziadna, four of whose family members were kidnapped, as saying that he was “touched by the outpouring of support” by other Israelis.
“People from all over the country have come to hug and support our family,” Alziadna said. “The entire nation is one family now.”
Abu Toameh pointed out that many Arab citizens of Israel serve as IDF officers and policemen, risking their lives for their fellow Israelis. Many are serving at the front lines, saving lives.
Undoubtedly, Abu Toameh suggested, one of the objectives of the Hamas massacre, in addition to slaughtering as many Israelis as possible, was to thwart normalization between Israel and Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia. Hamas may also have aimed to damage relations between Jews and Arabs inside Israel.
”The terror group was, without doubt, hoping that we would witness another cycle of violence between Jews and Arabs inside Israel, similar to that which erupted in May 2021,’ Abu Toameh posited. “Then, Hamas succeeded in inciting a large number of Arab citizens of Israel to take to the streets and attack their Jewish neighbors and Israeli police officers.
“This time, however, the Arab-Israelis have not heeded the calls by Hamas. One reason is that Arab-Israelis saw, with their own eyes, how Hamas terrorists make no distinction between Jews and Muslims.
“Hamas has repeatedly demonstrated that it cares nothing for the well-being of Arabs and Muslims. From their luxury homes and hotel rooms in the safety of Qatar and Turkey, Hamas leaders give the orders to attack Israel and then sit back and let the world weep over the destruction they wrought upon their own people.
“On October 7,” Abu Toameh concluded, “Hamas metaphorically shot itself in the foot by showing the world, with unfathomably ghoulish pride, by way of Go-Pro cameras and other self-documentation, that it has neither a religious nor a secular-humanist set of values. Perhaps the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip should look at the Arab citizens of Israel and note how they enjoy equal rights, democracy, freedom of speech and a free media. If Palestinians wish to live well, like the Arab-Israelis, this is the time for them to get rid of Hamas and all the terror leaders who, for seven decades, have brought them nothing but one disaster after another.”
It is too bad that so many gullible fools in our Western societies refuse to open their eyes to the truth.
Opinion
An Arab Trusteeship Council for Gaza
By Prof. BRYAN SCHWARTZ Oct. 17, 2023 (Originally posted to The Times of Israel)
1 No peace is possible with Hamas. It is genocidally antisemitic. This position is foundational, not rhetorical or mutable. Waiting for the emergence of a “pragmatic” version of Hamas is suicidally naïve.
2 Peace and cooperation are possible with most of Israel’s non-Iranian neighbours. They are militarily threatened by Iran, not Israel. For many in those countries, Iran’s version of Islam might be more problematic from the religious perspective than Israel’s Jewishness.
3 Hamas’ attack was partly to prevent a Saudi deal and a long-term economic cooperation
4 Israel has no territorial claim to Gaza and no material, religious, or ideological interest in running it.
5 Israel has vital moral and material interests in the emergence of a peaceful, demilitarized, and prosperous Gaza. If that can occur in the medium term, a long-term reconciliation of the Palestinians with Israel is achievable.
6 As and when Hamas is evicted from power, Gaza will need some new form of government.
7 The Palestinian authority probably cannot be trusted to take over Gaza. It is corrupt and lacked- and probably still lacks- credibility with a majority of the population in Gaza.
8 There used to be a concept called trusteeship in international law, whereby foreign powers would govern a territory in its best interests until its final status is clarified at the wishes of its own people.
9 The United Nations cannot be trusted to administer Gaza – any more than it has shown to be trustworthy to maintain strategic security in Southern Lebanon or to operate UNWRA in a manner that is effective for Palestinians and not hostile to Israel.
10 Consider this alternative. After Hamas is evicted from power, there is an interim period- say five to seven to ten years -of governance over Gaza by an Arab trusteeship council. The Council members are appointed primarily by Arab states sympathetic to Israel and eager to see the people of Gaza thrive. This Council could include local Gaza representatives and a representative of the Palestinian Authority but the majority would be representative of states like Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia.
11 The trusteeship agreement would be formal, agreed to by Israel, and unequivocally state its objectives, including:
-demilitarizing Gaza;
-defining the sole purposes for which outside reconstruction and development money can be spent and requiring strict accounting
-ensuring that the education system in Gaza is not contaminated by antisemitic hatred;
-promoting sound administration of Gaza, including providing for transparent and non-corrupt government, with significant safeguards for human rights, and conformity to the rule of law;
-promoting the development of a real economy for Gaza, not one fuelled primarily by international subsidies.
13 No state could participate in the Council without having a peace agreement with Israel.
14 In fact, the creation of the Council and Saudi participation in it could be part of a peace deal with Saudi Arabia. The deal could involve a reconstruction package from the Saudis for Gaza, which would help secure the support of the people of Gaza for the Council arrangement as an interim measure.
15 Policing would be carried out by a force composed of Palestinians and members of the police forces of Trusteeship states, under the direction of the Council.
16 The net effect would be to remove Gaza from Iran’s influence and establish temporary control by a consortium of mostly Sunni states. The latter would be chosen from among those that are at least reasonably friendly to Israel and genuinely committed to good governance in Gaza.
17 The definitive solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict can only be achieved in a series of steps. Compromises are even more painful if they are framed as permanent. But if practical peace, stability, and some prosperity can be achieved in the medium term in Gaza and the West Bank, an amicable and enduring resolution should be achievable with the Palestinians.
18 While Israel is under severe military menace right now, it is not too early to think about how a positive political outcome can be achieved after the necessary and painful battle is concluded.
19 The current catastrophe is a so-far successful attempt by the regime in Teheran to disrupt peace negotiations involving Israel, the United States, and Saudi Arabia. Political vision along with military force might enable Israel to turn around the situation and complete and consolidate a lasting peace with almost all of its Arab neighbours and to set the stage for a formal and enduring peace with the Palestinians. The Teheran regime would be isolated, diminished in prestige, and more likely to be replaced from within.
About the Author
Bryan’s Jewish-themed musical “Consoulation: A Musical Mediation” premiered in the Spring of of 2018; https://consoulation.com His new album will appear in the coming months. Bryan Schwartz graduated with a doctorate in law from Yale School and holds an endowed chair at the University of Manitoba Law School. He is the author or editor of over thirty books and collections of essays. Bryan also created and helps to deliver an annual summer program at Hebrew University in Israeli law and society. He has served as a visiting Professor at both HU and Reichman university. . As a practising lawyer, Bryan has argued a number of cases at the Supreme Court of Canada, advised governments, and served as an arbitrator at the provincial, national and international level.
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