Features
60 years plus one – since the first Ramah Hebrew School graduating class… and counting
(August 2025) Submitted by Martin A. Koyle (Denver, Colorado), Judy L. (Shenkarow) Pollock (San Diego, California), and Lorne Billinkoff (Winnipeg, Manitoba)
It is now a year since the three of us had a unique opportunity to reconvene with 11 other septuagenarians to share memories of an event that occurred 60 years ago. In August 2024, 14 graduates of the inaugural class of 16 students at Shaarey Zedek Hebrew Day School, which ultimately became Ramah Hebrew School and later, part of Gray Academy, met to celebrate our graduation in 1964.
Many of our families had migrated to the River Heights area (when there were no Mathers or Taylor Avenues) from the North End, where the Talmud Torah and Joseph Wolinsky Collegiate were foundations in that established community. None of us have any idea how the first “South End” Jewish school was conceived or funded, but we credited our parents, who had the “sechel” and belief that we, as Grade 2 students, would essentially be guinea pigs in the founding of a parochial, half-day English, half-day Hebrew school in that growing area of Winnipeg.
All of us had been in the Winnipeg Public School system prior to that radical shift, but we had also attended evening school at Shaarey Zedek Synagogue on Wellington Crescent and Academy Road where, like other students, we enjoyed chocolate milk, shortbread cookies and Wagon Wheels, along with friendship with the caretakers, Steve and Metro.
Top Row (L-R): Harold Steiman, Brian Sharfstein, Ken Wolch, Marty Koyle, Peter Mendelsohn, David Goldstein, Ted Rosenstock, Howie Wiseman
Bottom Row: Lorne Billinkoff, Stephen Plotkin, Sam Miller, Maureen Shafer, Judy Shenkarow, Ruth Lehmann
Of the 14 former students of that first Shaarey Zedek Day School class who attended last year’s reunion, there were representatives from California, Colorado, Florida, Toronto, and Vancouver, along with those who had remained in Winnipeg.
The first night we convened at the Tuxedo home of Ashley Leibl (who had joined our class in Grade 3). Of course, Winnipeg style delicatessen was served in abundance. The next evening, along with significant others, friends and their spouses, we shared a dinner at Alena Rustic Italian Restaurant in Charleswood, after being given a tour of what was then the renovating Shaarey Zedek Synagogue.
Judy Shenkarow hosted a post-Winnipeg get together in her family cottage on Prospect in Winnipeg Beach (which has belonged to generations of her family), and which she continues to enjoy despite the long drive each year from San Diego – and in a Tesla no less!
Throughout our all too brief time with one another, we reminisced about stories of our English teachers: Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Beckett, Mrs. Tallboom, and Mr. Lightbody; also our Israeli Hebrew teachers: Mrs. Lachter, and husband and wife couples: the Wernicks, Kamils, and Dafnais.
We were fortunate to also have had Myer Silverman as our principal throughout our five years as students. The esteemed (and beloved by us) educator Morag Harpley, previously the Supervisor of Primary Grades in the Winnipeg School Division, joined the administration in 1963 as Supervisor and Chief Consultant.
The brand-new Shaarey Zedek School, as it was first known, was constructed on land at the corner of Lanark and Grant and was quite a distance from the synagogue. I doubt that any adult today would let their kids play anywhere close to the swamps that were part of the school grounds at that time. We, however, took twigs and branches and old building materials left over from the school construction, to build forts and dams and to play games of war, while wearing high rubber boots and water proof pants, frequently returning after recesses soaking wet.
As new classes were enrolled, we were always the most senior class. Given this seniority, we were given the responsibility of being appointed the first safety patrols, posts which we held for the entire five years we were there. During those five years, we lost a few initial students, but gained others. As we entered Grade 5, Shaarey Zedek merged with Herzlia Academy Day School and the name was changed to Ramah Hebrew School. By the time our class reached Grade 6, the enrollment in our grade had become large enough to mandate splitting us into two classrooms.
Our education had added value on the occasional weekends when some of the fathers would host learning weekend events where we went to offices or homes, learned how to take X-rays, listen to a heart or, in a chemistry lab – make copper sulfate crystals.
Some of us were driven or car-pooled by our parents while others took public transit, or had arrangements made to take taxis back and forth. In those days, you could buy five public bus tickets for 30 cents. Ted Rosenstock’s mother, Lottie, actually petitioned Winnipeg Transit and the City of Winnipeg to expand the Grant bus service beyond the railway tracks, which at that time only extended to Borebank. Lottie pointed out the potential dangers of young children having to cross the tracks and walk all the way to Lanark!
Some of us who lived not far from Grant became more industrious as we got older and would walk back and forth, rather than take the bus. This allowed us to save those bus fare pennies and stop at Irving Klasser’s Niagara Drugs to buy chocolate bars, which were only 10 cents back then.
Since distances and transportation made lunchtime impossible for most of us to return home, most of us had packed lunches, which we often shared. Myer’s Delicatessen was the only eatery close by, and it was a treat to have Chicago Kosher (RIP) products for lunch at the small counter there as an occasional treat.
Perhaps a unique requirement to the English and Hebrew education we received was that we were required to attend synagogue services as a religious component of our studies. The Shacharit services at the Shaarey Zedek were led by us every Saturday as the Junior Choir, directed by Jack Garland from Grade 2 and all the way through our B’nai Mitzvot dates in 1964/1965. By those years we had all matriculated back into the Winnipeg Public School System.
Despite our somewhat cloistered environment for the five years at Ramah, we assimilated without difficulty into the public school systems, principally at Grant Park and River Heights.
Despite the challenges of having to participate in Saturday services for those five years, we gained many benefits from working closely with Shaarey Zedek Cantor Rabbi Louis Berkal, along with then-Rabbi Milton Aron. Given the plethora of baby boomers from our generation and not enough Shabbats in 1964-1965 to allow us to celebrate our Bar or Bat Mitzvot individually, we coordinated these events as pairs, usually with our fellow Ramah classmates.
In 2015, in Toronto, Kenny Wolch and Marty Koyle re-recited their 1965 Haftorahs at Narayver Synagogue, with the same tropes that Jack Garland had taught them. No less than 28 Winnipegers attended the simcha.
Importantly, through our five years together, we became a community of lifelong friends. We had met previously in Winnipeg in 2004 to celebrate the 40th anniversary of our graduation at a time where some surviving parents were still able to join us.
The warmth and sense of “mischpochah” thrives now into its seventh decade. We still marvel at how our parents and the Shaarey Zedek had the vision and faith that led to these foundations. Classmate Harold Steinman (Vancouver), whom most of us had not seen since high school, summed up our reunion appropriately, stating that it “filled a void in my heart!”
Features
Matthew Lazar doing his part to help keep Israelis safe in a time of war
By MYRON LOVE It is well known – or at least it should be – that while Israel puts a high value of protecting the lives of its citizens, the Jewish state’s Islamic enemies celebrate death. The single most glaring difference between the opposing sides can be seen in the differing approach to building bomb shelters to protect their populations.
Whereas Hamas and Hezbollah have invested untold billions of dollars over the past 20 years in building underground tunnels to protect their fighters while leaving their “civilian” populations exposed to Israeli bombs, not only has Israel built a highly sophisticated anti-missile system but also the leadership has invested heavily in making sure that most Israelis have access to bomb shelters – wherever they are – in war time.
While Israel’s bomb shelter program is comprehensive, there are still gaps – gaps which Dr. Matthew Lazar is doing his bit to help reduce.
The Winnipeg born-and raised pediatrician -who is most likely best known to readers as a former mohel – is the president of Project Life Initiatives – the Canadian branch of Israel-based Operation Lifeshield whose mission is to provide bomb shelters for threatened Israeli communities.
Lazar actually got in on the ground floor – so to speak. It was a cousin of his, Rabbi Shmuel Bowman, Operation Lifeshield’s executive director, who – in 2006 – founded the organization.
“Shmuel was one of a small group of American olim and Israelis who were visiting the Galilee during the second Lebanon war in 2006 and found themselves under rocket attack – along with thousands of others – with no place to go,” recounts Lazar, who has two daughters living in Israel. “They decided to take action. I was one of the people Shmuel approached to become an Operation Lifeshield volunteer.
Since the founding of Lifeshield, Lazar reports, over 1,000 shelters have been deployed in Israel. The number of new shelter orders since October 7, 2023 is 149.
He further notes that while the largest share of Operation Lifeshield’s funding comes from American donors, there has been good support for the organization across Canada as well.
One of the major donors in Winnipeg is the Christian Zionist organization, Christian Friends of Israel (FOI) Canada which, in September, as part of its second annual “Stand With Israel Support” evening – presented Lazar and Operation Lifeshield with a cheque for $30,000 toward construction of a bomb shelter for the Yasmin kindergarten in the Binyamina Regional Council in Northern Israel.
Lazar reports that to date the total number of shelters donated by Friends of Israel Gospel Ministry (globally) is over 100.
Lazar notes that the head office for Project Life Initiatives is – not surprisingly – in Toronto. “We communicate by telephone, text and Zoom,” he says.
He observes that – as he is still a full time pediatrician – he isn’t able to visit Israel nearly as often as he would like to. He manages to go every couple of years and always makes a point of visiting some of Operation Lifeshield’s projects.
(He adds that his wife, Nola, gets to Israel two or three times a year – not only to visit family, but also in her role as president of Mercaz Canada – the Canadian Conservative movement’s Zionist arm.)
“This is something I have been able to do to help safeguard Israelis,” Lazar says of his work for Operation Lifeshield. “This is a wonderful thing we are doing. I am glad to be of help. ”
Features
Patterns of Erasure: Genocide in Nazi Europe and Canada
By LIRON FYNE When we think of the word genocide, our minds often jump to the Holocaust, the mass-scale, systemic government-led murder of six million Jews by Nazi Germany during the Second World War, whose unprecedented scale and methods led to the very term ‘genocide’ being coined. On January 27th, 2026, we will bow our heads for International Holocaust Remembrance Day, the 80th year of remembrance.
Less frequently do we connect genocidal intent to the campaign against Indigenous peoples in Canada; the forced displacement, cultural destruction, and systematic killing that sought to erase Indigenous peoples. The genocide conducted by the Nazis and the genocidal intent of the Canadian government, though each unique in scale, motive, and implementation, share many conceptual similarities. Both were driven by ideologies of racial superiority, executed through governmental precision, and justified by the perpetrators as a moral mission.
At their core rests the concept of dehumanization. In Nazi Germany, Jews were viewed as subhuman, contaminated, and a threat to the ‘Aryan’ race. In Canada, Indigenous peoples were represented as obstacles to ‘progress’ and seen as hurdles to a Christian, Eurocentric nation. These ideas, this dehumanization, turned human beings into problems to be solved. Adolf Hitler called it the ‘Jewish question,’ leading to an official policy in 1942 called the ‘Final Solution to the Jewish Question,’ whereas Canadian officials called it the ‘Indian problem.’ The language is similar, a belief that one group’s existence endangers the destiny of another. The methods of extermination differed in practice and outcome, but the language of intent resembles one another.
The Holocaust’s concentration camps and carefully engineered gas chambers were designed for efficient, industrial-scale killing, resulting in mass murder. The well-organized plan of systematic degradation, deadly riots, brutal camp conditions, and designated killing centres were only a few of the ways the Nazis worked to eliminate the Jews. The Canadian government’s weapons were policy, assimilation and abandonment. Such as the Indian Act, reserves, and residential schools, which were all meant to ‘kill the Indian in the child,’ cutting generations off from their languages, families, and cultures. Thousands of Indigenous children died in residential schools, buried in unmarked graves near schools that called themselves places of learning. Both systems were backed by either religion or ideology; Nazi ideology brought together racist eugenic policies and virulent antisemitism, while Canada’s genocidal intent was supported by Christian Protestantism claiming to save Indigenous souls by erasing their heritage.
The Holocaust was a six-year campaign of complete industrialized extermination, mass murder with a mechanized intent, on a scale that remains historically unique. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission describes Canada’s indigenous genocide as a cultural one that unfolded over centuries through assimilation and the destruction of indigenous languages and identities. The Holocaust ended with the liberation of the camps and a global recognition of the atrocities committed. However, the generational trauma and dehumanization of antisemitism carry on. For Indigenous peoples in Canada, the effects of the genocidal intent continue to this day, visible in displacement, poverty, and intergenerational trauma. While these histories differ in form and timeline, both are rooted in dehumanization and the belief that some lives are worth less than others.
A disturbing similarity lies in the aftermath: silence and denial. The Holocaust forced the world to confront the atrocity with the vow of ‘Never Again,’ which has now been unearthed and reformed as ‘Never Again is Now,’ after the October 7th, 2023, massacre by Hamas. The largest massacre of Jewish people since the Holocaust, and the denial of the atrocities committed on October 7th, highlight the same Holocaust denial we see rising around the world. In Canada, for decades, the genocidal intent was hidden behind narratives of kindness and social progress. Only in recent years, through survivor testimony for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and the discovery of unmarked graves, has the truth gained recognition. But acknowledgment without justice risks repeating the same patterns of erasure.
Comparing these atrocities committed is not about comparing pain or scale; it is about understanding the shared systems that enabled them. Both demonstrate how racism, superiority, and dehumanization can be used to justify the destruction of human beings. Remembering is not enough in Canada. True remembrance demands accountability, land restitution, reparations, and education that confronts Canada’s ongoing colonial legacy. When we say ‘Never Again is Now’, we hold collective action to combat antisemitism in all forms. The same applies to Truth & Reconciliation; it must be more than a slogan; we must apply action to Truth & ReconciliACTION.
Liron Fyne is a 12th-grade student at Gray Academy of Jewish Education in Winnipeg. They are currently a Kenneth Leventhal High School Intern at StandWithUs Canada, a non-profit education organization that combats antisemitism.
Features
Will the Iranian Regime Collapse?
By HENRY SREBRNIK When U. S. President Donald Trump restored “maximum sanctions” pressure against Iran a year ago, he was clear about its goals: Deny Iran a nuclear weapon, dismantle its terror proxy network and stop its ballistic missile program.
The government in Tehran has fended off through violence and repression previous large-scale protests but now may limit or hold its fire. After all, Trump has been willing to go where no U.S. president has, including the authorization of a strike to destroy Iran’s nuclear enrichment capacity last year and the recent capture of Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela.
Trump has demonstrated that his government is willing to use military measures to overthrow an enemy regime, and Tehran was, perhaps surprisingly, one of the closest allies of Maduro. The two countries were united by their approach to international sanctions and their ability to survive in American enmity.
Over the past three decades, this combination of political sympathy and anti-American rhetoric developed into a complex web of cooperation involving oil, finance, industry and security.
Since Maduro’s predecessor, Hugo Chavez, came to power in 1999, relations between Tehran and Caracas tightened significantly. During his first visit to Iran in 2001, Chavez declared that he had arrived “to help pave the way for peace, justice, stability, and progress in the 21st century.”
Nearly 300 economic, infrastructure, gas, and oil agreements were signed, worth billions of dollars. At one point, Venezuela even considered selling F-16 fighter jets to Tehran, while Iran supplied Venezuela with advanced Mohajer-6 drones. All this now comes to an end.
Maduro’s removal constitutes a severe blow to the operational base of Tehran in South America. With Maduro gone, “Iran is now in the eye of the storm,” observed Fawaz Gerges, Middle East analyst and professor of international relations at London’s School of Economics and Political Science.
“The big lesson out of the fall of the Venezuelan regime is not Colombia, not Greenland,” he said. “The Iranians know that Iran is the next target. Not only of the Trump administration, but also of the Benjamin Netanyahu government” in Israel.
Israel, which has long perceived Iran as an existential threat, launched 12 days of what it described as pre-emptive strikes on military and nuclear sites in Iran last June, with U.S. war planes attacking three major nuclear facilities.
They now see Iran as being cornered, extremely vulnerable and weak at this moment. “I think they’re piling on the pressure. They’re hoping that they could really, basically bring about regime change in Iran,” Gerges added.
On Jan. 12, Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian shifted focus away from Iran’s stuttering economy and suppression of dissent and towards his country’s longstanding geopolitical adversaries, Israel and the United States. Speaking on state broadcaster IRIB, Pezeshkian claimed that “the same people that struck this country” during Israel’s 12-day war last June were now “trying to escalate these unrests with regard to the economic discussion.
“They have trained some people inside and outside the country; they have brought in some terrorists from outside,” he charged, alleging that those responsible had attacked a bazaar in the northern city of Rasht and set mosques on fire.
“My assumption is that the Mossad is active in Tehran behind the scenes,” contended Ahron Bregman, who teaches at King’s College London and has written extensively on Israeli intelligence operations. “Israeli officials are unusually quiet.” There are clear instructions not to talk and “not to be seen to be involved in any way.”
“I’d be very surprised if Israeli agents were not active within Iran right now,” defence analyst Hamze Attar maintained. “They’re going to be doing everything they can to make sure these protests continue and escalate.”
But anything that Israel is up to will of course be covert. This restraint is a calculated approach taken to avoid disrupting a process of regime change that may be driven internally. Intervening would only confirm the regime’s claims that the protesters are “Zionist agents,” a charge that could shift popular anger onto the demonstrators and douse the movement.
“Any visible involvement would give the Iranians an excuse to intensify repression,” explained Danny Citrinowicz, a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies and former head of Iran research in an Israeli military intelligence branch
Reza Pahlavi, the eldest son of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the last Shah of Iran, who maintains he wants peace with Israel and the United States, suggests Iran faces a historic moment. “In all these years, I’ve never seen an opportunity as we see today in Iran. Iranian people are more than ever committed to bringing an end to this regime,” he stated. “By God, it is about time that Iran gets its opportunity to free itself from a tyrannical regime.”
Iranians have seen the regime and its backers exposed and humiliated by an American administration and Israel, and they are taking advantage of it. But it won’t be easy. This is a religious nomenklatura that will use all means at its disposal to hold on to power. Never underestimate their cruelty and resolve
Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.