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Campus program gives Winnipeggers a virtual reality experience allowing them to share some of the same emotions Israelis attacked on October 7 felt

By BERNIE BELLAN It was advertised as “Through Their Eyes – October 7th Virtual Reality Journey.”
On September 16, a small number of Winnipeggers were able to participate in a virtual reality experience during which they were able to watch in 3D as different Israelis described what they went through on October 7 last year.
The event was sponsored by Winnipeg Friends of Israel and Bridges for Peace. It was held in the games room of the Rady JCC.

Map showing homes of subjects interviewed in virtual reality project

As readers no doubt recall, on October 7, 1200 Israelis (and non-Israelis) living in communities situated close to the Gaza Strip were murdered by what turned out to be over 6,000 Hamas terrorists who had managed to penetrate into Israel fairly easily in the early hours of October 7. As well, 220 individuals (not all of whom were Israeli) were abducted and taken to Gaza.
While almost anyone in the world with access to the internet would have been able to see footage of the atrocities carried out by Hamas – and fully understand the absolute terror that people were experiencing, for Israelis living near the Gaza Strip what was happening was all so terribly confusing. People could hear gunshots all around them – but where were they coming from and who was firing them, almost everyone who was there must have wondered?
And, once the realization that an attack was underway, how were you supposed to respond? Were you better off to try and hide in place or to try to make a run for it?
An Israeli production company that goes by the name of Atlantis-VR embarked upon an ambitious project whereby they wanted to interview some of the individuals who experienced that October 7 attack directly. But, rather than simply interviewing those individuals, Atlantis-VR wanted to show each of them in their own homes – in the exact places they were as the attack was taking place. Through virtual reality technology viewers are now able to see a 360° rendition of an entire room in which the interviewees in the presentation created by Atlantis-VR were situated at the time of the attack. At certain points you are also taken outside interviewees’ homes and see the same vistas that those individuals would have been able to see, including roads and fields with the Gaza Strip in the background.

As groups of six different individuals entered the games room in the Rady JCC on September 16 they were greeted by Daniel Zioni, one of the principals behind Atlantis-VR. There were six different sessions held on September 16, each lasting anywhere from 40 minutes to an hour (depending on how long it took each attendee to watch the presentation. In my case, for instance, I spent over an hour as I had so many questions during the course of watching the presentation that I continued to pepper Daniel with questions about what I had just seen after each segment. Poor Daniel – since each of us had donned the headset at different times and were watching the presentation at our own pace, he was constantly racing from participant to participant, adjusting headsets, turning on the next segment, and answering questions.)

After donning the virtual reality headsets, (which takes some getting used to, especially for older participants who had likely never experienced wearing a VR headset before), the first segment began for viewers. We watched as a woman by the name of Yasmin Margolis describe what had happened to her, her husband Sa’ar, and their two young daughters, when Hamas terrorists entered Kibbutz Kissufim, which is where they lived.
Sa’ar bravely left the family home, armed with his rifle, to take on the terrorists. Unfortunately, while his wife’s and daughters’ lives were spared, Sa’ar died that day fighting to protect his kibbutz.
The next segment is about the Marom family, who were living in Kibbutz Re’em. In their case, their house was set on fire by terrorists while they were inside. Still, they managed to escape through a window and were eventually rescued.
The third segment shows a family living in an apartment block in Sderot. The battle for Sderot actually lasted over two days, as IDF forces entered into protracted gun fights with terrorists who had been hiding throughout the city. During that time the Politi family holed themselves up in their apartment and even provided shelter – and food, for a boyfriend of one of their daughters – and his friend, who had found themselves stranded at a gas station where one of them had been working when the terrorists invaded. There was a moment of comic relief when the Politi husband and wife described what happened when they heard banging on their apartment door. The boyfriend shouted that it was him – and Mr. Politi opened the door. At that point, Mr. Polliti, noted, the boyfriend’s friend said: “I’m hungry – have you got anything to eat?”

Rami Davidian – saved 750 young people from Hamas October 7-8

The final segment of the VR presentation – and easily the most mesmerizing of the four segments, consists of an interview with Rami Davidian, who was a 58-year-old member of a moshav by the name of Patish in an area very close to where the Nova Music Festival was taking place. Davidian has become quite a national hero in Israel for what he did on October 7 – and for almost 48 hours non stop thereafter.
As he describes in his interview, he received a phone call from a friend who didn’t quite understand what was happening the morning of October 7, but whohad a daughter who had been attending the Nova Music Festival, which was the site of the murder of 370 young Israelis. The friend knew Rami lived close to where the festival was taking place and asked him whether he could go there to try to find his daughter. Of course, Rami had no idea what he was heading into – and, as he explains during the segment in which he tells his story, even as bullets and rocket propelled grenades began to be fired at his car, he continued on. He managed to find survivors of the massacre and transport them back to his home on the moshav, where his wife took care of them.
But then, he started to receive hundreds of messages from anxious parents who somehow had heard that Rami might be in a position to save their kids. He got back into his car and headed right back to the site of the festival – all the while being fired upon by terrorists. Somehow – and he says he doesn’t know how he survived, he managed to return to the site – over and over again, eventually incredibly helping to rescue 750 young Israelis.

The entire VR presentation is so vivid that I had only wished that more people could have seen it. I asked Daniel Zioni whether there were any plans to convert the four segments of the presentation into one video that, for instance, could be seen on Youtube? Granted, seeing it in VR makes more of an impact, but in terms of reaching a wider audience I wondered whether it might make sense to do what I had suggested. I was especially keen on seeing the segment with Rami Davidian turned into something that could be seen by a much wider audience. While Daniel didn’t give me a definitive answer, he did say that was something under consideration by Atlantis-VR.
In the meantime, if you would like to read more about Rami Davidian and his heroics, there are quite a few articles online that tell his story. Simply Google Rami Davidian.

Here’s a link to the Atlantis-VR website: www.atlantis-vr.com

Features

The moral degradation of Israel’s far-right is even worse than you think

Palestinian mourners carry coffins during the funeral of four members of the Bani Odeh family, who were killed by undercover Israeli soldiers in the occupied West Bank on March 15. Photo by Mohammad Nazzal / Middle East Images via AFP

By Dan Perry (Posted March 27, 2026)

This story was originally published in the Forward. Click here to get the Forward’s free email newsletters delivered to your inbox.

This week, an Israeli Knesset member said something that should have been shocking, horrifying and unanimously condemned.

“I stand behind IDF soldiers in every situation,” said Yitzhak Kroizer, a member of the ultranationalist Otzmah Yehudit Party. Even if the “collateral damage is children or women — it does not matter to me.”

“In Jenin, there are no innocent civilians,” he added. “In Jenin, there are no innocent children.”

Kroizer was referring to a genuine tragedy: The killing of almost an entire Palestinian family by Israel undercover forces on March 15, near the village of Tammun. The forces opened fire on the family’s car as they returned from a shopping trip. Waed Bani Ohde, her husband Ali, and two of their young children Othman, 7, and Mohammed, 5, were killed. Two sons survived. The army says the car accelerated toward the forces; Palestinian witnesses say the IDF gave no warning before attacking.

It is tempting to dismiss statements like Kroizer’s as the rhetoric of the extreme. Indeed, I often find myself making that point when talking to people inclined to think the worst of Israel: They do not represent the majority, and not even the immoral government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

But that, while true, is becoming a little too pat.

For it is also true that as time goes, as the wars continue and hearts harden, what Kroizer articulated is a moral framework that is steadily taking hold in the Israeli right.

That’s why the statements were not condemned by anyone associated with the government. And, indeed, Israeli far-right activists responded to the deaths with social media posts rejoicing in the death of the unarmed “terrorists.”

No senior Israeli official apologized for the shooting. No one said publicly that even if the soldiers believed they were acting under threat, the killing of two children demands something more than a routine internal review.

No official has even conceded that this type of event might contribute to agitation and instability in the West Bank, and perhaps spark another uprising. Set empathy aside; even enlightened self-interest is beyond the current Israeli government.

Yes, an investigation has been opened. But military investigations almost never lead to concrete action against the troops. A Guardian report this week revealed that no Israeli citizen has been prosecuted for a killing in the West Bank since 2020, despite a radical uptick in violence; settlers and police have already killed 10 Palestinian civilians this month alone.

The undercover soldiers, especially, are something like the real life version of the international hit Fauda, widely admired for their counter-terrorism activity. There is little appetite for throwing the book at them.

So while it’s tempting to chalk this up as just another tragedy in a long list of tragedies on both sides, it is actually much more: a devastating manifestation of something fundamental — not just a personal tragedy but a national one.

That’s a tragedy I’ve seen unfolding slowly, since even before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023.

I’ve seen it in the rhetoric of far-right leaders like cabinet ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. But I’ve also seen it firsthand, as when I found myself on wartime television panels where I was besieged by right-wingers enraged at my assertion that innocents have been killed during the war in Gaza. I challenged one of them about whether this idea would include a two-week old baby.

“OK, maybe not the baby!” he conceded, unhappily.

The descent of part of Israeli society into this unforgivable lack of compassion is, some have argued, an inevitable outcome of indefinite control over the Palestinian territories. For years, warnings that rule over millions of disenfranchised Arabs would mutate Israel’s character were treated as excessive, even hysterical.

Israel was not a colonial power in the classic sense, its defenders argued; it was a democracy under siege, navigating impossible dilemmas. The West Bank may be “occupied” but that was justifiable because of the threat its near proximity posed. Israel’s actions might be harsh, but they were necessary, the argument went. It was said that the country’s moral core, despite pressures, would remain intact.

The initial signs after this latest tragedy are not exactly reassuring. Far from condemning Kroizer, as they rightly should have, the cabinet convened this week to offer his party a great gift: the legalization of 30 illegal settlement outposts, including some in “Area A,” which is supposed to be under full Palestinian control.

Israel did not begin this way. Its founding story was deeply bound up with an acute awareness of the need to maintain morality. The early Zionists envisioned a country that would be a “light unto the nations.”

As occupation has become an entrenched reality, most Israelis have wanted to look away; the problem is too complicated. This position may not be possible for much longer. The moral rot is too extreme. But the good news is that it has not infected everything and everyone. Israel’s public broadcaster devoted a segment to the Palestinian family’s tragedy, characterizing Kroizer’s statements as a disgrace.

The humanistic ideas through which Israel once judged itself have eroded. We must now hope that they won’t entirely vanish.

Dan Perry is the former chief editor of The Associated Press in Europe, Africa and the Middle East, the former chairman of the Foreign Press Association in Jerusalem, and the author of two books about Israel. Follow his newsletter “Ask Questions Later” at danperry.substack.com.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward. Discover more perspectives in Opinion. To contact Opinion authors, email opinion@forward.com.

This story was originally published on the Forward.

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Features

The Entebbe Alliance Reborn: Why Uganda Is Ready to Fight Iran Alongside Israel

Muhoozi Kainerugaba of the Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF), the son of Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, who leads the Ugandan army’s land forces, looks on during his birthday party in Entebbe, Uganda, May 7, 2022. Photo: REUTERS/Abubaker Lubowa

Fifty years ago, Israeli commandos stormed the terminal at Entebbe Airport under the cover of darkness. They engaged in a deadly firefight with Ugandan troops and Palestinian hijackers to rescue over 100 Jewish and Israeli hostages. The daring 1976 raid astonished the world and reshaped modern counterterrorism, but it cost the life of the assault unit’s commander, Lieutenant Colonel Yonatan “Yoni” Netanyahu.

Fast forward to March 2026, and the geopolitical script between Jerusalem and Kampala has flipped entirely. The very soil where Ugandan and Israeli forces once exchanged fire is now the foundation of an emerging alliance aimed squarely at countering the Islamic Republic of Iran.

General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the chief of Uganda’s armed forces and the son of President Yoweri Museveni, recently shocked the international community with a blunt declaration.

As regional tensions with Iran boiled over into direct military confrontations, Kainerugaba took to social media to draw a definitive line in the sand. He stated that while the world wanted the war in the Middle East to end, any talk of destroying or defeating Israel would bring Uganda into the war on the side of Israel. To physically cement this dramatic pivot, he previously announced that Uganda would erect a statue of Yoni Netanyahu at the exact spot where he fell at Entebbe Airport, framing the monument as a profound gesture designed to strengthen blood relations with Israel.

While some policymakers in Washington and European capitals are quick to dismiss Kainerugaba’s rhetoric as mere social media bluster, doing so overlooks a profound geostrategic realignment occurring in the Global South. This is not just historical poetry or diplomatic hyperbole. It is the public crystallization of Israel’s new “Circle of Partners” framework, a vital evolution of Jerusalem’s traditional defense strategy tailored for an era of multi-front warfare.

For decades, the Israeli defense and intelligence establishments relied heavily on the “Periphery Doctrine.” This strategy involved cultivating quiet but robust ties with non-Arab states to counterbalance a hostile Arab core.

Today, the threat matrix has completely inverted. The Arab core is increasingly allied with Israel, while the primary existential threat is the Iranian regime. Containing and defeating Tehran’s regional ambitions requires strategic depth far beyond the Levant, necessitating a modernized Periphery Doctrine that extends deep into the African continent. Israel recognizes that securing a “Circle of Partners” is no longer optional; it is a tactical imperative.

By cementing ties with Uganda — a Christian-majority, military heavyweight in East Africa — Israel is effectively anchoring a new southern flank. The strategic utility of this partnership becomes undeniable when looking at a map of Iran’s maritime ambitions. Tehran has spent years attempting to weaponize the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb strait, primarily through its funding of Houthi proxies in Yemen, while simultaneously seeking naval footholds in the Horn of Africa. East Africa serves as the geopolitical backdoor to this critical maritime corridor.

Furthermore, as the conflict with Iran expands across multiple domains, an allied Uganda offers Israel unparalleled intelligence-sharing nodes in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Uganda People’s Defense Force possesses deep institutional knowledge of local terror networks and illicit smuggling routes that Iranian proxies frequently exploit. Uganda also provides potential logistical staging grounds that sit safely outside the immediate range of Iran’s conventional ballistic missile umbrella, offering Israel a secure rear base for long-term strategic planning and operational depth.

Equally important is the diplomatic and ideological blow this alliance deals to Tehran. The Iranian regime relies heavily on a manufactured narrative that pits the Global South against a supposedly isolated Israel. At a time when international forums are routinely weaponized to turn Israel into a pariah state, unconditional support from a prominent African Union member shatters Iran’s diplomatic framing. When a leading African military commander publicly volunteers his own forces to defend the Jewish state and honors a fallen Israeli hero on African soil, it signals a shared recognition of the threat posed by radicalism that transcends geography.

In 1976, the raid on Entebbe proved to the world that Israel possessed the operational reach to strike its enemies and defend its citizens anywhere on the globe. In 2026, the emerging Entebbe alliance proves that Israel possesses the diplomatic foresight to build a continental strategic firewall against Iranian hegemony.

Uganda’s willingness to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Israel is a testament to the shifting tides of global alliances. If Tehran continues to escalate its multi-front war, the ayatollahs will rapidly discover that Israel is not fighting alone, and its “Circle of Partners” reaches much further than the Islamic Republic ever anticipated.

Amine Ayoub, a fellow at the Middle East Forum, is a policy analyst and writer based in Morocco. Follow him on X: @amineayoubx.

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Iran Lowers Minimum Age for War Roles to 12, Sparking Outcry Over Child Soldier Use

Kids hold up an Iranian flag and chant slogans during a protest against the Israeli airstrikes on Iran, in Sana a, Yemen, June 20, 2025. Photo: IMAGO/Hamza Ali via Reuters Connect

The Iranian regime has lowered the minimum age for participation in war-related activities to just 12 years old, a move that will likely fuel the concerns of human rights groups, which have condemned Iran’s treatment of children.

In a televised interview with state media, Rahim Nadali, a cultural with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in Tehran, announced that the new initiative “For Iran” is recruiting participants to assist with patrols, checkpoints, and logistics.

“Since children are increasingly volunteering to take part, we have lowered the minimum age to 12,” Nadali said, urging young children to join the war effort if they wish.

Iran International first reported Nadali’s statement, which has since circulated on social media.

As part of the regime’s state media coverage of the US-Israeli war against Iran, this latest announcement has ignited mounting backlash over the use of minors in security‑related roles — a practice that is not new in Iran.

“Recruiting children into military activity is a violation of international laws and the international community must not stay silent,” Iranian-American activist Masih Alinejad posted on social media, along with video of Nadali’s comments. “This is the same regime that lectures the world about morality. But when it comes to survival? They’re willing to send children into danger.”

In the past, widely circulated social media images and videos have repeatedly shown children and teenagers in military-style uniforms cracking down on protests, including during the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom uprising, which erupted nationwide after Mahsa Amini, a young Kurdish woman, died in a Tehran police station following her arrest for allegedly violating hijab rules.

Under international law, Iran’s move flagrantly violates the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which explicitly prohibits the use of children in military activities, marking a dramatic breach of its global obligations.

Human rights groups have also repeatedly accused Iranian security forces of killing child protesters during past crackdowns.

According to the Center for Human Rights in Iran, more than 200 children were killed during the nationwide anti‑government protests earlier this year, which security forces violently crushed, leaving thousands of demonstrators tortured or killed.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also documented cases of children being shot, detained, and abused during these latest demonstrations, noting that government forces have repeatedly targeted minors in ways that breach international law.

Iran has a long track record of widespread human rights abuses, including crackdowns on protesters, harassment of activists, threats to minorities, executions of children, violations of women’s rights, and dire prison conditions.

During the January uprising, at least 6,724 protesters, including 236 children, were killed, with another 11,744 cases still under verification, according to the Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA). Multiple other reports have estimated that the overall death toll may exceed 30,000.

As in past years, executions remain one of the starkest manifestations of human rights abuses in Iran, with at least 2,488 people executed last year, including 63 women and two children, 13 of them carried out publicly.

Tehran’s latest controversial move comes as Iran has reportedly slammed a US proposal to end the war as “one‑sided and unfair,” a rebuff that has cast doubt on the prospects for a negotiated ceasefire.

US President Donald Trump has warned the Islamist regime it must reach a deal or face a continued onslaught.

“They now have the chance, that is Iran, to permanently abandon their nuclear ambitions and to join a new path forward,” Trump said during a Cabinet meeting at the White House.

“We’ll see if they want to do it. If they don’t, we’re their worst nightmare. In the meantime, we’ll just keep blowing them away.”

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