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Our New Jewish Reality

Pro-Hamas protesters at a Toronto shopping mall where they confronted shoppers - and Toronto police (who stood by and did nothing)

By HENRY SREBRNIK We are now three months past the horrific Hamas attack on Israel, and things get worse, not better, as antisemitic activities have grown since that day.
Indeed, since Oct. 7, we Jews have been witnessing an ongoing political and psychological pogrom. True, there have been no deaths (so far), but we’ve seen the very real threat of mobs advocating violence, and extensive property damage of Jewish-owned businesses and synagogues, all with little forceful reaction from the authorities.
The very day after the carnage, Canadians awoke to the news that the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust had inspired sustained celebrations in its major cities. And they have continued ever since. I’d go so far as to say the Trudeau government has, objectively, been more interested in preventing harm to Gazans than caring about the atrocities against Israelis and their state.
For diaspora Jews, the attacks of Oct. 7 were not distant overseas events and in this country since then they have inspired anti-Semitism, pure and simple, which any Jew can recognize. Even though it happened in Israel, it brought back the centuries-old memories of defenseless Jews being slaughtered in a vicious pogrom by wild anti-Semites.
I think this has shocked, deeply, most Jews, even those completely “secular” and not all that interested in Judaism, Israel or “Zionism.” Jewish parents, especially, now fear for their children in schools and universities. The statements universities are making to Jewish students across the country could not be clearer: We will not protect you, they all but scream. You’re on your own.
But all this has happened before, as we know from Jewish history. Long before Alfred Dreyfus and Theodor Herzl, the 1881 pogroms in tsarist Russia led to an awakening of proto-Zionist activity there, with an emphasis on the land of Israel. There were soon new Jewish settlements in Palestine.
The average Jew in Canada now knows that his or her friend at a university, his co-worker in an office, and the people he or she socializes with, may in fact approve, or at least not disapprove, of what happened that day in Israel. Acquaintances or even close friends may care far more about Israel killing Palestinians in Gaza.
Such people may even believe what we may call “Hamas pogrom denial,” already being spread. Many people have now gone so far in accepting the demonization of Israel and Jews that they see no penalty attached to public expressions of Jew-hatred. Indeed, many academics scream their hatred of Israel and Jews as loud as possible.
One telling example: On Nov. 10, Toronto officers responded to a call at an Indigo bookstore located in the downtown. It had been defaced with red paint splashed on its windows and the sidewalk, and posters plastered to its windows.
The eleven suspects later arrested claimed that Indigo founder Heather Reisman (who is Jewish) was “funding genocide” because of her financial support of the HESEG Foundation for Lone Soldiers, which provides scholarships to foreign nationals who study in Israel after serving in the Israeli armed forces. By this logic, then, most Jewish properties and organizations could be targeted, since the vast majority of Jews are solidly on Israel’s side.
Were these vandals right-wing thugs or people recently arrived from the Middle East? No, those charged were mostly white middle-class professionals. Among them are figures from academia, the legal community, and the public education sector. Four are academics connected to York University (one of them a former chair of the Sociology Department) and a fifth at the University of Toronto; two are elementary school teachers; another a paralegal at a law firm.
Were their students and colleagues dismayed by this behaviour? On the contrary. Some faculty members, staff and students at the university staged a rally in their support. These revelations have triggered discussions about the role and responsibilities of educators, given their influential positions in society.
We now witness continuous large “pro-Palestinian” rallies through our cities, invasions of shopping malls and thoroughfares, including intimidating behaviour against Jewish passersby. One incident that gained wide media coverage was of a masked demonstrator at the Eaton Centre in Toronto Dec. 17 threatening someone in front of police officers that he would “put him six feet deep” with no consequences. The protesters seem to act with impunity and no pushback from the authorities.
“Pro-Hamas protests have been permitted to block traffic, close stores and frighten patrons and owners, and vandalize property. And now we have explicit death threats in front of inert useless cops,” wrote journalist John Robson in the National Post Dec. 20.
Far more scandalous, even shocking, was the decision by the mayor of Canada’s fourth largest city, Calgary, announcing that she would not be attending the annual menorah lighting at  city hall on the first night of Hanukkah.
Jyoti Gondek called it “an event to support Israel” – which, in her mind, “goes against the mission to uphold diversity and inclusion.” Orwell would be proud of such doublespeak. She is good at electoral math, however: Calgary is home to 100,00 Muslims but only 6,000 Jews.
Canada’s Muslim population is nearly 1.8 million, almost five times larger than the Jewish one, as Justin Trudeau, also, is aware. His Liberal government has been missing in action both in defending Israel at the UN and Canadian Jews at home. The RCMP, meanwhile, announced Dec. 16 that it had seen a “concerning trend” of young people being radicalized online, revealing that five youths had been arrested on terror charges over the past six months.
You’ve heard the term “quiet quitting.” I think many Jews will withdraw from various clubs and organizations and we will begin to see, in a sense like in the 1930s, a reversal of assimilation, at least in the social sphere. (Of course none of this applies to Orthodox Jews, who already live this way.)
Women in various feminist organizations may form their own groups or join already existing Jewish women’s groups. There may be an increase in attendance in K-12 Jewish schools. In universities, “progressive” Jewish students will have to opt out of organizations whose members, including people they considered friends, have been marching to the slogan “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” and similar eliminationist rhetoric, while waving Palestinian flags.
This will mostly affect Jews on the left, who may be supporters of organizations which have become carriers of anti-Semitism, though ostensibly dealing with “human rights,” “social justice,” and even “climate change.”
A perfect example: Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg took part in a demonstration outside the Israeli Embassy in Stockholm on Oct. 22 in which she chanted “crush Zionism” along with hundreds of other anti-Israel protesters. She co-authored an op-ed accusing Israel of perpetrating a genocide against Palestinians in the British newspaper the Guardian Dec. 5.
Israel is now unthinkingly condemned as a genocidal apartheid settler-colonialist state, indeed, the single most malevolent country in the world and the root of all evil.
New York Times Columnist Bret Stephens expressed it well in his Nov. 7 article. “Knowing who our friends aren’t isn’t pleasant, particularly after so many Jews have sought to be personal friends and political allies to people and movements that, as we grieved, turned their backs on us. But it’s also clarifying.”
We confront two wars, one being waged in Gaza, the other here in Canada’s streets, universities, and elsewhere, by antisemites creating havoc. Canada’s Jews feel besieged and isolated.

Ed. note: This article by Henry Srebrnik represents the fifth piece we have published written by him since November 12. Four previous articles are still available to read on our website. (Simply enter “Henry Srebrnik” in the search tool.) This most recent article represents an updated version of an article which was first posted to our website on November 12. We also asked Henry to provide some further biographical information, as many readers have been asking us who he is. You can read a detailed bio of his academic career at the end of this article.
By the way, similar to Henry, we’ve been receiving submissions from other writers whose writings had not previously appeared in our paper, nor on our website. We welcome those submissions. We are proud to serve as a forum for articles that, perhaps for reasons of length, perhaps due to their content, have either been rejected for publication in better known newspapers or websites than ours.

Henry Srebrnik teaches comparative politics and ethnic relations in the Department of Political Science at the University of Prince Edward Island in Charlottetown, PEI, Canada and in his research examines the impact of nationalism and ethnically-based political conflict among diaspora peoples.
He obtained BA and MA degrees in political science and history at McGill University, Montreal, and an MA in Contemporary Jewish Studies at Brandeis University, Waltham, MA. His PhD in political science, from the University of Birmingham in England, was entitled “The Jewish Communist Movement in Stepney: Ideological Mobilization and Political Victories in an East London Borough, 1935-45.”
He has written three books on the subject of Jewish communities and Communist movements: London Jews and British Communism, 1935-1945 (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 1995); Jerusalem on the Amur: Birobidzhan and the Canadian Jewish Communist Movement, 1924-1951 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2008); and Dreams of Nationhood: American Jewish Communists and the Soviet Birobidzhan Project, 1924-1951 (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2010). With Matthew Hoffman, he co-edited  A Vanished Ideology: Essays on the Jewish Communist Movement in the English-speaking World in the Twentieth Century (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2016).
 He also wrote Creating the Chupah: The Zionist Movement and the Drive for Jewish Communal Unity in Canada, 1898-1921 (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2011) and co-edited De Facto States: The Quest for Sovereignty (London and New York: Routledge, 2004).
 The book on the Canadian Jewish Communist Movement has quite a bit on Winnipeg, as you’d expect.
 A few articles that include Winnipeg, of the many I’ve written on the Canadian Jewish Communist movement:
 “Birobidzhan on the Prairies: Two Decades of Pro-Soviet Jewish Movements in Winnipeg,” in Daniel Stone, ed., Jewish Radicalism in Winnipeg, 1905-1960 (Jewish Life and Times, Vol. 8) (Winnipeg: Jewish Heritage Centre of Western Canada, 2003): 172-191.
“Red Star Over Birobidzhan: Canadian Jewish Communists and the ‘Jewish Autonomous Region’ in the Soviet Union,” Labour/Le Travail 44, 1999: 129-147; reprinted in Richard Menkis and Norman Ravvin, eds., The Canadian Jewish Studies Reader (Calgary and Montreal: Red Deer Press and the Institute for Canadian Jewish Studies, 2004): 241-263.
 

Features

Football: Which team from Israel could we see in the European Cup next year?

With Europe’s club competitions heading into another summer of drama, Israeli football is on the table. The domestic season is done, trophies picked up and now a new batch of clubs can now try their luck against continental competition.

What are the prospects of these teams in Europe next year and who are they? It all starts with Hapoel Be’er Sheva’s title, Maccabi Tel Aviv’s cup win and the competition of the best Israel football teams against each other, as fans look to Champions League on Wincomparator to see what teams are in contention.

How Israel’s clubs qualify for Europe: The 2026-2027 spots

Qualification to join the European elite hinges on the 2025-26 Israeli Premier League table and the Israel State Cup. Israel will have one Champions League spot, one Europa League spot, and two Europa Conference League spots in 2026-27.

That means the league winner gets into the Champions League, the State Cup winner goes on to Europa League qualifying. The next eligible league’s finishers take the Conference League slots. It’s a good model as it provides a tangible reward for consistency at home, while at the same time demonstrating the importance of each playoff game. A top three finish can help a club’s summer, bring in better players and provide fans with a European tour before the next season’s start.

The Champion’s quest: Israel’s hope for the Champions League

Meet the 2025-26 Premier League winner: Hapoel Be’er Sheva

Hapoel Be’er Sheva have qualified for Israel’s Champions League after their Israeli Premier League title win with 79 points scored in 36 games. Ran Kozuch’s side closed the gap on the three-point lead but also showed significant strength in the attacking phase to secure a win in a crucial championship round with Beitar Jerusalem.

Their challenge also comes as their reward. Hapoel Be’er Sheva are only expected to begin in the second round of the Champions League, not the league round. To get to the main competition they need to pass through the first round of the other national champions in two-legged ties, and their seeding, fitness and sharpness in early-season competition could be a game breaker.

While the club has experience in Europe and a rabid Turner Stadium following, the path is tough. It takes one bad outing to wipe out a year’s worth of work. However, as long as the bedrock remains the same and they are able to put some depth into the team, the champions have the balance to fight.

Battling in the Conference League: Israel’s other European contenders

The State Cup winner and league runners-up

Maccabi Tel Aviv go to Europe after the Israel State Cup final 2-1 win against Hapoel Be’er Sheva at Teddy Stadium, Jerusalem. That win denied Be’er Sheva a home double, and also meant that Maccabi got into the Europa League qualifying, where they were put in the second qualifying round thanks to access-list rebalancing.

The Conference League qualifiers are Beitar Jerusalem who finished second in the league with 76 points, and Hapoel Tel Aviv who finished fourth with 60 points. The importance of Maccabi Tel Aviv’s cup victory lies in the fact that it unlocked the rest of the way in the league. Beitar’s season was particularly impressive as they scored 78 goals and lost just four matches. On the other hand, Hapoel Tel Aviv managed to remain above Maccabi Haifa in the final table standing, earning them a well-deserved European berth.

The Europa Conference League is no consolation prize for these clubs. It’s a realistic platform. Although there are still a few hurdles to navigate, Israeli sides consider this competition to be the most realistic one for European football in the autumn.

A look at past successes and future hopes

This group has reason for belief, based on recent history. Israeli teams can make significant nights in Europe, and Maccabi Haifa did just that, when they made it into the Champions League group stage in 2022-23, and then impressively took out Juventus 2-0 in Haifa.

There is significant monetary and sporting worth in qualification. A UEFA cup can make a difference to a club, as can better attendance, TV coverage and recruitment opportunities. The early storylines will be the draw for Hapoel Be’er Sheva in the Champions League, as well as Maccabi Tel Aviv in the Europa league and the two Conference League routes — Beitar Jerusalem and Hapoel Tel Aviv. They all have tricky paths to follow, but all four provide Israeli football with a realistic European presence next summer.

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Features

At one time one entire block of McAdam Ave. was almost totally Jewish

McAdam Avenue circa 1962

This story originally appeared in a November 2014 issue of The Jewish Post & News:

1994 McAdam Ave. reunion (names inside story)

By GERRY POSNER (This story first appeared in November 2014.)
Once upon a time when life was simpler and gentler, there was a street in the north end of Winnipeg which was like all other streets in the city except in one significant way. Everyone, but for one family, living on McAdam east of Main Street was Jewish.

(more…)

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Features

Cheap Weed In Canada: A Smart Shopper’s Guide

Cannabis products with price labels on a Canadian dispensary shelf

Since legalisation, cannabis has settled into Canadian life as an ordinary, regulated purchase. And like groceries or gas, the price can vary a surprising amount from one shop to the next once you start comparing.

For a lot of buyers, that has turned the focus to value. Affordable options like cheap weed prove a lower price and a tested, quality product can go together. This guide explains how to shop smart in Canada without cutting corners.

Why Has Affordable Cannabis Become So Popular?

Because the novelty has worn off, and buyers now shop like they do for anything else. In the early days, people paid whatever the new legal stores asked. That has changed.

A few things drove that shift:

  • A maturing market, with more retailers competing on price.
  • Online sellers, whose lower overhead keeps costs down.
  • Savvier buyers, who now compare rather than grab the first option.
  • A wider range of formats and budget-friendly bulk sizes.

The result is a real focus on getting value for money. Crowdsourced figures put the early average near $6.85 a gram, and cannabis price data from Statistics Canada shows how legal and illegal prices have differed since 2018.

That gap is exactly why shopping around pays off. A careful buyer can pay noticeably less than a careless one for a comparable product. The sticker price is only where the comparison starts.

How Do Canadians Shop for Cheaper Weed?

With the same care they bring to any regular expense. A handful of habits make the biggest difference. These are the ones worth adopting:

  1. Compare the per-gram price. It is the only fair way to weigh two options.
  2. Buy larger formats. Bigger quantities almost always lower the unit cost.
  3. Skip premium markups. Plain flower beats pricey pre-rolls for value.
  4. Watch for sales. Online retailers run them often, especially on holidays.
  5. Match potency to the plan. A stronger product means you use less each time.

None of these involve settling for a worse product. They simply put your money to better use, the same way you would stretch your money on any other purchase. The cheapest sticker is rarely the best value, and the priciest is seldom worth it.

The same logic applies whether you shop in person or online in Canada. Read the label, weigh the cost per gram, and let the numbers guide you rather than the branding.

Is There a Catch With Low-Priced Cannabis?

Not in the legal market, which is the part newcomers miss. In Canada, every legal product is tested and labelled to the same standard, whatever it costs.

That means a budget option from a licensed seller has cleared the same checks as a premium one. It is screened for contaminants, and its potency is verified. Price reflects branding, packaging, and store margins far more than basic safety.

The genuine differences are in the finer points. Premium flower might offer a better aroma or a richer flavour, and some formats simply cost more to make. For everyday use, though, a well-priced choice usually performs just fine.

The real catch is buying outside the legal system. Health Canada’s overview of the Cannabis Act is a sensible read on what legal really means. Buying legal protects you, not buying expensive.

What Makes a Cheap Purchase a Smart One?

A couple of quick checks, mostly. A real bargain holds up to a second look, while a false one does not. The table below shows what to weigh.

CheckWhy It Matters
Is the seller licensed?Only legal retailers guarantee tested product
What is the per-gram cost?The headline price can hide a weak deal
Is potency on the label?Higher strength can stretch your money
Are there bulk or sale deals?These usually beat single-unit pricing
What does delivery cost?Shipping can erase an online saving

Any shaky answer there is a reason to pause. A licensed seller with clear pricing and labelling is the safe choice, while a suspiciously cheap unlicensed source is not. The legal age applies regardless, at 18 or 19 depending on the province.

Treat cannabis like any other considered purchase. Compare, check the details, and let value rather than habit lead the decision. That is how modest savings add up across a whole year.

Before You Buy

  • Cannabis prices vary widely by retailer, format, and store overhead.
  • Comparing the per-gram cost is the fairest way to judge value.
  • All legal Canadian cannabis is tested, so cheaper is not unsafe.
  • Bulk buys, sales, and plain formats keep spending down.
  • Always buy from a licensed source, and factor in delivery fees.

Photo by Jakub Zerdzicki on Pexels

Alt text: A shopper comparing prices online at home

Smart Savings, No Compromise

Buying affordable cannabis in Canada is not about chasing the lowest number you can find. It is about understanding what shapes the price and shopping with a little intention. Stick to licensed, tested products, compare the real cost per gram, and lean on bulk deals and online pricing. Do that, and an affordable choice stays a smart one, purchase after purchase.

Frequently Asked Questions

Is Cheap Weed Safe to Buy In Canada?

Yes, provided it comes from a licensed retailer. All legal cannabis in Canada is tested for contaminants and labelled for potency, regardless of price. A lower cost usually reflects branding and overhead rather than weaker safety, so a budget option from a legal seller is still a safe one.

How Do I Find the Best Cannabis Deals?

Compare the per-gram price, buy larger formats, and watch for sales from online retailers. Checking potency against price helps too, since a stronger product can mean you use less. The key is shopping deliberately instead of defaulting to the same brand or store each time.

Why Is Cannabis Cheaper Online?

Online sellers usually carry lower overhead than physical stores, and they run sales and bulk deals more often. That lets them price competitively while still selling tested, legal product. Just remember to factor in shipping, which can offset the saving on a small order.

Does Paying More Mean Better Cannabis?

Not necessarily. Price reflects branding, format, and store margins as much as quality, and all legal product meets the same testing standards. Premium options may offer a better aroma or appearance, but a well-priced choice often works just as well day to day.

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