Anti-Israel protests continued to escalate throughout August. Pro-Hamas protestors blocked the I-405 freeway in Los Angeles, vandalized AIPAC headquarters in Washington, D.C., vandalized elementary schools in Stamford, CT, and Bethesda, MD, and smashed the windows of a Ralph Lauren store in Manhattan.

Patrons attending a production of Fiddler on the Roof in London were harassed, as were children at a science museum in south London, and Hezbollah and Hamas flags were waved at various demonstrations including those mourning Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh. Sporadic demonstrations against Israel were also held at the Paris Olympics.

An Israeli owned factory in Britain was again vandalized and a Jewish man in Brooklyn was stabbed by an individual yelling “free Palestine.” The individual was charged with attempted murder and a hate crime.

Thousands of protestors were bused into Chicago for the Democratic National Convention. On the first full day, barriers were torn down, but the number of protestors appeared far below the tens of thousands anticipated. Bomb threats were called in to hotels hosting delegates, American and Israeli flags were burned, the Israeli consulate was picketed, and dozens of arrests were made.

In contrast to other groups, Jewish groups were made to keep their locations secret. A session held by an Orthodox group was nevertheless disrupted by pro-Hamas protestors. 

The eliminationist goals espoused by the protestors, along with their fundamental anti-American and anti-Western ideologies, is a threat to all Americans. But press accounts emphasized the minimal turnout and underplayed the seriousness of the messages and the movement.

The situation was markedly worse on college campuses.

In the faculty sphere, the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) issued a statement endorsing academic boycotts. Without mentioning Israel the statement claimed:

when faculty members choose to support academic boycotts, they can legitimately seek to protect and advance the academic freedom and fundamental rights of colleagues and students who are living and working under circumstances that violate that freedom and one or more of those rights. In such contexts, academic boycotts are not in themselves violations of academic freedom; rather, they can be considered legitimate tactical responses to conditions that are fundamentally incompatible with the mission of higher education.

An early indicator of faculty involvement in the semester’s anti-Israel activities was a request on social media for Columbia and Barnard’s faculty to appear at the institutions’ gates to “protect” pro-Hamas protestors, who were disrupting students moving into their dorms.

Threats from New York University’s Faculty for Justice in Palestine to “withhold their labor” represent another level of coercion against the institution, as well as fellow faculty and students.

The most notable college administration related event of August was the sudden and unexpected resignation of Columbia University president Minouche Shafik, who will leave the US and return to Britain for a position in the Labour Party led Foreign Office. Her tenure of 13 months is the shortest in Columbia’s history.

Shafik is the third Ivy League president to resign. Her handling of the post-October 7 campus crisis had been harshly criticized on all sides. For their part, Columbia’s Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapter stated “any future president who does not pay heed to the Columbia student body’s overwhelming demand for divestment will end up exactly as President Shafik did.” Columbia’s Jewish Voice for Peace chapter commented “The students of Columbia will never forget the sheer violence unleashed upon us by Minouche Shafik, and we will not be placated by her removal as the university’s repression of the pro-Palestinian student movement continues.”

Legal action in response to the 2023-2024 school year continues to play out.

In one notable case, a Federal judge issued a ruling that excoriated UCLA for permitting pro-Hamas protestors to shut down portions of campus to Jewish students who identified as Zionists, saying: “In the year 2024, in the United States of America, in the State of California, in the City of Los Angeles, Jewish students were excluded from portions of the UCLA campus because they refused to denounce their faith.”

The university had argued that it bore no responsibility “because the exclusion was engineered by third-party protesters.” The judge instructed the university to present a plan to address the issue, or prepare to shut down operations entirely. Observers suggest that the ruling will motivate other universities to take steps to protect Jewish students from harassment and abuse. 

A Massachusetts court also permitted a lawsuit under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 against Harvard University to proceed. The suit alleges the university permitted antisemitic harassment against Jewish students to proceed unchecked. A similar suit against the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) was dismissed by the same judge, who ruled the university at least took steps to restore “civil order and discourse to its campus.”

In another suit, a Federal court ruled Jewish MIT students did not have to pay dues to the graduate student union, which had endorsed BDS. The students had claimed the union’s decision violated their religious beliefs and freedom of association.

Graduate unions, frequently affiliated with the United Auto Workers or United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America, have become a notable target for the BDS movement. Additional lawsuits are pending including at the University of Chicago.

In general, universities have spent the summer revising policies regarding protests, access, encampments, masking, and various “expressive activities” such as signage and departmental statements, to avoid the breakdowns seen in the 2023-2024 school year.

Institutions with specific guidelines and prohibitions include the University of California system, the California State University, and University of Texas systems.

In a particularly specific example, New York University issued new guidelines that mentioned “code words” like “Zionist:”

Using code words, like “Zionist,” does not eliminate the possibility that your speech violates the NDAH Policy. For many Jewish people, Zionism is a part of their Jewish identity.  Speech and conduct that would violate the NDAH if targeting Jewish or Israeli people can also violate the NDAH if directed toward Zionists. For example, excluding Zionists from an open event, calling for the death of Zionists, applying a “no Zionist” litmus test for participation in any NYU activity, using or disseminating tropes, stereotypes, and conspiracies about Zionists (e.g., “Zionists control the media”), demanding a person who is or is perceived to be Jewish or Israeli to state a position on Israel or Zionism, minimizing or denying the Holocaust, or invoking Holocaust imagery or symbols to harass or discriminate.

In some cases, such as Columbia, faculty involved in anti-Israel protests are involved in creating new guidelines. The AAUP has also condemned new guidelines, calling them “overly restrictive” and a threat to democracy.

Institutions have also mandated civic dialogue and antisemitism and Islamophobia training programs.

Jewish faculty and students have expressed concerns that the fall semester will repeat or intensify the disruptions of the past year.

Another significant policy change are the increasingly widespread adoption of “institutional neutrality,” in which universities refrain from issuing statements regarding situations that do not directly affect it.

Institutions adopting such policies now include Harvard University, Cornell University, the University of Texas system, the University of South Carolina, the University of Colorado at Boulder, Johns Hopkins University, Emerson College, and Purdue University. The University of Minnesota’s institutional neutrality policy extends to its investments.

Institutions have also quietly announced that divestment from Israel will not be considered. This was made clear in a long statement from the Oberlin College trustees, and a short statement from the head of the University of Pennsylvania trustees, who also condemned the BDS movement.

San Francisco State University, however, announced that it was divesting from four American companies including Lockheed Martin and Caterpillar as part of a deal with protestors. The move was specifically described as a move away from companies involved in “weapons manufacturing” rather than Israel.

At the same time, however, many universities and district attorneys have quietly dropped disciplinary cases against students who disrupted campuses in the previous school year, including at the University of Chicago and Cal State Humboldt. In the latter case, protestors did several million dollars worth of damage to a building. Columbia University students who had been arrested during the May building takeover nearly all remain in good standing, and will return this fall. Suspended students from several universities have filed lawsuits to have punishments lifted.

George Washington University administrators, however, have urged local authorities not to drop charges against students and have barred several from campus, even as they (and the University of Vermont, the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Ohio State University, and Rutgers University) have barred SJP from campus for the fall.

In a sign of changing Jewish attitudes towards the Ivy League, a report notes that the Ramaz school in Manhattan will not send any students to Columbia for the first time in its history. Another sign is a sharp rise in new enrollments and transfers at Yeshiva University, Brandeis University, and Touro University.

Over the summer, we learned that pro-Hamas students had participated in training sessions held at various campuses. Reports indicated that the training emphasized organizing tactics, as well as Marxist-Leninist and jihadist ideologies. Evidence also emerged of students conspiring with outsiders and discussing how to fabricate allegations against Jewish faculty members, specifically Shai Davidai of Columbia University.

The tone of pronouncements from various SJP chapters was frank regarding planned disruptions and revolutionary intent.

The University of North Carolina SJP chapter stated its “support for the right to resistance, not only in Palestine, but also here in the imperial core,” and condoned “all forms of principled action, including armed rebellion, necessary to stop Israel’s genocide and apartheid, and to dismantle imperialism and capitalism more broadly.”

Columbia University’s SJP issued a statement claiming that, “We are Westerners fighting for the total eradication of Western civilization” and that “Our intifada is an internationalist one-we are fighting for nothing less than the liberation of all people. We reject every genocidal, eugenicist regime that seeks to undermine the personhood of the colonized.”

The University of Pennsylvania and Drexel University SJPs also issued an Instagram image with red Hamas targeting triangles above President Biden and Vice President Harris.

Jewish organizations on campus have also been targeted by pro-Hamas demonstrators. Protestors outside of the Baruch College Hillel called to “bring the war home,” and carried signs saying “Let the intifada pave the way for people’s war.”

Masked protestors also waved Palestinian flags outside the Temple University Hillel and the Toronto Metropolitan University Hillel.

In response, at the end of the month, the Columbia SJP’s Instagram account was permanently deleted, as was that of the New York University SJP.

A spokesperson for Meta, owner of Instagram, stated that Columbia SJP’s “account was disabled for repeated violations of Meta’s dangerous organizations and individuals policies.”

The use of the encrypted messaging app Telegram by student and Chicago protest organizers pointed to a high level of organization and security. The inclusion of pro-Hamas and pro-Iran Resistance News Network content on various Telegram channels also suggested outside facilitation or sponsorship of pro-Hamas protests.  

Early campus disruptions this semester have included Columbia University, where even before the semester began, the Chief Operating Officer’s apartment building was vandalized, while at the beginning of school new students moving in were harassed and the convocation was disrupted.

Student governments will remain a focal point for anti-Israel agitation.

At the University of Michigan and the New School, the pro-Hamas leadership of the student governments voted to freeze all funding of student groups until the administrations gave in to their demands for divestment. These are efforts to leverage student bodies against administrations, even at the risk of backlash against themselves. The move quickly backfired at the New School when the university administration transferred funding responsibility from the student government to itself. The Michigan administration has announced a similar move.

The author is a contributor to SPME, where an extensively different version of this article appeared.

The post As School Year Begins, Palestinian Student Groups Get Increasingly Violent, and Colleges Appear to Take Action first appeared on Algemeiner.com.