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Assad and Esav Will Be Forgotten — Only the Righteous Will Be Remembered
A Torah scroll. Photo: RabbiSacks.org.
It’s a sight that the world has seen time and again — but somehow, it is a shock each time it happens. A vicious tyrant brought low, his carefully constructed empire crumbling and collapsing under the weight of its own brutality. This week, it happened — and it unfolded before our eyes in real-time.
Bashar al-Assad, the once-dominant ruler of Syria — and son of a father who was the dominant ruler of Syria — appeared untouchable. Despite 13 years of civil war, Assad held onto power, aided and abetted in his authoritarian rule by Iran and Russia, always there to ensure the rebels never seized control.
But history is merciless to those who rule through fear alone.
Like so many despots before him, Assad’s spectacular fall was both inevitable and cautionary, echoing the collapse of countless oppressive regimes in recent history: Ceausescu in Romania, Gaddafi in Libya, and Saddam Hussein in Iraq.
But Assad’s fate not only echoes these modern fallen tyrants; it also follows a far older script. One could compare him to Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, the infamous Fatimid Caliph of Egypt, whose erratic and oppressive rule alienated his people and plunged his reign into chaos, and earned him the title, the “Mad Caliph.”
Ascending the throne in 996 at the tender age of 11, Al-Hakim initially showed promise but quickly descended into a pattern of bizarre and despotic behavior — not unlike Bashar al-Assad, the seemingly gentle and refined ophthalmologist from London who, in 2000, succeeded his father Hafez amid widespread international hope that he would usher in a softer, more progressive era for Syria, only to perpetuate and even amplify his father’s oppressive rule.
Just like Assad, Al-Hakim enforced laws that bewildered and terrorized his subjects. Religious minorities, particularly Christians and Jews, but also Muslims, faced fierce persecution and vicious pogroms, which included the destruction of their places of worship.
Even his own advisors and allies began questioning his sanity as he declared himself a divine figure. In 1021, Al-Hakim mysteriously disappeared, and many believe that he was assassinated by those closest to him.
And what about Al-Musta’sim, the last Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad, whose complacency in the face of danger ended in the catastrophic Mongol destruction of his capital and his own humiliating death in 1258?
Al-Musta’sim presided over a city once the jewel of the Islamic world. But by his time, the Abbasid Caliphate had been reduced to little more than a shadow of its former glory. The caliph, known for his indecisiveness and weak leadership, grossly underestimated the threat posed by the marauding Mongols, led by Hulagu Khan, who were systematically conquering the surrounding regions.
And the similarities to Assad don’t end there. Despite repeated warnings and opportunities to prepare for an inevitable attack, Al-Musta’sim faltered, failing to muster an adequate defense or seek effective alliances. His arrogance and misplaced confidence in Baghdad’s reputation as an invincible cultural and religious hub left the city exposed.
When the Mongols finally laid siege to Baghdad, they met little resistance, and the ensuing massacre was one of the most devastating and violent in medieval history. Hundreds of thousands of residents were slaughtered, the city’s famed libraries — including the House of Wisdom — were burned, and Baghdad was left in ruins.
As for Al-Musta’sim himself, he was captured by Hulagu, who rolled him up in a carpet and had him trampled to death by horses. His demise marked not only the end of the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad but was also a powerful demonstration of the brutal consequences of leadership defined by complacency and miscalculation — not dissimilar to what we saw this week.
But perhaps most evocative of all, in light of what we saw this week, is the story of Boabdil — Abu Abdallah Muhammad XII, the last Muslim Sultan of Granada, who surrendered his kingdom to Spain’s Catholic Monarchs in 1492.
As Boabdil fled into exile, he reportedly stopped on a hillside to look back at his lost realm. Overcome with grief, he began to weep, prompting his mother’s scornful rebuke: “You weep like a woman for what you could not defend as a man.”
One wonders if anyone whispered those words or something similar to Assad as he hightailed it to Moscow this week, leaving his country in tatters. Like Boabdil, Assad’s reign ends not with dignity or resolution, but in disgrace, as he leaves Syria shattered and divided, with much of its territory in the hands of Islamic fanatics whose brutality rivals his own.
History’s judgment of Assad will be as unforgiving as that of Boabdil: a ruler whose failures were both inevitable and avoidable and whose legacy is one of ruin.
And yet, as we reflect on the dramatic fall of Assad and the forgotten legacies of tyrants and losers like Al-Hakim, Al-Musta’sim, and Boabdil, we are reminded of a striking passage in the Torah that provides timeless insight into the nature of power and legacy. In Parshat Vayishlach, the Torah lists the names of Esav’s descendants — one “Aluf” after another (Gen. 36:15-43): “Aluf Teiman, Aluf Omar, Aluf Zepho, Aluf Kenaz…”
The Aluf titles imply chieftains, leaders, mighty figures in their time. But the question is inescapable: Why does the Torah dedicate precious space to these forgotten, seemingly irrelevant people? What purpose does this passage serve, recounting a lineage that has no lasting significance?
The answer lies in the Torah’s subtle but profound message about the nature of power. These were individuals who, in their day, seemed mighty and important, wielding authority and commanding respect. People lived or died at their whim. Armies marched, land was conquered, lives were impacted.
And yet their power was fleeting and shallow, rooted purely in conquest and temporal strength. They left behind no meaningful legacy, no enduring contribution to humanity, and no ethical framework by which the world might remember them. Their names survive only as worthless reminders of how empty their power truly was, and how history has erased them from any narrative of significance.
Contrast this with Jacob and his descendants, whose legacy transcends physical power or political dominance. Jacob’s strength — and the enduring legacy of the Jewish people — lies in the covenant with God, the divine ethical rule they uphold, and the moral compass they provide to the world.
While the Alufim of Esav’s lineage have faded into obscurity, their power nothing more than a historical footnote, Jacob’s descendants continue to endure and thrive, making their positive mark wherever they are. Their influence is not measured in fleeting military victories or in their ability to kill or torture those they control, but in the eternal values they represent.
The juxtaposition is striking and deliberate. Bashar al-Assad, like Esav and his descendants, may have controlled territory and wielded the power to kill hundreds of thousands of people, but in the end — he was and is nothing, and his legacy is nothing.
The power of the Esavs and the Assads, no matter how overwhelming it may be in their day, is hollow when measured against the enduring values of justice, compassion, and faith. Ultimately, it is not the Alufim of the world who are remembered, but those who commit themselves to something far greater than themselves. Such people are recalled forever, and their deeds are remembered and valued for eternity.
The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.
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US Immigration Judge Rules Palestinian Columbia Student Khalil Can Be Deported
Mahmoud Khalil speaks to members of media about the Revolt for Rafah encampment at Columbia University during the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza, in New York City, US, June 1, 2024. Photo: Jeenah Moon via Reuters Connect
A US immigration judge ruled on Friday that Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil can be deported, allowing President Donald Trump’s administration to proceed with its effort to remove the Columbia University student from the United States a month after his arrest in New York City.
The ruling by Judge Jamee Comans of the LaSalle Immigration Court in Louisiana was not a final determination of Khalil’s fate. But it represented a significant victory for the Republican president in his efforts to deport foreign pro-Palestinian students who are in the United States legally and, like Khalil, have not been charged with any crime.
Citing the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, Trump-appointed US Secretary of State Marco Rubio determined last month that Khalil could harm American foreign policy interests and should be deported for his “otherwise lawful” speech and activism.
Comans said that she did not have the authority to overrule a secretary of state. The judge denied a motion by Khalil’s lawyers to subpoena Rubio and question him about the “reasonable grounds” he had for his determination under the 1952 law.
The judge’s decision came after a combative 90-minute hearing held in a court located inside a jail complex for immigrants surrounded by double-fenced razor wire run by private government contractors in rural Louisiana.
Khalil, a prominent figure in the anti-Israel student protest movement that has roiled Columbia’s New York City campus, was born in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria, holds Algerian citizenship and became a US lawful permanent resident last year. Khalil’s wife is a US citizen.
For now, Khalil remains in the Louisiana jail where federal authorities transferred him after his March 8 arrest at his Columbia University apartment building some 1,200 miles (1,930 km) away. Comans gave Khalil’s lawyers until April 23 to apply for relief before she considers whether to issue a deportation order. An immigration judge can rule that a migrant cannot be deported because of possible persecution in a home country, among other limited grounds.
In a separate case in New Jersey, US District Judge Michael Farbiarz has blocked deportation while he considers Khalil’s claim that his arrest was made in violation of the US Constitution’s First Amendment protections for freedom of speech.
KHALIL ADDRESSES THE JUDGE
As Comans adjourned, Khalil leaned forward, asking to address the court. Comans hesitated, then agreed.
Khalil quoted her remarks at his hearing on Tuesday that nothing was more important to the court than “due process rights and fundamental fairness.”
“Clearly what we witnessed today, neither of these principles were present today or in this whole process,” Khalil said. “This is exactly why the Trump administration has sent me to this court, a thousand miles away from my family.”
The judge said her ruling turned on an undated, two-page letter signed by Rubio and submitted to the court and to Khalil’s counsel.
Khalil’s lawyers, appearing via a video link, complained they were given less than 48 hours to review Rubio’s letter and evidence submitted by the Trump administration to Comans this week. Marc Van Der Hout, Khalil’s lead immigration attorney, repeatedly asked for the hearing to be delayed. Comans reprimanded him for what the judge said was straying from the hearing’s purpose, twice saying he had “an agenda.”
Comans said that the 1952 immigration law gave the secretary of state “unilateral judgment” to make his determination about Khalil.
Khalil should be removed, Rubio wrote, for his role in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”
Rubio’s letter did not accuse Khalil of breaking any laws, but said the State Department can revoke the legal status of immigrants who could harm US foreign policy interests even when their beliefs, associations or statements are “otherwise lawful.”
After Comans ended the hearing, several of Khalil’s supporters wept as they left the courtroom. Khalil stood and smiled at them, making a heart shape with his hands.
Khalil has said criticism of the US government’s support of Israel is being wrongly conflated with antisemitism. His lawyers told the court they were submitting into evidence Khalil’s interviews last year with CNN and other news outlets in which he denounces antisemitism and other prejudice.
His lawyers have said the Trump administration was targeting him for protected speech including the right to criticize American foreign policy.
“Mahmoud was subject to a charade of due process, a flagrant violation of his right to a fair hearing and a weaponization of immigration law to suppress dissent,” Van Der Hout said in a statement after the hearing.
The American immigration court system is run and its judges are appointed by the US Justice Department, separate from the government’s judicial branch.
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Hamas Releases Video of Israeli-American Hostage Held in Gaza
FILE PHOTO: Yael, Adi and Mika Alexander, the family of Edan Alexander, the American-Israeli and Israel Defense Forces soldier taken hostage during the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas, pose for a photograph during an interview with Reuters at the Alexander’s home in Tenafly, New Jersey, U.S., December 14, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Stephani Spindel/File Photo
Hamas on Saturday released a video purportedly of Israeli-American hostage Edan Alexander, who has been held in Gaza since he was captured by Palestinian terrorists on October 7, 2023.
In the undated video, the man who introduces himself as Edan Alexander states he has been held in Gaza for 551 days. The man questions why he is still being held and pleads for his release.
Alexander is a soldier serving in the Israeli military.
The edited video was released as Jews began to mark Passover, a weeklong holiday that celebrates freedom. Alexander’s family released a statement acknowledging the video that said the holiday would not be one of freedom as long as Edan and the 58 other hostages in Gaza remained in captivity.
Hamas has released several videos over the course of the war of hostages begging to be released. Israeli officials have dismissed past videos as propaganda that is designed to put pressure on the government. The war is in its eighteenth month.
Hamas released 38 hostages under a ceasefire that began on January 19. In March, Israel’s military resumed its ground and aerial campaign on Gaza, abandoning the ceasefire after Hamas rejected proposals to extend the truce without ending the war.
Israeli officials say that campaign will continue until the remaining 59 hostages are freed and Gaza is demilitarized. Hamas insists it will free hostages only as part of a deal to end the war and has rejected demands to lay down its arms.
The US, Qatar and Egypt are mediating between Hamas and Israel.
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Some Progress in Hostage Talks But Major Issues Remain, Source tells i24NEWS
Demonstrators hold signs and pictures of hostages, as relatives and supporters of Israeli hostages kidnapped during the Oct. 7, 2023 attack by Hamas protest demanding the release of all hostages in Tel Aviv, Israel, Feb. 13, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Itai Ron
i24 News – A source familiar with the ongoing negotiations for a hostage deal confirmed to i24NEWS on Friday that some progress has been made in talks, currently taking place with Egypt, including the exchange of draft proposals. However, it remains unclear whether Hamas will ultimately accept the emerging framework. According to the source, discussions are presently focused on reaching a cohesive outline with Cairo.
A delegation of senior Hamas officials is expected to arrive in Cairo tomorrow. While there is still no finalized draft, even Arab sources acknowledge revisions to Egypt’s original proposal, reportedly including a degree of flexibility in the number of hostages Hamas is willing to release.
The source noted that Hamas’ latest proposal to release five living hostages is unacceptable to Israel, which continues to adhere to the “Witkoff framework.” At the core of this framework is the release of a significant number of hostages, alongside a prolonged ceasefire period—Israel insists on 40 days, while Hamas is demanding more. The plan avoids intermittent pauses or distractions, aiming instead for uninterrupted discussions on post-war arrangements.
As previously reported, Israel is also demanding comprehensive medical and nutritional reports on all living hostages as an early condition of the deal.
“For now,” the source told i24NEWS, “Hamas is still putting up obstacles. We are not at the point of a done deal.” Israeli officials emphasize that sustained military and logistical pressure on Hamas is yielding results, pointing to Hamas’ shift from offering one hostage to five in its most recent agreement.
Negotiators also assert that Israel’s demands are fully backed by the United States. Ultimately, Israeli officials are adamant: no negotiations on the “day after” will take place until the hostage issue is resolved—a message directed not only at Hamas, but also at mediators.
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