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Commemorating Philip Roth means confronting his limitations head on
(JTA) — Next Sunday marks the 90th anniversary of Philip Roth’s birth. In celebration of the famed novelist’s work, a scholarly conference titled “Roth@90,” sponsored by the Philip Roth Society, will be held starting Wednesday at the Newark Public Library. That will be followed by a weekend of high-profile events — staged readings, panel discussions, a bus tour of Roth’s old Newark neighborhood — co-presented by the library and the New Jersey Performing Arts Center.
Exactly 10 years ago, we commemorated his 80th birthday in a similar fashion. Dozens of Roth scholars made learned presentations about his work, of which Roth attended exactly zero. Later that week, the author read aloud from his novel “Sabbath’s Theater” in front of hundreds of fans, friends and well wishers. The proceedings were televised on C-Span.
Roth was being acclaimed for having just wound down an exemplary career. With the exception of the Nobel Prize, what garland evaded him? Was there a high-culture literary platform where his name wasn’t a virtual watermark? Could he publish any novel without hundreds of reviews being written in newspapers across the world? Was there a serious fiction writer out there with greater renown?
So much has changed in the decade between the two conferences. To begin with, Roth died in 2018. In that same span, the country witnessed the election of Donald Trump and the fissure it exposed in society in general and the Jewish community in particular. America endured one convulsive racial reckoning after another. Finally, in October of 2017, the #MeToo movement gained massive public salience.
All of those events, along with digital media’s indomitable ascent, have combined to affect and reshape Roth’s literary legacy. That legacy is far less assured than all the (justified) praise and lionizing that will occur this week might suggest.
Let’s start with Jews. The Trump era yielded two seemingly irreconcilable data points. On the one hand, Jewish-Americans endured the Charlottesville riot, the Tree of Life synagogue attack and a stunning rise in antisemitic incidents. On the other, there was staunch support for Trump among Orthodox Jews and supporters of Israel’s right wing.
Leaving that conundrum for others to parse, I simply note that Orthodox Jews and right-wing Zionists are almost completely absent in Roth’s fiction. A young Roth wrote a sensitive portrait of Holocaust survivors who want to start a suburban yeshiva in “Eli the Fanatic.” He also sketched a militant religious-nationalist Zionist in “The Counterlife,” Mordecai Lippman, who, according to Roth biographer Blake Bailey (about whom more below), was based on Elyakim Haetzni, one of the so-called founding fathers of the settlement movement. In the same novel, a version of the narrator’s brother falls under the settlement leader’s sway.
And that’s it, across a half century of writing. For traditionalist Jewish readers, whose political and social influence in the United States and Israel is substantial and growing, Roth’s fiction is not a mirror, nor a signpost, nor a scroll upon which is inscribed some essential truth.
The Jews who populated his stories, the Jews he best understood, were of Ashkenazi descent, white, liberal, assimilated and secular. His courage was to valorize them over and against other Jews who viewed them as defective, lost or even as apostates. Thus Anne Frank in “The Ghost Writer” was portrayed as a patron saint of secular Judaism. Elsewhere, his stories abound in proud, professionally accomplished diaspora Jews. They rarely think about God. Synagogue attendance is reserved strictly for lifecycle events and High Holy Days, if that.
A novelist, of course, is not a political clairvoyant. However, the immediate future of Judaism is being greatly shaped by Jews whose population and influence are growing and whom Roth rarely portrayed. In this manner, another stellar writer like Cynthia Ozick — herself Orthodox and quite attuned to the mindset of her co-religionists — might fare better commercially and emerge as more relevant than her friend in the coming decades.
Roth didn’t just write about Jews. In my book “The Philip Roth We Don’t Know: Sex, Race and Autobiography,” I pointed out that depicting non-Jewish Black people was an unrecognized “obsessional theme” across his 28 novels and 25 short stories. Much to my dismay, I found Roth’s multi-decade treatment of his African and African-American characters often to be crude, thoughtless and sometimes racist.
Familiarize yourself with the degrading portraiture we receive of Black people in “The Great American Novel” (1973), or a short story like “On the Air” (1970), and you might reconsider what Roth was after in “The Human Stain,” in which an academic who is accused of racism turns out to be an African American who had been “passing” as white and Jewish. The book, the 2001 Pen/Faulkner Award winner, is often seen as a sensitive treatment of racial issues in America, and perhaps as the author’s attempt to extend the hand of friendship to another oppressed minority.
In fact, my best guess is that, as with many Jewish writers post-1967, Roth was shaken by the deterioration of the Black-Jewish alliance. His frustrations were reflected in prose that often referenced Black communities in his hometown of Newark but showed little curiosity about their lives or sympathy for their plight.
Obviously, this type of literary rendering of African Americans — or any minority group — is disturbing and dated. Insensitive racial representation inspires calls for publishers to drop authors. They disappear from high-school or college syllabi. This bodes ominously for the afterlives of the titans of post-World War II American fiction, including John Updike, Saul Bellow Bellow and Norman Mailer, all three of whom have been accused of being racially insensitive and worse.
Roth’s marketability also seems to be sailing into a squall regarding gender. As women began demanding an accounting of sexual abuse and misogyny within the media, entertainment and other industries, numerous think-pieces wondered how the author of “Portnoy’s Complaint” — whose libidinous narrator identifies most of the women in his life by debasing nicknames — would fare in such an environment. Would he — should he — be “canceled”?
The question is more complex than his admirers and detractors make it out to be. No doubt, many of Roth’s male characters mistreated women. Accusations of Roth himself doing the same exist, but they are fairly rare, unsubstantiated and contested. The dilemma for researchers is that Roth was a deeply auto-fictional writer. You sense his presence in his stories — especially when protagonists share much of his biography, including Nathan Zuckerman and Peter Tarnopol, and when characters are named “Philip Roth.”
It’s hard not to speculate about the relation between the author and the many misogynistic fellows who cut an erotic swath through his pages. There will, of course, be readers who give him the benefit of the doubt. They might observe that Roth’s toxic males provide evidence of women’s experiences that needs to be explored, not censored.
Not helping him cleanse his reputation were the numerous allegations of sexual misconduct leveled against his hand-picked biographer, Blake Bailey. The ructions engulfing Bailey came to dominate the discourse about Roth, leading to a peculiar cancellation by proxy.
The episode also revealed that Roth had instructed his estate to eventually destroy a massive trove of personal papers he entrusted to Bailey. This led Aimee Pozorski (co-editor of Philip Roth Studies), myself and 20 other Roth scholars to issue a statement reminding his executors that “scholarship can only be advanced when qualified researchers engage freely with essential sources.”
As if all these concerns weren’t enough, his grim prophecies about the demise of an audience for serious literature seem to be coming true. “The book,” Roth worried, “can’t compete with the screen.” Meanwhile, the English major is in a very bad way, and the institution of tenure is under siege. Professors (insufferable as we might be) teach the next generation who to read and how to read. Writers might not like them, but they need them.
Roth is also getting the scrutiny that he was at pains to avoid in his lifetime. His disregard for scholars who might be critical of him always struck me, one such scholar, as misguided. Instead, he surrounded himself with friends — friends who had preternatural access to major media platforms. These friends built upon his own interpretations of his own work. It doesn’t mean they lacked wisdom. It just means that when they talked about Roth, they talked about what Roth wanted them to talk about. To wit: Jewish Newark, his sundry interpretations of his life, his pesky ex-wives and lovers, the close-mindedness of his critics, and so forth.
I think, in this cultural moment, it’s prudent to confront Roth’s limitations head on and chart one’s own path through his fiction. I pitch him to my students as a writer with some racial, religious and sexual hang-ups — who among us is innocent of those charges? I also present him as a bearer of unique and meaningful insights. Let scholars (while they still exist) parade those insights into sunlight.
I’ve tried to illuminate that his fiction was preoccupied, for 50 years, by how individual and collective bodies (like the Jews) change. Transformation, metamorphosis, metempsychosis — his obsession with those themes, I’ve noticed in my classrooms, is shared by Gen Z. If the span between Roth@80 and Roth@90 has taught us anything, it is that Roth was right: Life is about radical, unpredictable flux. Now his own legacy is in flux. I wonder who will read Roth@100.
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Germany’s Merz Heads to Saudi, Gulf in Quest for New Partners
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz speaks during a cabinet meeting at the Chancellery in Berlin, Germany, Feb. 4, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Liesa Johannssen
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz began a tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates on Wednesday aiming to forge energy and arms partnerships as Europe’s biggest and richest economy sought to reduce dependence on the US and China.
“We need such partnerships more than ever at a time when politics is increasingly being determined by major powers,” Merz said at the start of his three-day trip, adding the aim of such alliances was to preserve freedom, security, and prosperity.
“Our partners may not all share the same values and interests, but they share the view that we need a world order in which we trust agreements and treat each other with respect,” he added.
The tour, which follows visits to Brazil and South Africa last year and India last month, is part of a broader German initiative to diversify global alliances.
“In such a network of partnerships, we reduce unilateral dependencies, mitigate risks and create new opportunities together for our mutual benefit,” said Merz.
In the Gulf, Merz said he wanted deeper cooperation in the energy and armaments sectors, adding Berlin was adopting a less restrictive approach on arms exports. Germany’s economy minister prepared the ground last week.
QATAR ALREADY ONE OF GERMANY’S BIGGEST FOREIGN INVESTORS
Relations with Saudi Arabia deteriorated after the killing of Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. Merz said while some improvements in human rights had taken place, there was more to be done and he would discuss this.
The Gulf states, with large sovereign wealth funds, already play a role in Germany’s economy. Qatar is one of the largest foreign investors in Germany, holding stakes in companies such as Volkswagen, utility RWE and shipping group Hapag-Lloyd.
Merz said he would address broader regional issues, calling for greater peace, stability, and cooperation, including normalization with Israel.
“One day, Israel should also be a welcome part of this order, not a rejected foreign body,” said Merz, addressing the balance Gulf states maintain on Israel and Palestinians.
On Iran, Merz said he had three demands: that Tehran stops violence against its own people, halts its military nuclear program, and ends destabilizing activities in the region.
Germany remains one of Israel’s closest allies in Europe, while Gulf states have navigated differing approaches to Iran, particularly since the Gaza war.
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The US and Europe Are Funding a Palestinian Authority Army in Gaza — That Doesn’t Exist
People attend the funeral of Palestinian critic Nizar Banat, who died after being arrested by Palestinians Authority’s security forces, in Hebron in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, June 25, 2021. REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma
While donor countries continue sending hundreds of millions in aid for Palestinian Authority (PA) salaries, they might want to ask a simple question: What are we paying for?
In a staggering admission on official PA TV, a Palestinian economic expert revealed the existence of an entirely useless financial sinkhole:
Economic expert Muayyad Afaneh: “We have about 17,000 [PA] Security [Forces] employees in the Gaza Strip, and 20,000 civil employees. They are still receiving salaries from the PA, and there are many services in the Gaza Strip that the PA is spending money on.”
[Official PA TV, The Economic Discourse, Jan. 3, 2026]
Could you imagine that there are 17,000 PA Security Forces members in Gaza, where Hamas — not the PA — has ruled with an iron fist since 2007?
To be clear, these PA Security Forces have no authority and no involvement in Gazan policing. Hamas does not allow them to operate. They are a ghost payroll. Yet month after month, the PA sends them salaries funded by international aid.
This financial farce is made worse by the fact that Israel has already made it clear that these forces must not have any post-war role in Gaza. So, what exactly is the PA paying for?
Worse still, the economic expert on PA TV explained that PA employees in Gaza receive salaries equal to their counterparts in actual PA-controlled areas, despite doing nothing.
Currently the PA is paying twice to the Gaza Strip. The first time is the money being held [by Israel], and the second time, it is still obligated to pay the allocations to the Gaza Strip [it does] to the West Bank, meaning the same salary rate a [PA] employee in the West Bank receives, an employee in the Gaza Strip receives.
[Official PA TV, The Economic Discourse, Jan. 3, 2026]
This is a slap in the face to American and European taxpayers who genuinely believe they are contributing to peace, governance, and development.
The Palestinian Authority’s lack of respect for donor money is systemic. From glorifying terrorists with salaries and promotions to financing people not to work, the PA treats foreign aid like a bottomless ATM with no accountability.
It’s time donors ask: Why are you paying salaries to people who protect nothing and serve no one?
The author is a contributor to Palestinian Media Watch, where a version of this article first appeared.
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How October 7 Changed Jewish Identity Across the World
The personal belongings of festival-goers are seen at the site of an attack on the Nova Festival by Hamas terrorists from Gaza, near Israel’s border with the Gaza Strip, in southern Israel, Oct. 12, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
The impact of October 7 and its aftermath on Jews around the world will be felt for at least a generation to come.
There is a concern that since the hostages have been returned, and the war in Gaza is over, that the energy and commitment on the part of Jewish people will subside. This is not the case. People have been recalibrated in ways that have not yet been fully understood, and those changes apply to Jewish people from all different walks of life.
Long after the headlines fade and the news cycle moves on, the psychological, emotional, and communal reverberations will continue to shape how Jewish people understand themselves and one another.
The questions about how to maintain “Jewish peoplehood,” have also largely been answered. For decades, Jewish leaders and thinkers have pondered how to maintain a shared sense of peoplehood — especially in open societies where assimilation and secularism were not only possible but often encouraged. Many Jews, particularly outside of Orthodox communities, experienced Jewishness as cultural, incidental, or even optional. The events surrounding October 7, 2023, shattered that assumption. What has become clear is that Jewish identity, whether embraced or ignored, is not something that can simply be set aside.
While Orthodox Jews may have always felt a strong and explicit sense of belonging to the Jewish people, the shift among secular and loosely affiliated Jews has been particularly striking. Individuals who once felt no sense of “otherness” have been forced to confront the reality that others see them as such.
A brief anecdote illustrates this shift. Recently, a customer of mine, who is otherwise completely secular, remarked to me during a routine conversation, “You know, Dan, I really didn’t realize how much people hate Jews. I’m honestly shocked by it.”
What had changed was not his theology or observance, but his awareness. He had come to recognize that his identity connected him to a broader people — and that this connection carried meaning, consequences, and responsibility. He indicated that while in the past he felt no particular affiliation, he now understood himself as part of something larger. The feeling of this man is not an isolated feeling; it is one that is shared by countless people. Out of his pain a reawakening occurred that will ultimately serve to preserve his Jewish identity.
When looking at the glass half full, one can take comfort from the phrase “what doesn’t kill you makes you stronger.” Jewish people have been quite literally forced to reinforce their connections and identification with their Jewishness. This has made the Jewish people stronger. It may be hard to see since people are still in the midst of it, but from 10,000 feet away and over the arc of time, this will become clear.
This observation does not, in any way, minimize the profound pain, grief, and suffering endured by victims, families, and communities. None of that is diminished here. But alongside the trauma exists another truth: a reawakened sense of peoplehood is real. This, too, is part of the Jewish story in this moment — and it deserves to be told.
Daniel Rosen is the co-founder of a non-profit technology company called Emissary4all, which is an app to organize people to move the needle on social media and beyond. He is the co-host of the podcast “Recalibration.” You can reach him at dmr224@yahoo.com
