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Could This Gas Field Benefit Israel?
Illustrative: London-based Energean’s drill ship begins drilling at the Karish natural gas field offshore Israel in the east Mediterranean May 9, 2022. REUTERS/Ari Rabinovitch
The Aphrodite gas field was discovered in 2011, and its gas potential is estimated at 124 billion cubic meters. Ownership is divided among three companies: Chevron owns 35%, Shell 35%, and New Med (formerly Delek) 30%. The field is approximately 170 km south of Limassol and 30 km from the Israeli gas field Leviathan.
A small part of the Aphrodite field is in Israel’s economic waters, which means it is a joint, or cross-border, field – a fairly common situation in the global energy arena. The Israeli part is owned by three Israeli companies. Israel and Cyprus have held multiple talks in order to reach an agreement about the field but were not successful, and appear to have left the matter to the companies that are commercially concerned. The likely reason is that the two countries do not want to cloud their close relationship with a dispute over the gas field.
The Aphrodite field has not progressed towards the development stage for a variety of reasons, some of them economic. The reservoir is not particularly large, but it is commercial. No less importantly, it has implications for the “Cyprus problem” — that is, the conflict over the future of the island, which has been divided ever since the Turks invaded it in 1974.
The companies, led by Chevron, and the Cypriot government, represented primarily by its Minister of Energy, conducted complex rounds of negotiations that involved much hand-wringing on the part of the Cypriot minister. A few months ago, the minister went so far as to threaten that if the companies did not return to the original development plan submitted in 2019, he would withdraw the franchise.
Chevron, an American company and one of the largest in the world, won the support of the American government during the negotiations. The President of Cyprus met with the senior Chevron officials and with President Biden’s special envoy, Amos Hochstein, and promised to settle the differences of opinion.
The main dispute concerns the number of wells that will be operated above the field, a matter that reflects the question of supplying gas from the reservoir not just to the export market but to the Cypriot market as well. There was no dispute regarding the export of gas to liquefaction facilities in Egypt (and from there to the local market or other export markets). The updated proposal requires the companies to take on an additional economic cost, along the lines of the original development plan.
The companies’ U-turn on this issue seems to be due to several factors:
Gas discoveries in the eastern Mediterranean have become more attractive since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, especially for Europe, considering gas prices on the world market. No less important is the Egyptian market, which urgently requires gas for both local consumption and re-export for the purpose of obtaining foreign currency, a vital need for the faltering Egyptian economy. The Egyptian market is a stone’s throw from the field.
The proximity of the Aphrodite field to Israel’s Leviathan field, one of the world’s largest gas discoveries of recent years, is a great advantage. The possibility of connecting to Leviathan, one way or another, is on the table (theoretically at least, but with a considerable economic rationale). It depends on an Israeli decision about its preferred export alternative.
The Cypriot Minister of Energy has wisely leveraged the interest that international companies like BP (British Petroleum) and the UAE’s Adnoc have expressed in stepping into the shoes of the field’s current owners should the negotiations fail. These companies have made their interest clear, and contracts have even been reported to purchase 50% of the Leviathan field (the purchase never took place, perhaps due to the war). It was also reported that the Energean company, which operates the Karish field in Israeli economic waters, has signaled to the Cypriot government that it has an interest in the Aphrodite field.
While the dispute between the Cypriot Minister of Energy and the companies has been settled, the devil is in the details. There is still the “elephant in the room” – the conflict over the future of the island. Negotiations surrounding the reunification of the island have failed time and time again. The Greek part is recognized by the whole world (except Turkey) as the Republic of Cyprus, a member of the European Union. The Turkish part is not recognized internationally by any country other than Turkey. After the last failure in 2017, the Turkish position toughened. In recent years, Ankara has said the only alternative is to divide the island into two countries.
The dispute over the utilization of the proven energy potential in Cypriot economic waters, and its distribution between the two communities on the island, has not been resolved as the island’s future remains unclear. The question constantly in the background is Turkey’s position. Will Ankara allow the Cypriot field to be developed, or will it take assertive steps to make that development conditional on political agreements? It can be argued that the involvement of a huge American company – one that will have the support of the American government in case of tensions or disputes – should soften Turkish opposition. To this must be added the significant improvement that has recently taken place in the relationship between Turkey and Egypt. As mentioned, the latter is in dire need of gas, and the Aphrodite field is close by.
However, the Cypriot conflict is seen by Ankara as a matter of prime strategic importance. The secular opposition parties often take an even more rigid and nationalistic stance than does the Erdogan administration. To this must be added the uncomfortable situation in which Turkish foreign policy finds itself regarding the war in Gaza and its exclusion from any involvement in it.
From a regional perspective, the development of the Aphrodite field, and its connection to Egypt, highlights a fascinating regional relationship that has been forged in recent years following the gas discoveries. This will strengthen Egypt’s current position as well as its ambition to be a regional energy hub (though this would not greatly please Turkey).
Is all of this good for Israel? The answer is yes.
From a political point of view, the strategy that has developed in recent years of strengthening the regional architecture, with Israel occupying a central place, is in line with Israeli interests. So is the strengthening of Egypt and Cyprus. The Turkish alternative to exporting Israeli gas is not on the agenda, certainly following the war in Gaza.
From an economic point of view, the dispute surrounding the Israeli part of the Cypriot field will be resolved in commercial negotiations among the companies and will not necessarily require government involvement. This is good for the Israeli companies concerned and for Israel itself.
The development of the field and its connection to Egypt may strengthen the feasibility of connecting it to the Leviathan reservoir, but this does not reduce Israel’s room for maneuver regarding other possible alternatives, whether a liquefaction facility at sea (FLNG) or another alternative (connection to the liquefaction facility on the Cypriot coast, for example).
Despite the progress that has likely been made between the companies and the Cypriot government, challenges remain. All the parties concerned, companies and governments alike, will have to conduct proactive and creative diplomacy to turn the development of a relatively small but commercial gas field in a highly complex region into a reality.
Ambassador (ret.) Michael Harari joined the Israeli Foreign Ministry and served more than 30 years in a range of diplomatic roles in Israel and abroad, including (among others) in Cairo, London and Nicosia. His final position abroad was as Israeli Ambassador to Cyprus (2010-2015). Today he serves as a consultant in the fields of strategy, policy and energy and lectures in the Political Science Department at the Jezreel Valley College. A version of this article was originally published by the BESA Center.
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Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire
Explosions send smoke into the air in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, July 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen
The spokesperson for Hamas’s armed wing said on Friday that while the Palestinian terrorist group favors reaching an interim truce in the Gaza war, if such an agreement is not reached in current negotiations it could revert to insisting on a full package deal to end the conflict.
Hamas has previously offered to release all the hostages held in Gaza and conclude a permanent ceasefire agreement, and Israel has refused, Abu Ubaida added in a televised speech.
Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the United States, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a US-backed proposal for a 60-day truce in the war.
Israeli officials were not immediately available for comment on the eve of the Jewish Sabbath.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on a call he had with Pope Leo on Friday that Israel‘s efforts to secure a hostage release deal and 60-day ceasefire “have so far not been reciprocated by Hamas.”
As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned along with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release a number of detained Palestinians.
“If the enemy remains obstinate and evades this round as it has done every time before, we cannot guarantee a return to partial deals or the proposal of the 10 captives,” said Abu Ubaida.
Disputes remain over maps of Israeli army withdrawals, aid delivery mechanisms into Gaza, and guarantees that any eventual truce would lead to ending the war, said two Hamas officials who spoke to Reuters on Friday.
The officials said the talks have not reached a breakthrough on the issues under discussion.
Hamas says any agreement must lead to ending the war, while Netanyahu says the war will only end once Hamas is disarmed and its leaders expelled from Gaza.
Almost 1,650 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed as a result of the conflict, including 1,200 killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Over 250 hostages were kidnapped during Hamas’s Oct. 7 onslaught.
Israel responded with an ongoing military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.
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Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel
People hold images of the victims of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Irina Dambrauskas
Iran on Friday marked the 31st anniversary of the 1994 bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires by slamming Argentina for what it called “baseless” accusations over Tehran’s alleged role in the terrorist attack and accusing Israel of politicizing the atrocity to influence the investigation and judicial process.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on the anniversary of Argentina’s deadliest terrorist attack, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 300.
“While completely rejecting the accusations against Iranian citizens, the Islamic Republic of Iran condemns attempts by certain Argentine factions to pressure the judiciary into issuing baseless charges and politically motivated rulings,” the statement read.
“Reaffirming that the charges against its citizens are unfounded, the Islamic Republic of Iran insists on restoring their reputation and calls for an end to this staged legal proceeding,” it continued.
Last month, a federal judge in Argentina ordered the trial in absentia of 10 Iranian and Lebanese nationals suspected of orchestrating the attack in Buenos Aires.
The ten suspects set to stand trial include former Iranian and Lebanese ministers and diplomats, all of whom are subject to international arrest warrants issued by Argentina for their alleged roles in the terrorist attack.
In its statement on Friday, Iran also accused Israel of influencing the investigation to advance a political campaign against the Islamist regime in Tehran, claiming the case has been used to serve Israeli interests and hinder efforts to uncover the truth.
“From the outset, elements and entities linked to the Zionist regime [Israel] exploited this suspicious explosion, pushing the investigation down a false and misleading path, among whose consequences was to disrupt the long‑standing relations between the people of Iran and Argentina,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said.
“Clear, undeniable evidence now shows the Zionist regime and its affiliates exerting influence on the Argentine judiciary to frame Iranian nationals,” the statement continued.
In April, lead prosecutor Sebastián Basso — who took over the case after the 2015 murder of his predecessor, Alberto Nisman — requested that federal Judge Daniel Rafecas issue national and international arrest warrants for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei over his alleged involvement in the attack.
Since 2006, Argentine authorities have sought the arrest of eight Iranians — including former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who died in 2017 — yet more than three decades after the deadly bombing, all suspects remain still at large.
In a post on X, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), the country’s Jewish umbrella organization, released a statement commemorating the 31st anniversary of the bombing.
“It was a brutal attack on Argentina, its democracy, and its rule of law,” the group said. “At DAIA, we continue to demand truth and justice — because impunity is painful, and memory is a commitment to both the present and the future.”
31 años del atentado a la AMIA – DAIA. 31 años sin justicia.
El 18 de julio de 1994, un atentado terrorista dejó 85 personas muertas y más de 300 heridas. Fue un ataque brutal contra la Argentina, su democracia y su Estado de derecho.
Desde la DAIA, seguimos exigiendo verdad y… pic.twitter.com/kV2ReGNTIk
— DAIA (@DAIAArgentina) July 18, 2025
Despite Argentina’s longstanding belief that Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah terrorist group carried out the devastating attack at Iran’s request, the 1994 bombing has never been claimed or officially solved.
Meanwhile, Tehran has consistently denied any involvement and refused to arrest or extradite any suspects.
To this day, the decades-long investigation into the terrorist attack has been plagued by allegations of witness tampering, evidence manipulation, cover-ups, and annulled trials.
In 2006, former prosecutor Nisman formally charged Iran for orchestrating the attack and Hezbollah for carrying it out.
Nine years later, he accused former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — currently under house arrest on corruption charges — of attempting to cover up the crime and block efforts to extradite the suspects behind the AMIA atrocity in return for Iranian oil.
Nisman was killed later that year, and to this day, both his case and murder remain unresolved and under ongoing investigation.
The alleged cover-up was reportedly formalized through the memorandum of understanding signed in 2013 between Kirchner’s government and Iranian authorities, with the stated goal of cooperating to investigate the AMIA bombing.
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Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns
Murad Adailah, the head of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, attends an interview with Reuters in Amman, Jordan, Sept. 7, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Jehad Shelbak
The Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist movements, has been implicated in a wide-ranging network of illegal financial activities in Jordan and abroad, according to a new investigative report.
Investigations conducted by Jordanian authorities — along with evidence gathered from seized materials — revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood raised tens of millions of Jordanian dinars through various illegal activities, the Jordan news agency (Petra) reported this week.
With operations intensifying over the past eight years, the report showed that the group’s complex financial network was funded through various sources, including illegal donations, profits from investments in Jordan and abroad, and monthly fees paid by members inside and outside the country.
The report also indicated that the Muslim Brotherhood has taken advantage of the war in Gaza to raise donations illegally.
Out of all donations meant for Gaza, the group provided no information on where the funds came from, how much was collected, or how they were distributed, and failed to work with any international or relief organizations to manage the transfers properly.
Rather, the investigations revealed that the Islamist network used illicit financial mechanisms to transfer funds abroad.
According to Jordanian authorities, the group gathered more than JD 30 million (around $42 million) over recent years.
With funds transferred to several Arab, regional, and foreign countries, part of the money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as illegal activities and cells.
In April, Jordan outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s most vocal opposition group, and confiscated its assets after members of the Islamist movement were found to be linked to a sabotage plot.
The movement’s political arm in Jordan, the Islamic Action Front, became the largest political grouping in parliament after elections last September, although most seats are still held by supporters of the government.
Opponents of the group, which is banned in most Arab countries, label it a terrorist organization. However, the movement claims it renounced violence decades ago and now promotes its Islamist agenda through peaceful means.
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