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France’s Double Battle: Facing Islamist Threats at Home, Undermining Allies Abroad

French President Emmanuel Macron is seen at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland. Photo: Reuters/Martial Trezzini
France’s recent crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood marks a long-overdue defense of Western liberalism. A leaked intelligence report exposing the Brotherhood’s covert penetration of French institutions reflects a serious governmental shift — one that rightly sees this Islamist movement not as a misunderstood religious organization, but as a subversive ideological force bent on eroding secular democratic norms from within.
For nations like the United States and Israel, this is a welcome change. Yet France’s simultaneous drift toward antagonizing Israel exposes a deep contradiction in its foreign policy — one that threatens both the coherence of Western alliances and the broader struggle against political Islamism.
The French report highlights how the Brotherhood operates through “entryism” — embedding within institutions like schools, local governments, and NGOs — to reshape society along Islamist lines. This is not religious practice; it is political infiltration, designed to weaken the secular state and replace it with one governed by Islamic law. France’s determination to confront this head-on deserves credit. But the fight against Islamism cannot be confined to domestic policy — it must also inform international posture, particularly toward those democracies on the front lines of this ideological conflict.
France’s increasingly hostile stance toward Israel is deeply problematic. Even as Israel defends itself against Hamas — a direct offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood — France has escalated its rhetoric, threatened sanctions, and backed premature recognition of a Palestinian state. This is not principled diplomacy; it is a strategic blunder. It undermines a key democratic ally battling the same forces France claims to resist, and it emboldens the very actors seeking to dismantle the Western order from within and without.
The context matters. In the wake of Hamas’ October 7 atrocities — an unprovoked terrorist onslaught targeting civilians — Israel launched a necessary and lawful campaign to dismantle the group’s military and political infrastructure in Gaza. Yet rather than standing unequivocally with a fellow democracy under siege, French President Emmanuel Macron responded by warning of punitive measures unless Israel altered its military approach. Such moral equivalence dangerously misconstrues the nature of the conflict. Hamas embeds itself in civilian areas precisely to manufacture these dilemmas. To pressure Israel instead of condemning Hamas’ tactics outright is to reward terrorism and punish self-defense.
Moreover, Macron’s push for unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state, co-sponsored with Saudi Arabia at the UN, sidelines the only sustainable path to peace: direct negotiations. Statehood cannot be imposed through diplomatic fiat. It must be earned through renunciation of violence, institutional reform, and mutual recognition. France’s proposal bypasses all of this, incentivizing Palestinian intransigence while further isolating Israel in multilateral forums.
This imbalance raises a troubling question: why does France, so quick to sound the alarm over Islamist subversion at home, tolerate and even empower radical Islam’s most virulent expressions abroad? If the Muslim Brotherhood poses a threat to the secular French Republic, how can its ideological twin — Hamas — be treated as a legitimate political actor or representative of Palestinian aspirations? The contradiction reveals a failure to apply France’s newfound clarity consistently.
This inconsistency also weakens the broader Western effort to counter political Islamism. Israel is not just another Middle Eastern actor — it is the region’s only liberal democracy, a frontline state confronting threats that extend far beyond its borders. As Brotherhood-inspired movements gain ground across Europe, from radicalized suburbs to university campuses, their international legitimacy is often buoyed by diplomatic gestures like those France now champions. The message is clear: ideological extremism may be denounced domestically, but rewarded diplomatically.
France’s position also threatens to erode its credibility among allies. Israel, already wary of rising antisemitism and radicalization in Europe, sees in these developments not just diplomatic friction, but strategic abandonment. The demonstrations sweeping across French and other European cities in support of Hamas, often laced with virulent anti-Israel and anti-Jewish rhetoric, are no accident. They are the domestic fallout of decades of permissive attitudes toward Islamist activism — precisely the kind of threat France now claims to be confronting. A principled stand abroad must match the urgency at home.
To be clear, confronting political Islamism must never come at the expense of individual rights or religious freedom. Discrimination against Muslims is unacceptable. But there is a profound difference between protecting believers and tolerating movements that seek to replace liberal democracy with theocracy. France, through its doctrine of laïcité, upholds one of the clearest boundaries between faith and state. That clarity must extend beyond the domestic sphere if it is to be meaningful.
If France is serious about safeguarding Western values, it must rethink its posture toward Israel. Constructive diplomacy — one that prioritizes the hostages’ release, Israeli security, and a negotiated end to conflict — must replace coercive measures and inflammatory declarations. Hamas, not Israel, is the obstacle to peace. Recognizing this is not only a moral imperative; it is a strategic necessity.
Amine Ayoub, a fellow at the Middle East Forum, is a policy analyst and writer based in Morocco. Follow him on X: @amineayoubx
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Shock Poll: Most Jews Approve of Trump’s Job Performance, Strike on Iran
The post Shock Poll: Most Jews Approve of Trump’s Job Performance, Strike on Iran first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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The Anti-Israel Mob Never Mentions Women’s Rights in Israel — Compared to the Middle East

Paris 2024 Olympics – Judo – Women -78 kg Victory Ceremony – Champ-de-Mars Arena, Paris, France – August 01, 2024. Silver medallist Inbar Lanir of Israel celebrates. Photo: REUTERS/Arlette Bashizi
In parts of the Middle East, women still live in deeply patriarchal, often brutal systems. Changes exist more on paper than in practice. Power remains in the hands of men, religious systems, and political elites — and this repressive treatment often goes unchallenged.
This happens in places like Gaza under Hamas, in Afghanistan under the Taliban, in Iran under the ayatollahs, and even in Saudi Arabia, where “reforms” like women driving made headlines in 2018.
Let’s be clear: not every Muslim-majority country treats women this way. In places like Jordan, Egypt, and Turkey, many women work, study, and participate in public life. But even there, legal protections and personal freedoms often lag behind. And in the four examples mentioned — Gaza, Iran, Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia — women face severe, institutionalized oppression. These are not fringe cases; they reflect the governing ideologies of millions.
Now contrast that with Israel.
In Israel, the only liberal democracy in the region, both Jewish and Arab women live with rights and freedoms unheard of in most of the Middle East.
In Israel, women:
- Vote and run for office
- Serve as Supreme Court judges, ministers, professors, doctors, and CEOs
- Join the military, even in combat roles
- Protest publicly without fear of being shot or jailed
- Choose how to dress, where to work, whom to marry, and what to believe
- File police reports and expect legal protection
Women in Israel are not just present, they lead. They command battalions, fly fighter jets, debate in the Knesset, run start-ups, and shape policy. Gender equality is not perfect — no country is — but legally, all women are fully protected.
And this is the part that’s almost never said: Arab women in Israel also enjoy more rights than in any Arab country. They study in top universities, vote freely, become doctors, lawyers, and leaders. Yes, some face traditional cultural pressures in their communities, but under Israeli law, they are citizens with equal rights, and legal recourse when those rights are violated.
Can the same be said for women in Gaza, ruled by Hamas? For women under the Taliban in Afghanistan? Or for the brave Iranian women imprisoned for removing their headscarves?
If you are a self-respecting feminist in the West, this should be a moral line: Israel is the only place in the Middle East where women are truly free. In Tel Aviv, if a woman is raped, she can go to the police. She’ll be heard, investigated, supported.
In Tehran, she might be blamed. In Riyadh, she could be imprisoned. In Kabul, she might be killed. In Gaza, she might be forced to marry her rapist.
So ask yourself: if you support women’s rights, why are you aligning with regimes or movements that strip women of their humanity?
Something is deeply broken when women in free societies chant slogans for groups that would silence, veil, and imprison them. When feminists march with Palestinian flags, are they aware that under Hamas, there is no LGBTQ+ freedom, no feminist activism, no legal protections for women?
You don’t have to support every policy of the Israeli government to recognize this truth: Israel is the only country in the Middle East where a woman can live as a full, free citizen.
Western feminists need to wake up. When you champion groups like Hamas or regimes like Iran “for the cause,” you are betraying the very values you claim to fight for.
Until that realization comes, I ask just one thing: If you truly care about women, why on earth are you standing against Israel?
Sabine Sterk is the CEO of Time To Stand Up For Israel.
The post The Anti-Israel Mob Never Mentions Women’s Rights in Israel — Compared to the Middle East first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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The Mob’s Efforts to Colonize the American Mind

Tucker Carlson speaks on July 18, 2024 during the final day of the Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Photo: Jasper Colt-USA TODAY via Reuters Connect
A few days before Israel began Operation Rising Lion, Facebook blocked my account. I cannot thank Mark Zuckerberg enough for that mitzvah. Instead of having to watch neo-Hellenistic Jews do anything possible to hide their Judaism and people try to to steal the spotlight, I got to witness an endless array of Iranian dissidents thanking Israel on X.
They post Persian graffiti blessing Israel, the horrific history of the 46-year-old Islamic Republic, as well as what little protests they are able to engage in. And they remain as stunned as the rest of us at the protests both here and in Europe — which are in favor of the sociopathic, homophobic, misogynistic regime in Iran that is stifling not just their people’s freedom, but the lives of their families.
Qatar, China, Russia, and Iran have been unquestionably successful at one thing: the colonization of the American mind. Through antisemitic professors, “ethnic studies,” infiltration of leftist media (hello, Washington Post), and an intense disinformation campaign on social media, leftists have been fed a steady stream of lies and propaganda to the point that the protesters are ardently embracing a regime that kills women for showing their hair in public, hangs gay people, and considers child rape sacred.
In 2018, Jonathan Haidt and Greg Lukianoff published The Coddling of the American Mind. They discussed how a culture of “safetyism” interferes with social, emotional and intellectual development. In retrospect, that seems to have been Stage I of what’s now called the red-green alliance.
Stage II is a complete colonization — OK, obliteration — of brain cells. Disinformation so steeped in anti-facts it makes the Soviets look like amateurs. All of which led to a cognitive dissonance so septic some protesters simultaneously hold up posters celebrating both gay pride and the mullahs who would hang them.
It also led to a mass conformity during precisely the period when most healthy teens and 20-somethings rebel. There is only one word for this level of mass conformity: cult.
But for the moral inversion to be complete — for young women in the West to support the most evil patriarchy that has ever reigned — something else had to happen: a complete soullessness. Morality begins in our souls. If you choke off the soul — through a negation of spirituality, creativity, nature — you can easily be convinced to do anything and feel nothing. Thus, the increasing political violence here and in Europe.
Meanwhile, on the far right, Qatar has exerted a different sort of disinformation trap: buying off “influencers” to mouth jihadist talking points without even flinching. A recent exchange between Tucker Carlson and Glenn Greenwald over an alleged Osama bin Laden letter is truly jaw-dropping. The mastermind of 9/11 didn’t hate the US or the West, according to these two pundits. Three thousand Americans lost their lives because of US support for … Israel.
I would say that they both should win Academy Awards for their performances — but I actually think they believe it. We always knew that the Arab world excelled at propaganda. But this surpasses the KGB in its ability to turn formerly mildly intelligent men into Islamist puppets.
All of this will no doubt get far worse, even after Iran is freed. But we’re already seeing hopeful signs in Gen Z. Yes, older Gen Zers can barely be distinguished from their millennial teachers. But at least in New York City, millennials took leftism to such an extreme — trying to use Gen Z as their own puppets — that younger Gen Zers have begun to rebel: pushing back against the lies even in the classroom.
But the onus for real change begins in the home, where morality is either learned or spat on. And, of course, houses of worship, which needed to be depoliticized yesterday. We need to return to a world that privileges values over politics, education rooted in facts not opinions, a media that returns to objectivity.
A millennial here recently said to me: “There’s no such thing as objectivity.” I responded: “Is this a table?” She nodded. “Is it made of wood?” She reluctantly nodded again. “So can we agree on the fact that this is a wooden table?” She got angry. “Yes, but so what? That’s basic.” Yes, I said. But that’s where we are: returning to the basics. Facts, values, morality — all represent the foundation of this great country. And if we’re ever going to return to it, we need to start there.
Just as the Iranians are about to do.
Karen Lehrman Bloch is editor in chief of White Rose Magazine. A version of this article was originally published by The Jewish Journal.
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