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In the West Bank, spiking violence and an idle economy spur fears of a broadening conflict
DEIR ISTIYA, West Bank (JTA) — The video, making the rounds in this northern West Bank Palestinian village, showed an Israeli settler firing a rifle in the air above a group of Palestinians harvesting olives in a field not far from an Israeli settlement.
Standing in a small olive grove, the settler told the Palestinians that he would “put a bullet in their head” if they return. Later in the day, anonymous flyers were found on cars elsewhere in the village, warning its residents of a coming “forced expulsion” or “Nakba,” the Arabic word for “catastrophe” that Palestinians use to describe the dispersion and expulsion of Palestinians during Israel’s 1948 War of independence.
The incident last week comes amid an escalation in violence in the West Bank following Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel and Israel’s ensuing war against the terror group in Gaza. The eruption of West Bank clashes has been dwarfed in attention by the war, in which thousands have been killed and wounded and an Israeli ground invasion of Gaza is ongoing.
But this year is already the bloodiest in the West Bank in nearly two decades, and fears are compounding of the situation escalating further amid a dangerous mix of dynamics, including, since Oct. 7, economic insecurity after Israel suspended the permits that some 140,000 West Bank Palestinians rely on to work.
Since Oct. 7, according to the Times of Israel, more than 130 West Bank Palestinians, including dozens of children, have been killed by Israeli forces, and a number by settlers, while one Israeli soldier has been killed by Palestinians.
The past three weeks have also seen more than 100 incidents of violence toward Palestinians by Israeli settlers, according to the Israeli legal rights group Yesh Din, which said more than 800 West Bank Palestinians have been forced from their homes during that period.
Meanwhile, more than 1,200 Palestinians from the West Bank have been arrested, a majority of them affiliated with Hamas, according to the Israel Defense Forces. And on Thursday, an Israeli man was shot to death in the West Bank as he drove home from his army reserve duty.
Palestinians mourn Nasser Barghouti during his funeral in the West Bank village of Beit Rima, northwest of Ramallah, Sunday, Oct. 29, 2023. (Flash90)
The spike in West Bank violence has led to differing and at times contradictory responses from Israeli officials. One lawmaker in the country’s right-wing government has called for “a Nakba that will overshadow the Nakba of ’48,” while another far-right lawmaker was recently appointed to head a subcommittee focusing on the West Bank. The army is also planning to train and arm residents of Orthodox settlements without army experience to guard their settlements, according to a report Thursday in Haaretz.
Local leaders and those tasked with security, meanwhile, have condemned vigilante attacks and urged residents to leave law enforcement to Israeli troops.
“There is a big difference between a feeling of security and security,” Oded Revivi, the mayor of the West Bank settlement of Efrat, posted on Facebook on Wednesday praising the IDF brigade that protects the settlement. “A feeling of security is a very important feeling, but sometimes it turns out that the action that led to the feeling did not contribute to security. Conversely, actual security always brings a sense of security.”
The rising tide of West Bank settler attacks has led Israel to begin taking active measures to respond, placing extremist Israeli settler Ariel Danino in a four-month period of administrative detention, a term that signifies arrest without charges and is largely used for Palestinian detainees. On Monday, an off-duty IDF soldier from a unit of Orthodox soldiers was arrested for involvement in the killing of a 40-year-old Palestinian, Bilal Muhammed Saleh, who was shot dead on Saturday while harvesting olives near the village of As-Sawiya in the northern West Bank.
“We absolutely condemn any form of violence, whether it is against Jews or Palestinian civilians,” Betty Ilovici, the media and foreign affairs adviser for Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “Administrative detention is used as a tool to stop anyone that poses an imminent threat to civilians.”
She added, “The military is doing everything in its power to maintain this arena as stable as possible, and again we condemn any form of violence and will do what is necessary to prevent it or stop it if necessary.”
Palestinians inspect the demolished family home of Saleh al-Arouri, in the West Bank village of Arura, near Ramallah, on October 31, 2023.(FLASH90)
That posture has come as the violence and string of evictions has increased. A Haaretz report said that in one instance, several Palestinians were stripped and tortured by soldiers and settlers. And in recent days, human rights groups have reported that two communities in the South Hebron Hills were evacuated following continued harassment from Israeli settlers. According to Comet-ME, an Israeli-Palestinian organization providing basic energy and clean-water services to Palestinians living off the grid in the West Bank, since Oct. 7 there have been 12 reported incidents of vandalism on energy and water infrastructure.
“Palestinian herding communities and farmers throughout Area C are being forced off their land and forcibly transferred into the enclaves of area A and B,” said activist Yehuda Shaul, co-director of the human rights organization Ofek, referring to farmers being forced from Israeli-governed areas into Palestinian-run districts. Shaul said the number of Palestinians displaced during the first three weeks of the war is approaching the 1,100 who were displaced in all of 2022.
The violence has converged with rising economic insecurity in the West Bank, which is currently at the peak of the olive harvest, an annual tradition at the heart of the Palestinian identity in villages such as Deir Istiya, which are surrounded by thousands of olive trees. This year, in addition to a poor overall crop of olives, the increase in settler attacks has scared some farmers from harvesting their crop.
“Palestinian farmers are particularly vulnerable at this time, during the annual olive harvest season, because if they are unable to pick their olives they will lose a year’s income,” reads a recent statement signed by 30 Israeli human rights organizations urging the international community to intervene.
Adding to the peril to the area’s economy is the status of 140,000 Palestinians who have had their Israeli work permit suspended. For the past three weeks, following Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel and Israel’s ensuing war against the terror group in Gaza, they have largely sat idle at home.
Within Israel, townships across the country have frozen construction projects that rely heavily on Palestinian as well as Arab-Israeli workers. Israeli settlements across the West Bank have likewise issued bans on Palestinian entry.
“As of today, there are no Palestinian workers entering Efrat,” Efrat announced on Oct. 27. Regarding Israeli Arabs, the announcement said, “Although we are aware of the feelings and concerns of the residents, at this time, we do not have the authority to prevent their entry.”
The work permit system has existed for decades, since the 1993 Oslo Accords led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority, which governs daily life in some Palestinian areas of the West Bank. The permits are managed by Israel’s Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, which oversees civilian life in the West Bank, and are given to a predetermined number of workers who pass a security screening.
The permits give their holders access to work opportunities in Israel and the relatively higher salaries that come with them. They are also one of the only ways most Palestinians and Israelis encounter each other outside the context of military engagements. In addition to the West Bank permits, before the war more than 15,000 Gaza Palestinians had authorization to work in Israel. Now, that system is in limbo as Israel prosecutes a war in Gaza and killings and arrests have escalated in the West Bank.
“My permit is finished,” said Jamal, a construction worker from Deir Istiya who works with contractors across Israel and declined to share his full name out of concern for his physical safety. He displays the COGAT application on his phone: The screen for his work permit is now blank; applications to enter Israel, it says, are only available for “medical” or “travel” purposes.
A representative from COGAT told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that while all entry into Israel for work is temporarily illegal, Palestinian laborers in the West Bank are permitted to continue working in Israeli West Bank factories for “essential purposes” related to the war effort.
But cracks in the ban have begun to appear, demonstrating the extent to which both Palestinians and Israelis rely on the permit system. This week, a temporary exemption was granted for 8,000 workers to enter Israel due to a labor shortage.
Israeli security forces in the Barkan industrial zone in the West Bank, Oct. 7, 2018. (Flash90)
Meanwhile, Palestinians employed at Israeli companies are figuring out how to get through this period. In Deir Istiya, the economic impact of the war is already being felt, Jamal said. He said a local shopkeeper has allowed him to run up a tab, and that as long as he has “oil, pita and zaatar,” he can survive many months without work. He lamented that the Palestinian Authority has not provided assistance to workers in his position.
“For someone who has not put money in the bank, it is problematic,” he said. “I go to the mini-mart and ask for a few things — give me a few weeks or months and I will return to work and pay you the money.”
Some Palestinian workers were in Israel during the attack. Diaa, a 25-year old from the Deir Istiya, recalls working late into the night of Oct. 6, and into the next morning, at an Israeli restaurant in Rishon Lezion, a large coastal city south of Tel Aviv.
“We finished cleaning up around 2 a.m., I remember having a cigarette and falling asleep,” he recalled. “At 6:30 a.m. we woke up to the sound of rockets and ran to the shelter.”
He was able to split a taxi back to Deir Istiya with a friend. Since that day, Diaa, Jamal and others are sitting at home, following the war in Gaza.
“I was very unhappy about Oct. 7 seeing the children dying, people’s bodies being decapitated,” Jamal said, though he acknowledged that other Palestinians in the West Bank had a different reaction. “There were some people that were happy that they broke out of the Gaza jail and are fighting for Allah.”
Jamal said many people have stopped watching TV in order to avoid the graphic wartime images, though most still get updates on the war through their phones. At one point, he opened a post on Telegram, a messaging platform, with videos of Palestinian children lying dead in a Gaza hospital.
Others have attempted to keep working at their jobs, but Jamal said that for some, the situation has grown untenable. His cousin Abu-Ghazal, who works in a steel factory in the northern West Bank’s Barkan industrial area, said he kept going to work “until the police told us to go home.” All his boss could do is promise to call the workers back when they are allowed to return to the factory.
And Jamal added that some of the Palestinian workers who still have permission to work in the Barkan industrial zone have chosen to return home, citing the war climate and changes in Israeli society, where calls for private gun ownership have jumped since Oct. 7.
As of the beginning of the war, he said, “All the owners have weapons, they do not let you move around even to go to the bathroom without supervision.”
He added, “It’s very stressed there. There are people saying, ‘I will go home and wait until this is over, because it is so tense.’”
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The post In the West Bank, spiking violence and an idle economy spur fears of a broadening conflict appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Trump Should Oppose an Interim Nuclear Deal That Lets Iran Off the Hook
Iran’s Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad met with Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak in Moscow on April 24, 2025. Photo: Screenshot
“We’ll have something without having to start dropping bombs all over the place,” President Donald Trump declared on Monday.
The United States and Iran are set to meet for a fourth round of nuclear talks on Saturday, where the Trump administration aims to reach a deal to dismantle Tehran’s nuclear weapons program. The Islamic Republic will surely try tempting Washington to reach a so-called “interim” agreement, which could see Tehran cap its nuclear threat — albeit temporarily and superficially. The president should reject such a proposal.
Tehran might offer to limit its enriched uranium stockpile and reduce the purity level of this stock, while accepting some additional international monitoring. This would fundamentally leave intact the regime’s nuclear weapons capabilities — including advanced centrifuge-powered nuclear fuel production assets, covert efforts to construct nuclear devices, and intercontinental, nuclear-tipped ballistic missile delivery efforts.
Thus, an interim deal would fail to fulfill Trump’s, and his administration’s, repeated demands that Tehran dismantle its nuclear weapons capabilities. Much like the 2015 Obama nuclear accord with Iran — which Trump previously opposed due to its failure to block all the regime’s pathways to atomic weapons — an interim deal would also relieve pressure on Tehran just as President Trump has started rebuilding it.
In February, Trump reimposed maximum US pressure against Iran, which was in place during his first term. In March, he demanded Tehran negotiate restrictions over its nuclear program within 60 days, or face US and Israeli military strikes against its nuclear facilities. Those actions, as well as the president’s credible military build-up in the region and campaign to degrade Iran’s key proxies like the Houthis in Yemen, succeeded in bringing Iran to the negotiating table. In April, after initially refusing, Tehran participated in the first direct talks between the countries in years.
What could an interim deal that derails the president’s goals look like? The 2013 interim nuclear deal with Iran, known as the Joint Plan of Action (JPOA), preceded the fuller 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), and provides insight into what such an accord could entail.
While the JPOA required Tehran refrained from new advancements at its three uranium enrichment facilities and heavy water nuclear reactor, which provides a plutonium pathway to the bomb, those facilities remained intact. Although the regime permitted the UN nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), to enhance its monitoring and inspections, Tehran was not required to explain its past and possibly ongoing atomic weapons work.
Under the JPOA, Iran halted enrichment of uranium over five percent purity but retained its stockpile of the material, while diluting half its stockpile of 20 percent enriched uranium. Retaining the ability to enrich uranium to five percent purity meant Tehran was still more than 70 percent of the way to making weapons-grade uranium.
Troublingly, Iran also showed it could succeed in extorting the West for massive sanctions relief. The JPOA provided the regime with the repatriation of $4.2 billion in assets seized abroad for its malign activities, as well as the ability to export precious metals, petrochemicals, and automotive goods. Before the JPOA, Tehran’s economy was reeling under Western economic pressure, but the deal, and then the 2015 JCPOA, provided more relief in return for limited and easily reversible Iranian concessions.
Today, Iran seeks similar relief as breathing room against growing domestic and economic pressure and possible US-Israeli military strikes against its nuclear facilities. The regime’s endgame has not changed: deflect pressure, buy time, and refine and maintain destructive nuclear and military capabilities.
In addition, an interim deal today would make a mere dent in Tehran’s nuclear weapons capabilities, which advanced precipitously under President Biden’s policy of maximum deference to the regime.
Iran has now enriched uranium to 60 percent — putting it days from 90 percent purity, which is weapons-grade — and can fuel more than 17 nuclear weapons. It has installed more than 13,000 advanced centrifuges and secreted away numerous machines. Only a few hundred of these fast-enriching centrifuges are needed to make weapons-grade uranium at a secret site. The regime also restricted IAEA monitoring and ejected inspectors from key nuclear sites.
Tehran is reportedly carrying out weaponization-related work and has a team looking to short-cut the regime’s route to nuclear weapons. It has dramatically advanced its nuclear missile-delivery program, nearing the capability to make long-range intercontinental ballistic missiles that could strike the United States.
To be sure, not all is lost — Iran is not yet nuclear weapons-armed — but Washington must bring much more to bear than a temporary fix.
Iran’s aging supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and his regime are under severe pressure at home, facing droughts, water shortages, social and political unrest, inflation, and currency devaluation. Trump’s team must seize this opportunity to achieve a maximalist accord that permanently removes Iran’s nuclear threat.
To do so, Washington must insist on nothing less than the full, verifiable, and permanent dismantlement of all three pillars of Iran’s nuclear program — including its nuclear fuel production and assets, weaponization, and missile-delivery work. If Tehran refuses, the president should consider following through on his threat of military strikes, double down on sanctions, and support the Iranian people in their quest for freedom.
Short-term fixes to address Iran’s enduring nuclear threat have failed — it’s time for the president to deliver a lasting solution.
Andrea Stricker is a research fellow and deputy director of the Nonproliferation and Biodefense Program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD). Follow her on X @StrickerNonpro. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focused on national security and foreign policy.
The post Trump Should Oppose an Interim Nuclear Deal That Lets Iran Off the Hook first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Australia’s Jewish Community Faces an Election — and an Unprecedented Threat
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese speaks during a press conference at the Parliament House in Canberra, Australia, June 17, 2024. Photo: Lukas Coch/Pool via REUTERS
On May 3, 2025, Australians will head to the polls in one of the most pivotal elections in recent memory — especially for Australian Jews.
This vote comes after a harrowing period of unprecedented hostility toward the Jewish community in Australia, triggered by the October 7, 2023, Hamas massacre in Israel. That day shattered not only lives in Israel but also the illusion of safety that Jews in the Diaspora — including in Australia — once held dear.
Almost overnight, antisemitism, often masquerading as anti-Zionism, became rampant. Empathy for Israel and the Jewish people, reeling from the greatest loss of Jewish life since the Holocaust, was alarmingly in short supply.
Even more disturbingly, this hatred erupted in Western democracies — nations that should have stood in solidarity with Israel, a fellow democracy under attack by genocidal terrorists.
Nations like Australia.
Long considered a peaceful haven for Jews, Australia proved to be no exception. Far away from the conflicts of the Middle East and even further away from the baggage of thousands of years of ingrained antisemitism in Europe, our country was about as distant and far removed from these ancient hatreds as could be.
But no more.
On October 9, 2023 — as Israelis were still identifying their dead — the Sydney Opera House was lit in blue and white in solidarity. But outside, a different scene played out. Demonstrators, claiming to support Palestinians, flooded the area, chanting “F— the Jews” and “F— Israel.”
Instead of dispersing this hate-filled rally, authorities warned Jews to stay away “for their own safety.” Only one person was arrested that night: a man displaying the Israeli flag.
That moment set the tone for what would become the most dangerous period in the history of Australian Jewry.
Rather than cracking down on the surge in antisemitism, the tepid response from authorities allowed it to flourish.
And flourish it did.
Hatred was no longer whispered in the darkened corners at the fringe of society, but shouted, broadcast, and celebrated in full public view.
Islamic clerics openly praised the Hamas massacre. Jewish institutions were targeted with graffiti, and Jewish schools were vandalized — including one in Melbourne where “Jewdie” was spray-painted on the walls. Worshipers at a synagogue were even forced to leave early after demonstrators descended on their suburb with the threat of violence in the air.
But it got worse.
On December 6, 2024, the Adass Israel Synagogue in Melbourne was firebombed in the early hours of the morning, with some worshippers narrowly escaping with their lives.
A December 2024 Executive Council of Australian Jewry (ECAJ) report recorded a staggering 316% increase in antisemitic attacks since October 7, 2023 — a level not seen since the Holocaust. Those figures didn’t even include the firebombing attack.
Then, in January, Ice Hockey Australia canceled its hosting of a key international tournament — not to protect Jewish athletes, but, allegedly, to shield the Israeli team from anti-Israel protestors.
The current Labor government is not the cause of this antisemitism. But its failure to confront it robustly has contributed to its escalation. Since its election in May 2022, it has shattered the warm bipartisan relationship that existed between the two countries. It has voted for biased one-sided resolutions against Israel at the United Nations, while constantly criticizing Israel’s efforts to defend itself.
While it has in recent months appeared to finally take the threat of antisemitism more seriously — including setting up a special federal task force to crack down on antisemitism, as well as appointing a special a Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism — it does beg the question: What took so long? The damage has already been done.
Jews feel less secure now in Australia than they ever had, and the government bears a responsibility for that.
Just days ago, neo-Nazi flyers — adorned with Liberal Party logos — appeared in the mailboxes of Jewish homes in Caulfield, Melbourne, filled with antisemitic tropes about Jews and money. Members of the same hate group were seen outside voting booths dressed as Hasidic Jews, distributing flyers that read: “Giving the Jews everything they want.” Posters of both Jewish and non-Jewish candidates were defaced with red spray-painted Stars of David.
The image of Australia as a tolerant society for Jews has been severely strained, perhaps even shattered. Whether the ineffective Labor government remains in power, as it’s projected to do, or the more pro-Israel Liberal Party takes over, the road ahead for Australia’s Jews remains uncertain and dangerously perilous.
The antisemitic genie has been let out of the bottle — and putting it back in will not be easy.
Justin Amler is a policy analyst at the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC).
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How the Torah Teaches Us to Deal With — and Overcome — Physical Illness
A Torah scroll. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
The human body is an amazing organism. And a vehicle for spirituality. But we do tend to take it for granted until something bad happens, either from outside or from within.
What I find interesting is the extent to which the Torah is actually concerned with health and the well-being of the body. Although there are other sources in the Torah to support this contention, what we read this week on Shabbat is particularly relevant.
We start with the dislocation that comes with childbirth and the need for recuperation., which is just one of several examples of dislocation in the Torah. But physical change and recovery are only one aspect of the process. There is also a spiritual dimension. Recuperation whether from childbirth or from any dislocation within the human body requires not just the technical side of healing. It also requires a spiritual side.
How do we deal with challenges to our bodies when faced with something unusual? It is not just finding a cure in the physical sense — but how we deal mentally and emotionally.
The Gemara says that if something bad happens, we should examine our ways. (Brachot 5a). This does not necessarily mean that we have done anything wrong. But rather that we should look at this as a challenge to do better. Not only should one try to see if they did anything wrong, but also to give the opportunity for reflection — to see what could be improved. It also helps us summon the emotional strength to fight for recovery.
How often have we seen that people have been able to recover from the direst situations because of their personal determination and commitment to heal? We should not simply be thinking in terms of a cure, but also in terms of raising the quality of our lives.
This explains why both with regard to childbirth and physical illness, the priests were engaged in important rituals to help resolve things. The role of the priesthood was not just to perform ceremonies, but also to be the healers and teachers. Although these roles ultimately were removed from them, at the time of the Torah, their role was crucial. And we can learn a lesson from it.
The Torah then goes into what is called leprosy, which really means any serious disease or infection of the body. The priest would first look at the problem and then advise the sufferer on how to proceed, and if it were necessary to put somebody into quarantine.
In its own way, the Torah is saying that we have to take care of our bodies, homes, and the atmospheres in which we live. Cleanliness and sanitation — and not just waiting for something to go wrong. The role of the priesthood is to remind us of the spiritual dimension. We need doctors and priests metaphorically, to help us overcome the challenges we face. The detail the Torah goes into during these chapters underlines how seriously health, cleanliness, and the spiritual qualities are for us.
The author is a writer and rabbi, currently based in New York.
The post How the Torah Teaches Us to Deal With — and Overcome — Physical Illness first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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