Connect with us

RSS

Indian Bnei Menashe Jews miraculously survived Oct. 7. Now they’re fighting wars in Israel and India.

(JTA) — In the 2000s, as the small Israeli town of Sderot endured heavy rocket fire, thousands of residents left the city. Around the same time, a new population began moving in: Bnei Menashe Jews from the northeast Indian states of Manipur and Mizoram.

More than 100 Bnei Menashe families called Sderot their home until Oct. 7. The community was deeply proud of what it created: the first synagogue and beit midrash — or Torah study hall — run exclusively by Bnei Menashe Jews. It was a dream, for many, that began halfway across the world in India.

The dream was interrupted when Hamas terrorists infiltrated many towns and kibbutzes surrounding Gaza. By the end of Oct. 7, 50 civilians in Sderot had been killed, as well as 20 police officers, according to the Times of Israel.

But none of them were Bnei Menashe Jews.

That day, about 40 people gathered at a new synagogue building given to the community by Sderot’s mayor, Alon Davidi, only a few weeks before. Rabbi David Lhungdim recalled feeling rushed by Davidi to begin high holiday services there long before the community felt ready to make the move.

But in the end, the building saved them. The new synagogue, Alfei Menashe, is located to the east of Menachem Begin Road. While Hamas terrorists patrolled that road on Oct. 7, shooting people in the street, in their cars and in their homes, the Bnei Menashe prayed.

“I told them, let’s finish our morning prayer, we have no choice,” Lhundgim said.

After the attacks, “I questioned myself, why was the mayor in a state of hurry? When it was Simchat Torah, everything was clear,” Lhungdim said. “I said, wow, this is a miracle that God gave us … Had we been praying at the old site [a caravan on Natan Elbaz Road, which does not have a bomb shelter], the terrorists would have seen us because they were on the main road and shooting everyone that they see. But because the mayor gave us the new site, we don’t need to cross the main road.”

Rivka Guite, Lhungdim’s sister, and her husband Zevulun had been visiting Guite’s mother for the holiday. Their home, located near the old synagogue where Hamas had been active, was destroyed in a Hamas rocket attack. Nothing could be salvaged from the rubble, Guite said.

But Guite is just thankful to be alive and living in Israel.

“It’s a miracle indeed. I really do not have an explanation for these things,” Guite said through a translation provided by Isaac Thangjom, project director at the Israel-based nonprofit Degel Menashe. “How many of us would have died if the old synagogue had been used?”

Now, most of the Bnei Menashe community in Sderot has been evacuated to Jerusalem and the Dead Sea, where they are waiting out the war in refugee hotels. An estimated 200 young Bnei Menashe men have joined the Israeli military’s war effort, Thangjom told JTA. One soldier, Natanel Touthang, was injured by a rocket while on duty at the northern border.

“​​When I went to the reserves without being called up,” Touthang said, “I did it for my family. It sounds selfish, but I did it for my family.”

From Manipur to Sderot

The Bnei Menashe Jews are said to be descendants of the “lost tribe” of Manasseh, separated from their fellow Israelites after exile over two thousand years ago. They are part of the Kuki-Chin-Mizo ethnic groups that reside in northeastern India, western Myanmar, and southern Bangladesh.

Researchers say the group came to Judaism via Christian missionaries, who introduced them to the Bible in the late 19th century. Bnei Menashe tradition recalls the story of Met Chala, a Christian local tribal leader in Mizoram who was told by God in a dream to return his people to the land of Israel and their true religion: Judaism.

They began immigrating to Israel in the late 1980s with the help of Israeli Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail and his organization Amishav, undergoing formal conversions upon arrival. The immigration process was handed over to the Israeli nonprofit Shavei Israel in 2004, headed by Michael Freund, a former advisor to Benjamin Netanyahu.

Both Avichail and Shavei Israel have faced intense criticism and accusations of right-wing political motives from the Israeli left, as new Bnei Menashe immigrants moved to West Bank settlements upon arrival — particularly Kiryat Arba, which today hosts a community of about 700 Bnei Menashe Jews.

Shavei Israel halted that practice over a decade ago following the criticism, but some still move to settlements upon arrival to Israel to be with their families who already live there. Many have also settled in other towns within Israel’s pre-1967 borders.

Their settlement in the West Bank and on the border with Gaza has been less a product of political motivation than of convenience and accessibility, said Gideon Elazar, an anthropologist at Bar-Ilan University who researches the Bnei Menashe and other “lost tribes.”

“These were the communities that would accept them,” he said.

New Bnei Menashe immigrants have experienced difficulty learning Hebrew, finding profitable work and assimilating into Israeli society. Some experience discrimination and racism. Last year, Yoel Lhunghal, an 18-year-old Bnei Menashe Jew who had immigrated just a year earlier, was murdered in northern Israel. Though police found no evidence of a racial motive behind the attack, his father believes Yoel was “a victim of racism.”

The case of Lhungdim’s Sderot community is a slightly different story. The 120-family-strong community moved there on their own accord, Lhungdim said. Some came from other areas such as Carmel and Kiryat Arba — both towns where Lhungdim lived before coming to Sderot — and some directly upon arriving from India to join their families. Affordability was a major factor, as costs were lower due to Sderot’s location on the Gaza border. The area also offers work that corresponds with the Bnei Menashe community’s skills, such as fruit and vegetable packing.

Some relocated Bnei Menashe community members seen at a Western Wall tour in Jerusalem. (Courtesy of Degel Menashe)

“We want to strengthen Israel, that’s why we go to live in Sderot. And I’m proud to be from Sderot,” Lhungdim told JTA. “As a convert Jew, I would have been ready to sacrifice my life to the Jewish nation.”

Like other Israelis in towns near Gaza who survived the Oct. 7 attacks, the entire Bnei Menashe community in Sderot was relocated to hotels in Jerusalem. The more than 100 families staying there have kept busy by continuing religious education, praying at the Western Wall and enjoying free admission to local museums. Many had never before enjoyed stays at four-star hotels or had the opportunity to spend much time exploring Jerusalem.

But they are still eager to get back to their hometown. Guite and other community members have been making day trips to the south to tend to vegetable fields that have been left abandoned since the evacuation.

“The government is doing so much for us, and of course, we are only too happy to contribute and give something to Israel in forms of service,” Guite said.

The other war in India

Bnei Menashe Jews are now facing war and displacement on two fronts: within Israel, and in Manipur, where an ethnic conflict has been raging for nearly eight months.

There, hundreds of Bnei Menashe Jews are rebuilding their lives in the midst of an ethnic conflict that began in May and has no end in sight. Human rights groups say the ethnic Kukis — the group to which the Bnei Menashe belong — have been targeted by the majority Meiteis in what some have called an “ethnic cleansing.” Many Kukis have been forced out of their local valley, which is now mostly occupied by the Meiteis, to the hills, which have become Kuki territory.

Others have moved to the neighboring Mizoram state, where other Bnei Menashe Jews live.

Unlike in Israel, the hundreds of displaced community members in northeast India have no hope of returning home, as new informal territorial borders based on ethnicity have become the norm. Many are living in newly-built houses with vegetable plots on a picturesque 200-acre piece of land donated by community leader Lalam Hangshing. It has been named “Moaz Tzur,” and Degel Menashe, which advocates for the community, proudly refers to it as India’s first kibbutz.

These Jews have dreamed of immigrating to Israel for more than two decades. Thangjom called the war a “setback” to the process and will lengthen the timeline before the next slate of immigration, but conversations with the government are continuing, he said.

The war in Israel also impacted the amount of aid that Degel Menashe has been able to provide to Bnei Menashe refugees in India, as international Jewish organizations pour money into Israel.

“Since the war started in Israel, I don’t know if I’ll be able to give the same amount of help. But we are approaching our donors,” Thangjom said.


The post Indian Bnei Menashe Jews miraculously survived Oct. 7. Now they’re fighting wars in Israel and India. appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Continue Reading
Click to comment

You must be logged in to post a comment Login

Leave a Reply

RSS

It Is Time for Qatar to Choose a Side: The United States or Terror Groups

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken meets with Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani in Doha, Qatar, October 24, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Nathan Howard/Pool

For the sake of peace and stability in the Middle East, it is vital that the United States drastically change its relations with Qatar. Qatar has long played a double game, seeking good relations with the United States while maintaining ties — if not support — for its adversaries. That pattern appears to be repeating itself again, with competing reports about whether the leadership of the terrorist group Hamas will continue to be welcome to live in Doha.,

It is vital that the United States convince Qatar to play it straight, and cut off political and financial support for Hamas while increasing accountability.

Earlier this month, Biden administration officials claimed that Qatar was evicting Hamas from the country. But, just days later, the Qatari Foreign Ministry strongly denied those reports. Instead, Qatar said it was suspending its role as a mediator in hostage and ceasefire negotiations between Israel and Hamas.

Yet, an Arab diplomat told The Times of Israel that last week senior Hamas officials left Qatar for Turkey, a NATO ally that also risks running afoul of Washington if it provides safe harbor to terrorists.

Amid this confusion, it is not clear what exactly is taking place: has Qatar actually expelled Hamas’ leadership, but is denying it to save face publicly? Would Doha welcome these officials back if they agree to negotiate? Which Hamas members, if any, still reside in Qatar?

Whatever is happening behind the scenes, the ambiguity of the current situation is representative of Qatar’s broader strategy to play all sides and keep everyone guessing regarding its loyalties and interests. Thus, while it hosts, and helps pay for, the largest US military base in the Middle East at al Udeid, Qatar has also provided a haven and financial support to radical groups, terrorist organizations, and American adversaries such as the Taliban, Hamas, and the Muslim Brotherhood, while maintaining good relations with Iran.

Doha portrays its refusal to choose sides as a strategic asset, not only for itself but for others as well. For example, Qatari officials have claimed that allowing Hamas officials to reside on its territory is a selfless investment in diplomacy. Qatari Defense Minister Khalid bin Mohammed al-Attiyah explained that Hamas officials would remain in Doha “not because we want Hamas to stay in Qatar, but because we want to facilitate the negotiations with the parties through the organization’s office.”

Yet, there is good reason to be skeptical of these claims of Qatari neutrality and magnanimity.

Qatar has provided Hamas officials safe harbor since the terrorist group relocated its headquarters there from Damascus, Syria, in 2012. In the following 12 years, and before Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack, there were three major conflicts between Israel and Hamas — in 2012, 2014, and 2021. Each time, the resulting ceasefire was negotiated principally by Egypt, not Qatar.

Immediately after Hamas’ October 7 attack, the Qatari Foreign Ministry issued a statement that placed all of the blame for the violence on Israel, failed to condemn Hamas, and called for restraint on both sides.

Other Qatari actions are more complicated to judge. Doha sent, and Israel allowed, billions of dollars in into Gaza, reportedly as suitcases filled with cash. The money was supposed to rebuild Gaza, improve economic conditions for Gazans, and thereby placate Hamas. In effect, however, the funds were used by Hamas to prepare for the October 7 attack, including building hundreds of miles of tunnels. Even if the intentions were good, without any accountability, Qatari generosity only strengthened Hamas.

Nor has Qatar’s tolerance of Hamas provided any results since October 7. Despite Doha hosting multiple rounds of negotiations, there has been no agreement for a ceasefire in Gaza or hostage release in nearly a year. Nor have Qatar’s previous public threats to downgrade its relations with Hamas failed to achieve results. Despite Qatari and Egyptian officials informing Hamas leaders in June that they faced arrest, sanctions ,and eviction from Doha if they did not agree to a ceasefire, the terrorist group’s then-leaders Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar — both of whom have since been eliminated — refused President Biden’s proposal along with many other offers.

It is now past time for Doha to shift its approach and take a clear side: against Hamas. As Secretary of State Antony Blinken urged in June, “if you want a ceasefire, press Hamas to say yes. If you want to alleviate the terrible suffering of Palestinians in Gaza, press Hamas to say yes. If you want to get all the hostages home, press Hamas to say yes.”

The United States is right to demand not only that Qatar expel Hamas’ leaders, but that it do so clearly and publicly. Only such an unambiguous rejection of Hamas and the loss of the haven Qatar provides might pressure Hamas sufficiently to finally accept a deal.

Qatar cannot continue playing both sides. Terrorists that kill Americans should not freely reside in US-partner nations. The United States should use every play in the book to convince them. One substantive step would be for US assets currently deployed at the Al Udeid airbase to be relocated to better-aligned US partners, such as Israel, the United Arab Emirates, or other Arab nations that are not harboring Hamas and catering to our enemies.

Qatar, Turkey, and any other nation that would provide safe haven to Hamas should understand that if it cannot side with the United States against terrorism, the United States will not side with it, and the consequences will be significant.

Lieutenant General Raymond V. Mason, USA (ret.) is the former Deputy Chief of Staff for Logistics, G4 Army Staff. Vice Admiral Herman A. Shelanski, USN (ret.) is the former Naval Inspector General. Both were participants on the Jewish Institute for National Security of America’s (JINSA) 2019 Generals and Admirals Program.

The post It Is Time for Qatar to Choose a Side: The United States or Terror Groups first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

Continue Reading

RSS

Amsterdam Mayor Lambasted for Saying She Regrets Calling Violent Attacks Against Israeli Soccer Fans a ‘Pogrom’

Mayor of Amsterdam Femke Halsema attends a press conference following the violence targeting fans of an Israeli soccer team, in Amsterdam, Netherlands, Nov. 8, 2024. Photo: Reuters/Piroschka Van De Wouw

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar castigated Amsterdam’s Mayor Femke Halsema on Monday after the latter said she should not have used the word “pogrom” to describe the violent, antisemitic attacks that took place earlier this month against Israeli soccer fans in the Dutch capital.

At a press conference on Nov. 8, after the premeditated and coordinated attack, Halsema said, “Boys on scooters crisscrossed the city in search of Israeli football fans; it was a hit and run. I understand very well that this brings back the memory of pogroms.”

During her appearance on the Dutch state broadcaster NPO’s “News Hour” program on Sunday, Halsema was asked if she would use the term “pogrom” again to describe the incident. In her reply, the mayor explained that her use of the word in connection to the violent attacks has been wrongly politicized.

“First, let me say that the words ‘Jew hunt’ have been used,” she said. “People were going ‘Jew hunting’; they asked for passports. That night and early morning I spoke to many Jewish Amsterdammers on the phone, with a lot of emotions. And what I primarily wanted to express was the sadness and fear among Jewish Amsterdammers.”

“But I have to say that in the days after, I saw how the word ‘pogrom’ became very political and turned into propaganda,” Halsema added. “The Israeli government, speaking about a ‘Palestinian pogrom in the streets of Amsterdam.’ In the political class, the word pogrom is mainly used to discriminate against Moroccan Amsterdammers and Muslims. Those were not my intentions. And that’s not what I wanted.”

When asked a second time to give a clear answer as to whether she would describe the attacks during the late hours of Nov. 7 and early hours of Nov. 8 as a “pogrom,” Halsema said, “No.”

“If I had known that it would be used this way, politically and as propaganda, I don’t want anything to do with that,” she explained. “I find that nobody benefited from this. I never made a direct comparison but said that I could imagine the feeling. And I wanted to express sadness. But I am not an instrument in a national and international political battle.”

Saar said Haselma’s comments on Sunday were “utterly unacceptable.”

“The failure that occurred on that night must not be compounded by a further grave failure: a cover-up,” he wrote on Monday in a post on X. “Hundreds of Israeli fans who came to watch a football match were pursued and attacked, targeted by a mob asking for their passports to check if they were citizens of the Jewish state. There is no other word for this than a pogrom. The application of the term ‘pogrom’ was not an Israeli invention. It was used by Dutch politicians who recognized the severity and antisemitic nature of the incident. We will never again accept the persecution of Jews on the soil of Europe or anywhere else!”

Saar noted that other Dutch politicians have also described the attack as a “pogrom,” including hard-right Dutch political leader Geert Wilders, as well asChris Stoffer and Caroline van der Plas, both of whom are members of the Dutch House of Representatives.

During the late hours of Nov. 7, after a UEFA Europa League soccer match between Maccabi Tel Aviv and the Dutch team Ajax in Amsterdam, fans of the Israeli team were chased with rocks, sticks and knives, assaulted, and run over by cars in various parts of the city by anti-Israel and pro-Palestinian gangs of men. Some attackers also tormented their victims by forcing them to say pro-Palestinian slogans like “Free Palestine” in order to avoid further abuse.

The attacks continued into the early hours of Nov. 8 and a number of the victims were hospitalized for injuries sustained during the attack. Dutch police said over the weekend that they have identified 45 suspects in connection to the attack, some of whom have already been arrested and arraigned.

Haselma said on Sunday that for two hours after the soccer game, between 12.30 am and 2.30 am, violent incidents suddenly spread throughout Amsterdam, not only targeting soccer fans. She additionally explained that she was taken aback by how swiftly Israel condemned the attack.

“We were completely caught off guard by Israel because at 3 am, [Israeli] Prime Minister [Benjamin] Netanyahu gave a press conference about what happened in Amsterdam while we were still gathering the facts,” she noted.

Ahead of the Nov. 7 soccer match, some Maccabi Tel Aviv fans from Israel who were visiting Amsterdam for the game provoked locals in the Dutch city by chanting racist anti-Arab slogans and removing at least two Palestinian flags from what appeared to be residential buildings the night before the match.

Following the next day’s attacks — perpetrated by what Haselma had called “antisemitic hit-and-run squads” — Israeli President Isaac Herzog spoke with King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands, according to a readout from Herzog’s office.

Herzog said the “events echoed dark and grim times for the Jewish people and must be unequivocally condemned.”

The king expressed “deep horror and shock” over the attack and, according to the statement, told Herzog: “We failed the Jewish community of the Netherlands during World War II, and last night we failed again.”

The post Amsterdam Mayor Lambasted for Saying She Regrets Calling Violent Attacks Against Israeli Soccer Fans a ‘Pogrom’ first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

Continue Reading

RSS

US Envoy Says End to Israel-Hezbollah War ‘Within Our Grasp’

US special envoy Amos Hochstein speaks to the media after meeting with Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, in Beirut, Lebanon, Nov. 19, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Thaier Al-Sudani

A senior US mediator said on Tuesday there was a “real opportunity” to end the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah and that gaps were narrowing, signaling progress in Washington’s efforts to clinch a ceasefire.

White House envoy Amos Hochstein spoke in Beirut following talks with Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, a day after the Lebanese government and Iran-backed Hezbollah terrorist organization agreed to a US ceasefire proposal, with some comments on the content.

“I came back because we have a real opportunity to bring this conflict to an end,” Hochstein told a press conference after the meeting. “It is now within our grasp. As the window is now, I hope the coming days yield a resolute decision.”

Hochstein’s mission marks a last-ditch attempt by the outgoing US administration to clinch a ceasefire in Lebanon as diplomacy to end the war in Gaza appears totally adrift.

Israeli Energy Minister Eli Cohen said on Tuesday “there are talks regarding an arrangement with Lebanon” but reiterated that Israel would agree only if all its demands were met, including pushing Hezbollah away from the border.

The diplomatic efforts coincide with an intensification of the war, with Israel stepping up its strikes on Beirut’s Hezbollah-controlled southern suburbs and striking three times in the capital itself in the last three days.

The conflict spiraled into all-out war in September when Israel went on the offensive, pounding wide areas of Lebanon with airstrikes, sending troops into the south, and killing many Hezbollah commanders including leader Hassan Nasrallah.

Hochstein has tried to broker a ceasefire several times over the last year.

Hezbollah has endorsed its long-time ally Berri as Lebanon’s negotiator. Hochstein flew to Beirut overnight after Lebanon delivered its written response to a US ceasefire proposal which Berri received last week from the US ambassador.

Israel launched its offensive after almost a year of cross-border hostilities with Hezbollah, which opened fire in solidarity with its Palestinian ally Hamas after the group’s Oct. 7, 2023 attack on Israel led to the start of the Gaza war. Hezbollah, which wields significant influence in Lebanon, has been firing barrages of rockets, missiles, and drones at neighboring northern Israel almost daily since last October, forcing tens of thousands of Israels to flee their homes.

Israel‘s declared goal is to dismantle Hezbollah‘s capabilities and secure the return of the Israelis evacuated from the north.

An Israeli strike killed two people in the Chiyah district of Beirut’s southern suburbs, the Lebanese health ministry said.

At least 35 projectiles were fired into Israel from Lebanon on Tuesday, some of which were intercepted, according to Israeli military statements. The Israeli air force also intercepted two drones flown into Israel from Lebanon, the military said.

Cohen, speaking at a conference on Tuesday, said Israel would “make an arrangement only if all our demands are met.”

He said this meant pushing back Hezbollah, ensuring it cannot return and regain strength, Israelis being able to return safely to the north, and Israeli forces having “full freedom of action, not just in the event of an attack, but in the event they [Hezbollah] try to restore their strength.”

Lebanon has rejected Israel being granted freedom of action. Berri said last week the US proposal did not mention this.

Israel‘s campaign in Lebanon has uprooted more than 1 million people in the last eight weeks.

UN RESOLUTION

World powers say a ceasefire must be based on UN Security Council Resolution 1701 which ended a 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. Its terms require Hezbollah to move weapons and fighters north of the Litani River, about 30 km (20 miles) north of the Israeli border.

Ali Hassan Khalil, a top Berri aide, told Reuters on Monday that Lebanon had presented its comments on the US proposal “in a positive atmosphere.”

“All the comments that we presented affirm the precise adherence to Resolution 1701 with all its provisions,” he said, declining to give details.

Israel‘s campaign has killed 3,481 people in Lebanon since hostilities began, most since late September, Lebanese authorities say. The figures do not distinguish between combatants and civilians.

Hezbollah strikes have killed 43 civilians in northern Israel and the Golan Heights, while 73 soldiers have been killed in strikes in northern Israel and the Golan Heights and in combat in southern Lebanon, according to Israeli figures.

The post US Envoy Says End to Israel-Hezbollah War ‘Within Our Grasp’ first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

Continue Reading

Copyright © 2017 - 2023 Jewish Post & News