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Israel Escalates Strikes on Hamas ‘Political’ Wing

A drone view shows buildings lying in ruins, following a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, Jan. 19, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Mahmoud Al-Basos
JNS.org – The Israel Defense Forces conducted extensive air and artillery strikes across northern, central and southern Gaza overnight on Thursday, killing Abd al-Latif Qanoua, a senior Hamas spokesman, slain in Jabalia in a strike on his tent.
The attacks are part of a broader campaign to systematically eliminate key figures in both Hamas’s military-terrorist wing, and its “political” leadership.
This, combined with Israel preventing aid trucks from entering Gaza—supplies that were stolen by Hamas and used to bolster its regime—signals an Israeli strategic pivot from strictly targeting “military” wing operatives to dismantling the governing infrastructure sustaining Hamas’s rule.
In recent days, Israel has killed several senior officials of Hamas’s Political Bureau. These included Ismail Barhoum, who managed the organization’s finances and directed funds toward terror planning and weapons procurement.
He was killed in a joint IDF and Shin Bet operation at Nasser Hospital in Khan Yunis. Just before his death, Barhoum had succeeded Issam Da’alis, Hamas’s “prime minister” in Gaza, who was killed in mid-March. Salah Bardawil, head of Hamas’s Planning and Development Office in southern Gaza, was also targeted and killed by Israel.
The goals of the war
Meir Ben-Shabbat, head of the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy, who is former Israeli national security adviser and ex-head of the National Security Council, told JNS on Wednesday that “one of the goals of the war, as determined by the political echelon, is the destruction of Hamas’s governing capabilities. This goal cannot be achieved without targeting the functionaries who run Hamas’s administration in Gaza. This is a necessary step.”
He added, “The achievements in recent days are impressive, but the pace must be increased and the blow to Hamas intensified.”
Ben-Shabbat emphasized the importance of Israel controlling the flow of aid “after we have seen that this aid is being used by Hamas both to rearm for continued war and to bolster its governance over the population.”
According to Ben-Shabbat, “To understand why, one must revisit the footage and images from October 7, the monstrous atrocities, and the participation of elderly and youths in these acts. The celebrations in Gaza over the abduction of elderly people, women and children. The horrific stories of what our hostages endured—59 of whom are still held in Gaza.”
In the first part of the war, Israel’s approach to Hamas’s “political” infrastructure. Ben-Shabbat argued that Israel at that time “acted under different conditions—under constraints imposed by the Biden administration and operational limitations that forced it to prioritize its overall tasks. Today, those constraints no longer exist and the operational space is far broader.”
The eyes of the population
Lt. Col. (res.) Amit Yagur, former deputy head of the Palestinian arena at the IDF Planning Branch and a former naval intelligence officer, told JNS on Wednesday that Hamas’s true strategic center of gravity lies not in its rockets or gunmen but in its civilian governance and perceived legitimacy among Gazan civilians.
“Hamas know that in a military confrontation with Israel, their ammunition depots and all their military capabilities will be damaged—that’s something they expect. What they aim to preserve is their organizational survival and legitimacy in the eyes of the population,” Yagur said.
“The military capacity is relatively easy to rebuild. You get hit, you start to restore the military capability. You start restoring workshops using aid coming in, you manufacture more rockets again, you arm the youths. But the civilian governing capacity is much harder to rebuild for Hamas once it’s been damaged.”
Yagur explained that Hamas’s legitimacy rests on its ability to govern and deliver aid. “The population says to Hamas, ‘you stayed as the ruler, okay, rebuild. Bring back our homes and our lives.’”
When Hamas can’t do that, it begins to lose legitimacy, argued Yagur, which is why Hamas is desperate for caravans and aid infrastructure—so it can demonstrate that it’s rebuilding.
Yagur criticized Israel’s past focus on purely military targets, stating that eighty to 90% of everything the IDF had attacked in Gaza was focused on military targets like terror operatives, rockets, weapons. “That’s what I call speaking in the military language only. It’s a mistake,” he said, since Hamas’s “main goal is to stay in power.”
The previous military echelon was highly opposed to any activity by Israel in Gaza’s civilian sphere, he noted. “There were a few attempts to cement civilian clans that would take control from Hamas in the middle of 2024. These efforts failed,” he recalled. “Today, everyone understands how important it is to seize control of the distribution of humanitarian aid.”
According to Yagur, the recent focus on Hamas’s political wing marked a necessary correction. “For the first time, we’re seeing the large-scale targeting of the people who run the civilian system in the Gaza Strip. These are Hamas figures. This damages their ability to recover, to govern and interface with the population.”
Protests against Hamas
The shift in approach was quickly followed in Gaza by mounting and unprecedented civilian Palestinian protests against Hamas.
Between March 25 and 27, protests erupted in at least seven locations across Gaza, including Beit Lahia, Jabalia Camp, Shejaiya in Gaza City, Zeitoun, Nuseirat, Khan Yunis and Deir al-Balah. These followed a major demonstration on March 25 in Beit Lahia, where hundreds of civilians waved white flags and called for an end to the war.
That protest, reportedly organized in part by Fatah affiliates and the “Bidna Na’ish” (“We want to live”) initiative, marked the first large-scale civilian protest since Israel closed Gaza’s border crossings.
Protesters chanted, “Hamas out, Hamas out,” and called out journalists, including from Al Jazeera, demanding media coverage of the events.
Videos circulated showing notable elders from Beit Lahia speaking openly and uncovered against Hamas, indicating bread down of a previous fear barrier.
“These are respected community figures coming out with uncovered faces. That’s not children or women saying, ‘save me’—these are known figures going directly against Hamas. It shows the fear barrier might be cracking a little,” said Yagur.
Human shields
Meanwhile, Col. Avichay Adraee, the IDF’s Arabic-language spokesperson, issued fresh evacuation warnings on Thursday to Gaza residents in Zeitoun, Tel al-Hawa, the Old City of Gaza, Sheikh Ajlin and other neighborhoods, advising them to evacuate ahead of intensified Israeli strikes on Hamas, which continues to systematically use civilians as human shields.
Foreign Minister Israel Katz directly addressed Gaza’s population on Wednesday, warning that more areas will be evacuated, and called on civilians to rise against Hamas and pressure for the release of Israeli hostages. “This is the only way to stop the war,” he said.
Ben-Shabbat outlined what he believed should be Israel’s long-term goal for Gaza: “In my view, President Trump’s vision outlines the scenario that Israel should strive for regarding Gaza: voluntary emigration, enabling first of all the departure of those who wish to live elsewhere. This is an opportunity for historic, fundamental change.”
“Israel must obtain all of the goals it set for this war: return of the hostages, destruction of Hamas, removal of the threat from Gaza. The minimal security goal that it must achieve is demilitarization.
“In the end state of the war in Gaza, Israel will have full security control in this area, and there will be no other fighting force, means, or capabilities that will threaten Israel and its people. Hamas will not only not rule, it will not be a significant force in this area and lose its military, governing, and organizational infrastructure.”
Yagur added that Hamas must be stripped of its interface with the population. “We need to take away its connection to the population—and that means controlling humanitarian aid distribution.” He argued this could be done through American security contractors under IDF protection, or directly by IDF units in designated humanitarian zones.
Such civilian control efforts are more damaging to Hamas than bombs alone, he said. “These are the things that disrupt them most.”
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Turkey’s Moves in Syria Threaten Israel

Russian President Vladimir Putin shakes hands with Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan during a meeting in Sochi, Russia September 29, 2021. Sputnik/Vladimir Smirnov/Pool via REUTERS
JNS.org – Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey’s president, is not a likable person. Certainly not outside of Turkey, but also among a great many inside the country. Considered by many a megalomaniac who views himself as the caliph of the Sunni-Muslim world, he seeks to recreate the Ottoman Empire.
Some, like the jihadists who took over Syria with Erdoğan’s equipment, training and cash, look up to him. Though, Bashar Assad’s downfall was, to some degree at least Israel’s doing. The severe blows Israel inflicted upon Hezbollah, and Iranian assets in Syria, provided the jihadists led by Ahmed al-Sharaa (the nom de guerre for Mohammad al-Julani), a path to victory over Assad’s forces.
According to an article published in the Türkiye newspaper on March 17, “Turkey will train the country’s army in two military bases it will establish in Syria.” The paper also reported that “Turkey and Syria will sign a joint defense agreement. According to the agreement, which is expected to be signed soon, Ankara will help Syria if Damascus faces a sudden threat.”
Türkiye also reported the government’s plan to have 50 Turkish Air Force F-16 jetfighters nest inside the new bases to support and protect the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) from collapse until a new Syrian air force is established.
Erdoğan has far greater ambitions than to simply train Syrian Sunni rebels.
The U.K.-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights has reported on a large-scale military mobilization by Turkish forces, along with an extensive deployment of mine engineering teams, in the villages of Mar’anaz, Al-Alqamiyah and Menagh in northern Syria.
Should Erdoğan deploy the F-16 jetfighters in Syria it would threaten Israeli security and hinder Israeli preventive operations inside Syria.
Israel has established a temporary buffer zone on the Syrian slopes of Mount Hermon to protect its citizens in the Golan Heights from jihadist forces. It also seeks to prevent the jihadist butchery of Druze citizens of Syria who have sought Israel’s protection.
Erdoğan warned, ostensibly Israel, that it must withdraw its forces from Syrian territory or it will cause an “unfavorable outcome for everyone.”
It takes a great deal of chutzpah for a character like Erdoğan, who has repeatedly ordered the Turkish army to invade Syrian territory to butcher Kurdish civilians and who holds territory in northern Syria, to warn Israel. Erdoğan plans to take full control of Syria, in his vision of creating a neo-Ottoman empire.
The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs was quick to respond to the attempted intimidation tactics of Erdoğan, declaring in its statement, “Israel completely rejects the statement of the Turkish president.” The ministry statement further added, “The aggressive imperialist actor in Syria (as well as in Northern Cyprus, Libya and other areas in the Middle East) is Turkey itself, and it is advisable for the Turkish president to avoid unnecessary threats. The State of Israel will continue to act to protect its borders from any threat.”
Back in July 2024, Erdoğan threatened to invade Israel in support of the Palestinians. He said, “We must be very strong so that Israel can’t do these things to Palestine,” and, he said, “Just as we entered [Nagorno-]Karabakh, just as we entered Libya, we might do the same to them. There is nothing we can’t do. We must only be strong.”
Turkey’s president has escalated his attacks on Israel since the Oct. 7 Hamas massacre of more than 1,200 people. He has sought to incite the Sunni-Muslim world against Israel, and according to many in Israel, Erdoğan’s hostility toward Israel has reached a point where many in the Jewish state see a Sunni-Muslim crescent led by Erdoğan just as threatening as the Shiite-Muslim crescent led by Iran’s Ayatollah Khamenei.
A Turkish military presence on Syrian territory could present a real threat to the State of Israel.
The Trump administration must consider measures against the megalomaniacal Turkish leader who is unreliable insofar as NATO is concerned. Erdoğan purchased Russian S-400 missile designed to shoot down NATO planes, and Russia provided the Turkish armed forces with advanced weapons capable of covering most of Syria, as well as their old adversary, Greece (also a NATO member) in contravention of NATO rules.
Under Erdoğan, religious minorities in Turkey are also faring badly, according to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. The commission pointed out that Turkish society in recent years has seen a marked increase in incidents of vandalism and violence against religious minorities, primarily Christians. The commission also declared that “Religious minorities in Turkey have expressed concerns that governmental rhetoric and policies contribute to an increasingly hostile environment and implicitly encourage acts of societal aggression and violence.”
With his incompetent handling of the Turkish economy and his avoidance of the difficult tasks required to heal it, Erdoğan seeks “victories” in foreign affairs—including his meddling in Jerusalem’s management of Islamic holy sites.
In September, for instance, Erdoğan accused Israel of targeting the Al-Aqsa Mosque as part of an expansionist Israeli drive. He also urged the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to convene an emergency summit to discuss the war in Gaza and accused Israel of attacks on Muslims in Jerusalem.
The Trump administration must reconsider providing F-16 jetfighters to Turkey, as well its place in NATO. The United States must also protect the Kurds of northeastern Syria from repeated attacks by the Turkish armed forces.
Turkey, under Erdoğan, is fighting the Syrian Democratic Forces, an ally of the United States and threatening Israel, America’s only reliable ally in the Middle East. It is time for the United States to address Erdoğan’s dangerous megalomania.
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A Bad Week for the Muslim Brotherhood

Ekrem Imamoglu, ousted Istanbul Mayor from the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), speaks during an interview with Reuters in Istanbul, Turkey, May 9, 2019. Photo: REUTERS/Murad Sezer.
JNS.org – It’s not been a good week for two of the Muslim Brotherhood’s most prominent affiliates. In Gaza and in Turkey, the final days of the holy month of Ramadan have been marked by angry demonstrations calling for an end to the rule of, respectively, Hamas and the Justice and Development (AKP) Party.
The demonstrations are not connected and are not referencing each other. Their targets, however, are intimately connected—through their ideological fealty to the Muslim Brotherhood, a pan-Islamist movement that emerged nearly a century ago seeking to impose Sharia law, and, more immediately, through the energetic backing for Hamas provided by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s regime.
In the Turkish case, the protests were sparked by the regime’s arrest of Ekrem Imamoglu—the mayor of Istanbul who had planned to challenge Erdoğan for the presidency—on fabricated charges of corruption. A member of the secular Republican People’s Party who has said that he considers Hamas to be a terrorist organization, Imamoglu has been vilified by the regime, to the point of having his Istanbul University degree annulled. Under Turkey’s constitution, presidential candidates must possess a college degree, so Erdoğan’s move was an effective if slimy way of shifting his most credible opponent out of the running—for now, at least.
The Turkish authorities have responded violently to the protests, arresting nearly 2,000 people. Such behavior is consistent with Erdoğan’s record, particularly since he overcame an alleged coup attempt a decade ago. According to the US State Department’s most recent report on the woeful state of human rights in Turkey, Erdoğan’s regime is guilty of such crimes as torture, enforced disappearance, pursuing and harassing opponents based abroad, gender-based violence and persecution of the Kurdish minority. Media freedom is heavily restricted, with Turkey prominently listed among those countries where journalists are routinely imprisoned.
Despite its dreadful domestic record, its support for terrorist proxies in neighboring Syria and its lionizing of Hamas, Turkey remains a member of NATO and a candidate member of the European Union. Should the threat posed by Iran to the Middle East eventually be neutralized, Turkey stands ready to assume Tehran’s mantle, with the notable advantage that, unlike Iran’s rulers, Erdoğan shamelessly participates in the institutions created by Western democracies while decrying and undermining the values and policies these same institutions represent.
Over in Gaza, Hamas—lauded by Erdoğan as a “resistance organization that strives to protect its lands”—is separately facing the wrath of its own people. During its long reign in Gaza since 2007, Hamas has periodically faced local opposition over its corruption and the brutal character of its rule. Yet the current demonstrations, which began after Israel issued evacuation orders for the northern part of the enclave following the resumption of rocket attacks against Israeli communities adjacent to the Gaza border, are unprecedented. Protestors are calling for an end to Hamas rule during a time of war no less. Their chants include “Out, out Hamas,” “Our children’s blood is not cheap” and the simple “Stop the war.”
As I noted on the first anniversary of the Oct. 7 Hamas pogrom in southern Israel, a distinct sense of war fatigue was already settling in among many ordinary Palestinians. Even so, fatigue at being relentlessly bombed by Israel has not translated into serious regret for the Oct. 7 atrocities, during which thousands of Palestinian civilians crossed the border alongside Hamas to take part in the slaughter and the mass rapes. Quite a few commentators have pointed out that, even under Nazi rule, there were many Europeans who risked their lives to save beleaguered Jews, yet in Gaza—as borne out in the testimonies of some of the freed hostages—not a single Palestinian has done the same on behalf of the abducted Israelis. Even now, as the current wave of protests highlights widespread dissatisfaction with their Hamas rulers, Palestinians have refrained from demanding the release of the remaining hostages and a definitive end to terrorist provocations and attacks upon Israel. Doing so would, of course, secure an end to the war that has destroyed their homes and livelihoods.
Even at this stage, it’s possible to draw two conclusions from the Gaza protests.
First, the very fact that they are taking place at all demonstrates the degree to which Israel’s military campaign has degraded Hamas’s enforcement capabilities. As a result, Hamas has been compelled to issue contradictory messages regarding its view of the protests. On the one hand, Hamas spokesman Bassem Naim tried to spin them as demonstrations of anger against Israel. But on the other—and perhaps this is a more truthful reflection of the terror group’s view—a statement issued by the “Factions of Resistance,” which includes Hamas, claimed that the protests “persist in blaming the resistance and absolving the occupation, ignoring that the Zionist extermination machine operates nonstop,” threatening that “these suspicious individuals are as responsible as the occupation for the bloodshed of our people and will be treated accordingly.”
Second, the protests are an acknowledgment by the exhausted Gazans that Israel cannot be defeated militarily and that any future attempts at a pogrom will be met with a similarly devastating response. If Israel cannot be defeated on the battlefield, then how will Hamas fulfill its goal of eliminating the Jewish state as a sovereign entity? Through democratic means? It’s hard to see many Israelis voting for the dissolution of their own state to live under the rule of those who would rape their daughters and murder their babies.
The realization is dawning among Palestinians that the Oct. 7 pogrom was a tactical success but a long-term failure. Israel isn’t disappearing. And maybe that’s the best we can hope for at this juncture—a peace based on grudging acceptance of Israel’s reality, combined with the fear that any attempt to undo that reality will result in the kind of military campaign that we have witnessed over the last 17 months. In a Middle East without Hamas and without Erdoğan—neither an easily attainable prospect, but far more so than the aim of wiping Israel from the map—that cold peace could blossom into something with more meaningful value.
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From Strength to Strength!

A Torah scroll from North Africa on display at the Institute of the Arab World in Paris. Photo: Reuters/Jérôme Leblois/ Hans Lucas
JNS.org – There have been a variety of inquiries and investigations into the reasons that Israel was so shockingly vulnerable to the unprecedented terrorist attack by Hamas on Oct. 7, 2023. The Israel Defense Forces, Shin Bet and independent groups have each researched and published their own findings. The government itself insists that an official National Commission of Inquiry will only take place after the war is over. This is being hotly debated throughout Israel with many voices calling for it to happen immediately and arguing that it is long overdue.
While different findings have emerged and some prominent IDF leaders have tendered their resignations, one thing that seems to be common to all the investigations is that Israel and all its security branches were caught napping. It would appear that there was an overall sense of complacency that had set in, and no one expected Hamas to be interested in or even capable of such a terrible invasion.
Believe it or not, this brings me directly to the Torah reading this Shabbat. We will conclude the Book of Exodus (Shemot) with Parshat Pikudei. In Ashkenazic communities, at the conclusion of each of the Five Books of Moses, when the Torah reader sounds the very last word in the book, the entire congregation rises and proclaims aloud Chazak, Chazak V’Nitchazek! “Be strong, be strong and we will all be strengthened.”
There are varying reasons advanced for this tradition some going back as far as the days of Joshua. Our Torah study can always do with some strengthening. Many of us would love to spend more time studying the deep repositories of Jewish wisdom, but not all of us excel at time management and we often think we “don’t have the time.” Communal encouragement can only be helpful to us.
Then, there is the encouragement it provides to the individual who was honored with being called to the Torah for the last aliyah in the book. Human nature is such that when we finish reading a book, we usually take a bit of a break before starting the next one. I suppose we feel the need to catch our breath a bit before moving on to our next volume.
But Torah is not just any book. Torah is nothing less than the wisdom of God. And Torah is our very source of life, as we recite nightly in our evening prayers, “For they [the words of Torah] are our life and the length of our days.” We can take a breather from reading novels, but can we take a break from life itself? So, when we finish an entire book of the Torah, we encourage the man at the bimah, and all of us to be strong and not falter, to not take a vacation from Torah but rather to have the strength to continue and open the very next book of Torah immediately.
And, indeed, we do. During the Shabbat afternoon Minchah service just a few hours later, we will read from Vayikra, “Leviticus,” the very next book of the Chumash. There is no break, no gap, no pause whatsoever in our study of the vitalizing words of Torah. We can have a rest from the latest bestsellers, but from the all-time, bestselling book in history, the Bible, there can be no break.
The message of Chazak is to not become complacent with what we have achieved. We must keep reading, keep learning, keep growing and keep getting stronger intellectually and spiritually. We cannot afford to lapse into complacency, self-pride and satisfaction with our achievements to date. Life and learning go together. As long as we are alive, we must continue learning with no sabbaticals from the study of God’s wisdom. Torah is the very breath of life. We dare not take a breather from breathing!
I am privileged to be the teacher of what is, arguably, the longest-running weekly Torah shiur, class, in South Africa. My Tuesday night Talmud class is now in its 38th uninterrupted year of study. Even during Covid, we continued learning on Zoom. In January, we concluded the long and often difficult book of Bava Metziya, all 119 double-sided pages. It deals with civil law, labor law, the rules of lost and found, usury and much more. We celebrated with a big siyum dinner, and my 25 students, and their wives, were deservedly proud of their significant achievement, especially considering that none of them had ever attended a yeshivah in their youth. The following week we immediately began a new book of the Talmud, Moed Katan, which covers work on Chol Hamoed, the intermediate days of Passover and Sukkot, laws of mourning, and more.
And our Sunday morning Mishnah shiur, just this week, concluded the book of Beitzah and the laws of Jewish holidays. This Sunday, please God, we will begin the book of Pesachim just in time for Pesach. There was no interruption between the conclusion of one book and the beginning of the next.
Every day brings a new challenge, a new opportunity and a new chapter in our lives. As long as we are breathing, the job is never done. May the Israel Defense Forces never lapse into complacency again, and may we all continue our upward advances in every area of our lives, please God, going from strength to strength.
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