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North Carolina Lawmakers at Risk of Losing Re-Election Over Virulent Anti-Israel Activism
Raleigh City council members Mary Black, right, and Christina Jones. Photo: Screenshot
Two City Council members seeking re-election in Raleigh, North Carolina — Christina Jones and Mary Black — are in danger of losing their seats due to widespread concerns from the Jewish community and prominent local Democrats over their history of attacking Israel and working closely with pro-Hamas activist Rania Masri, despite their jobs having no apparent responsibilities concerning Middle Eastern affairs.
On Nov. 28, Masri spoke at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC), where she referred to Oct. 7 — when Hamas-led Palestinian terrorists invaded southern Israel and perpetrated the biggest single-day massacre of Jews since the Holocaust — as “a beautiful day.” Masri demanded “the eradication of Zionism” and added, “We know that one of the most powerful places we can exert our influence is the city councils.” Masri then mentioned the importance of bringing her activism to the Raleigh City Council.
In December, Masri posted a video on Facebook that called Hamas “our heroes.”
Jones and Black — along with Masri — are widely viewed as leading several failed efforts to have the Raleigh City Council pass a one-sided, anti-Israel ceasefire resolution to stop the war in Gaza.
A local news network reported at the time, “Jones says while she can’t promise a ceasefire resolution, she wants to make sure this comes up before her colleagues as much as possible.” A local newspaper reported that during one of the council meetings on the issue, Jones chanted slogans such as “Free, free Palestine” along with other anti-Israel activists. In the end, the ceasefire resolution did not pass.
Raleigh residents and Jewish leaders are appalled that Jones was photographed publicly embracing Masri in January following a Raleigh City Council meeting in which speakers spent almost four hours targeting Israel — the only Jewish-majority country in the world.
“It is sickening to me to see Christina Jones, a member of the Raleigh City Council, embracing Rania Masri, who called Oct. 7 ‘a beautiful day,’” Marcia Harris — a Raleigh resident, Jewish leader, and retired UNC administrator — told The Algemeiner.
Stefanie Mendell, a former Raleigh City Council member who held the same seat currently occupied by Jones, told The Algemeiner that she was once a “huge supporter” of Jones, having worked to place about 800 election signs for her initial campaign and having hosted, with a friend, a “meet and greet” for the local politician. Mendell now opposes Jones’s candidacy for re-election.
In a Sept. 7 email to her large mailing list, Mendell endorsed Jones’s opponent, John Cerqueira.
“Where Christina [Jones] has been particularly active is in international issues that council has no ability to influence. She has promoted divisiveness in the community with her flagrant support of Palestinian demonstrators, including her public embrace of Rania Masri who has called Oct. 7 a ‘beautiful day’ in praising Hamas’s terrorist attacks on innocent civilians,” Mendell wrote.
“Christina insisted on trying to push through a one-sided ceasefire resolution despite calls from her Jewish constituents to refrain from involvement in a very complex issue that she clearly doesn’t fully understand,” Mendell continued. “Christina encouraged Palestinian demonstrators to continue coming to council meetings despite their intimidation of speakers with whom they disagreed. The inordinate amount of time devoted to this resulted in many Raleigh residents opting to forego their opportunity to address council — both because of the intimidating atmosphere and because of the time restrictions imposed as a result of the huge turnout of people speaking on issues that council has no ability to influence.”
Mendell concluded, “In sum, Christina has not lived up to her campaign promises and has disrespected a large segment of her constituency.”
Conner Taylor, 2nd vice chair of the North Carolina Democratic Party Jewish Caucus, told The Algemeiner that Jones’s public embrace of Masri is now “infamous” and a “slap in the face” to the Jewish community.
Jones and Black were both recently endorsed by Solidarity with Humanity, which describes itself as “North Carolina’s first and only grassroots political action committee (PAC) building power for Palestinian freedom.” Jones and Black were pictured with a smiling Masri while attending a “Raleigh United for Gaza” fundraiser held by this new PAC. The two lawmakers were also photographed wearing keffiyehs at the event. In addition, Jones has recently donated to the PAC, as has Masri.
In a recent Wake County Democratic Party questionnaire, Jones stated that since Oct. 7 she has met “community members from both sides” of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
In response, Taylor told The Algemeiner, “I find that very concerning. That she [Jones] would have met with leaders from the Jewish community after Oct. 7, listened to the pain and fear our community is going through, and then still embarked on this very cozy political relationship with someone [Masri] who called Oct. 7 ‘a beautiful day.’”
The Algemeiner has reported extensively on Jones’s colleague on the council, Black, who has used social media in ways such as trivializing the Holocaust, using the antisemitic, white supremacist term “zios,” and dismissing concerns she is antisemitic as being “funny.”
Taylor recently explained to The Algemeiner the “betrayal” felt by the Jewish community observing Black and Masri’s close working relationship, seeing Black pose for photographs with Masri, speak on a panel with the pro-Hamas activist, speak at a fundraiser with Masri standing behind her, and speak at a local rally standing with the controversial figure.
The Wake County Democratic Party — which endorsed Black in 2022 — recently endorsed Black’s opponent, fellow Democrat Mitchell Silver. Political insiders told The Algemeiner that Black now has very little chance of winning her re-election bid. The North Carolina Democratic Party Jewish Caucus also endorsed Silver, as did Rabbi Eric Solomon of Beth Meyer Synagogue, the largest congregation in Raleigh.
However, community members, local Democrats, and Jewish leaders are furious that the Wake County Democratic Party — which includes Raleigh — recently endorsed Jones.
Solomon, a political progressive, wrote a widely viewed social media post condemning the decision.
“By endorsing Council Member Christina Jones, whose behavior has been just as abhorrent as Mary Black’s, the Wake County Jewish community’s worst fears were confirmed. Namely, that the local Democratic Party supports candidates who obsessively and singularly criticize Israel,” the rabbi wrote. “Christina Jones has done precious little to honor the trauma the Raleigh Jewish community is experiencing while she continues to embrace outspoken, violence-urging, pro-Hamas organizers like Rania Masri.”
Because of Jones’s endorsement from the Wake County Democratic Party, her re-election bid against fellow Democratic Cerqueira is expected to be close, according to political insiders.
The Algemeiner requested public record emails from the city of Raleigh for Jones and Black that contain keywords such as “Israel” and “Gaza” that were sent or received since Oct. 6. A representative of the city responded, “We’ve run the search you requested, and the volume of results that came back would take a long time for us to process.”
On Sunday, the Jewish Federation of Greater Raleigh and two Raleigh synagogues hosted a “Meet the Raleigh City Council Candidates” event where community members could “get to know” the candidates. About 15 candidates attended. Jones and Black were both invited. Neither attended.
Peter Reitzes writes about issues related to antisemitism and Israel.
The post North Carolina Lawmakers at Risk of Losing Re-Election Over Virulent Anti-Israel Activism first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Israel and Hamas Diverge Over Ceasefire With First Phase Set to Expire
Israeli military jeeps maneuver in Gaza, amid a ceasefire between Hamas and Israel, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, Feb. 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen
An Israeli delegation in Cairo is negotiating to extend the first phase of the Gaza ceasefire when it expires on Saturday rather than move to the second phase as originally planned and as the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas wants, two Egyptian security sources said on Friday.
The ceasefire agreement reached last month halted 15 months of fighting and paved the way for talks on ending the war, while also leading to the release of 44 Israeli hostages held in Gaza and around 2,000 Palestinian prisoners and detainees held by Israel.
However, Israel and Hamas have accused each other of violating the ceasefire, casting doubt over the second phase of the deal meant to include releases of additional hostages and prisoners as well as steps toward a permanent end of the war.
There is no sign of agreement, either among or between Israelis and Palestinians, or between Western and Arab governments, over Gaza’s future. That uncertainty is complicating efforts to negotiate a lasting resolution.
Hamas called on Friday for the international community to press Israel to immediately enter the second phase without delay. It is unclear what will happen if the first phase ends on Saturday without a deal.
A senior official of the Palestinian Authority, State Minister of Foreign Affairs Varsen Aghabekian, also said on Friday that she would like the ceasefire phases to move ahead as originally planned.
“I doubt anyone in Gaza will want to go back to war,” she said in Geneva.
The Cairo talks are being mediated by Egypt and Qatar with US support. US President Donald Trump said on Thursday there were “pretty good talks going on.”
Asked whether the ceasefire deal would move into the second phase, Trump said: “Nobody really knows, but we’ll see what happens.”
The Gaza war is the latest in decades of conflict between Israel and Palestinians.
It began on Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas-led Palestinian terrorists invaded southern Israel from neighboring Gaza, killing 1,200 people and kidnapping 251 hostages.
Israel responded with a military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in Gaza.
CEASEFIRE
The ceasefire has mostly held during its first six weeks, although both sides have accused each other of breaches, particularly in the treatment of Israeli hostages and Palestinian detainees, and in the handling of releases.
The United Nations has described images of emaciated Israeli hostages as distressing, saying they reflected the dire conditions in which they were held.
Hamas has staged shows of strength during hostage releases, parading them in front of cameras. Israeli authorities have made released detainees wear clothes bearing pro-Israeli slogans.
Many of the Palestinian prisoners being released in exchange for Israeli hostages have been serving lengthy sentences for involvement in terrorist activity.
Israel is now negotiating to extend the first phase of the ceasefire deal by 42 days, according to the Egyptian security sources.
Israeli government officials said earlier this week that Israel would attempt to extend the initial phase with Hamas freeing three hostages a week in return for the release of Palestinian detainees.
Discussions on an end to the war are complicated by the lack of any agreement over basic questions such as how Gaza would be governed, how its security would be managed, how it could be rebuilt, and who would pay for that.
Trump proposed this month that the US should take over Gaza and redevelop it as a “Riviera of the Middle East” with its population displaced into Egypt and Jordan.
Arab countries have rejected that idea but have yet to announce their own plan.
European countries have also rejected the displacement of Palestinians and say they still support a two-state solution to the conflict.
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Iranian Nuclear Progress Goes Much Further than Uranium
FILE PHOTO: The atomic symbol and the Iranian flag are seen in this illustration, July 21, 2022. REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/Illustration/File Photo
JNS.org – As Tehran continues to make alarming progress on its nuclear program, the United States appears not to have made a firm decision on how to respond. Israel, which has already demonstrated an ability to send its air force to strike in Iran, is bracing for possible military action.
Brig. Gen. (res.) Professor Jacob Nagel, former acting national security adviser to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and ex-head of Israel’s National Security Council, who is today a senior fellow at the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told JNS on Thursday that the situation regarding the Islamic Republic’s nuclear program is alarming for two reasons.
First, he said, are “the Iranian ambitions and behavior,” and second is the unwillingness of the United Nations’ International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) nuclear watchdog and the Europeans to confront Iran over its nuclear progress, while the United States, he assessed, has yet to make a final decision on the matter.
“I very much hope Israel will succeed in clarifying the situation as it truly is,” said Nagel. “The problem is that some in Israel have also not yet internalized the situation, because they have gotten used to it over 20 years.”
Iran has significantly increased its stockpile of near weapons grade uranium, enough to produce six nuclear weapons, according to an IAEA report prepared for next week’s meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency’s board of governors and seen by Reuters.
The agency expressed grave concern over Tehran’s failure to resolve outstanding issues.
“The significantly increased production and accumulation of high-enriched uranium by Iran, the only non-nuclear weapon state to produce such nuclear material, is of serious concern,” the IAEA stated, as reported by Reuters.
In parallel, Iranian regime media quoted an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps general who issued a direct threat, apparently of a conventional missile attack against Israel. “Operation True Promise 3 will be carried out at the right time, with precision, and on a scale sufficient to destroy Israel and raze Tel Aviv and Haifa to the ground,” Maj. Gen. Ebrahim Jabbari said.
Nagel assessed, “In my view, one can see the problem in the IAEA report coming out this week, which will unfortunately likely focus again on enrichment and the number of kilograms of 60% enriched material. The Iranian stockpile is growing, even though in my opinion, this is the least important issue. But this is what everyone has been dealing with for 20 years, and it is difficult for them to understand that something has changed.”
The ‘weapons group’
Nagel recently headed a government-appointed commission on the Israeli security budget and proposals for future priorities.
The Nagel Commission on Evaluating the Security Budget and Force Building Requests Proposals from the Public, to give it its full title, outlined a priority list for dealing with the Iranian nuclear threat, which begins with the “weapons group”—the Iranian scientists and engineers tasked with weaponizing a nuclear device—weakening the regime, the deep underground site currently being built, where the enriched material is stored, and of course, the material itself.
Only in the last place did the commission list the well-known uranium enrichment sites at Qom and Fordow in Iran, as well as the centrifuges and all their components.
Asked whether Iran has activated its weapons group, Nagel said, “Without a doubt, there is a group, not officially called the weapon group, that is working to close technological gaps so that when the leader [Ayatollah Ali Khamenei] gives the order to break forward, much time will be saved. For now, they are still working on things that have a tenuous civilian explanation, to avoid creating a smoking gun.”
Nagel referenced multiple assessments that estimate Iran could produce a crude nuclear device within six months, a timeframe primarily based on the work of nuclear expert David Albright and others.
“There are estimates that it will take six months to produce a crude device, led by Albright, and maybe even less. Not everyone agrees with them, but that is the range, assuming success in development. For a weapon system that can be installed on a missile, the estimate is still 18 to 24 months, although the Iranians are working on closing technological gaps,” said Nagel.
The so-called weapons group has been working in the background, without the official designation as a weapon group, for several years, he said. “It is part of the IRGC strategy, without official approval from the leader, but according to many, he knows exactly what is happening and turns a blind eye.”
According to Nagel, Iran’s ultimate goal has not changed: “It remains the destruction of Israel through conventional means under a nuclear umbrella—not to use it, but to deter.”
He noted that the collapse of Iran’s proxy-based “Ring of Fire” strategy, following the Oct. 7, 2023, attack by Hamas and Israel’s subsequent military operations to destroy most of the capabilities of Hamas and Hezbollah.
“The collapse of the ‘Ring of Fire’ concept, based on proxies, following 7/10, is very troubling to the Iranians, and I assume they are now looking for ways to overcome this collapse, alongside the effort to rearm the proxies around Israel.
“The most important and central point is that we must not once again, ahead of the IAEA board meeting and afterward, focus on enrichment and the amount of enriched kilograms that Iran has accumulated. That almost doesn’t matter, beyond highlighting the violations,” Nagel said.
“I belong to the camp that believes that even if Natanz and Qom are attacked and destroyed, but it is done without dealing with the weapon system, the already enriched material, and the deep underground site being built—[or without] simultaneously building capabilities to support activities that will destabilize the regime—such an attack could do more harm than good,” he warned.
“Because then, the Iranians will take the enriched material with a few hundred advanced centrifuges, go underground, and that’s it. When they finish the weapon system, they will have a bomb.”
A reliable military option
Speaking to Politico in Brussels, in an interview published on Feb. 26, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar warned that Iran has already enriched enough uranium for “a couple of bombs” and is “playing with ways” to move forward on weaponization.
“So we don’t have much time,” he said. While Israel still prefers a diplomatic solution, he acknowledged that “the chances of such an approach being successful are not huge” and failure to stop Iran’s nuclear program would be a “catastrophe for the security of Israel.”
Sa’ar added, “I think that in order to stop a nuclear Iranian program before it will be weaponized, a reliable military option should be on the table.”
Meanwhile, a report published on Feb. 19 by Andrea Stricker, a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, discussed the revelation that a secret team of Iranian scientists has been working to shorten the country’s path to a nuclear weapon.
The report, based on intelligence collected during United States President Joe Biden’s final months in office and relayed to the incoming Trump administration, stated that “Iran likely has the capability and know-how to produce nuclear weapons but lacks confidence in the functionality of certain components.
“To deter a breakout, Washington and Jerusalem must review and, where necessary, enhance joint intelligence operations and capabilities to penetrate and sabotage Iran’s weaponization program and uncover weaponization facilities,” said the report.
“America should also mobilize the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), to conduct in-depth inspections of illicit Iranian sites and activities. Concurrently, the United States and Israel must prepare and showcase effective military options and signal to the regime the credible threat of their use.”
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The Truth About ‘No Other Land’
Illustrative. Palestinians clash with Israeli security forces as Israeli bulldozer demolishes a Palestinian house in the village of Walajeh, near Bethlehem on Sept. 3, 2018. Photo: Wisam Hashlamoun/Flash90.
JNS.org – The Oscar-nominated documentary “No Other Land” portrays the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through the microcosm of a collection of Palestinian Arab settlements called Masafer Yatta. In that cluster of makeshift villages, the film gives the impression that impoverished Palestinians confront the oppression of Israeli military demolition crews in an existential struggle to prevent the destruction of Palestinian homes, the displacement of their people and the theft of their land. But ultimately, we are told, the righteous Palestinian resistance survives.
The reality of Masafer Yatta is altogether different. The history of that area exemplifies how Palestinians illegally seize plots of land in Judea and Samaria, and how Israel lawfully defends against these incursions.
The 1920 San Remo Treaty and 1922 Palestine Mandate, under the supervision of the League of Nations, created the state that became Israel. The West Bank, known historically as Judea and Samaria, was part of that allocated territory. These instruments of international law were justified by widespread recognition that the designated land was the ancestral homeland of the Jews.
The State of Israel emerged in 1948 and acceded to membership in the United Nations a year later. By that point, Jordan had illegally invaded and occupied the eastern portion of Jerusalem and land on the west bank of the Jordan River. However, in the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel liberated those territories from Jordanian occupation. Israel then validly applied its sovereign governance to eastern Jerusalem but decided to forego implementing its sovereign right to the so-called West Bank area pending negotiation of peace deals with its Arab rivals.
The Palestinians never had a state that could be occupied. They never even had a treaty or comparable agreement granting them legal ties to eastern Jerusalem, the West Bank or the Gaza Strip. On the contrary, the original 1964 Palestine National Charter of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) expressly disclaimed Palestinian rights to those three domains because they were occupied by PLO ally countries: Jordan and Egypt.
Israel and the Palestinians began an effort to make peace in 1993 when they signed the first of six agreements known as the Oslo Accords. In the area called the West Bank, the accords awarded Israel interim control over a territory labeled “Area C,” and granted the Palestinians interim control of Area A. Area B was marked as shared.
Masafer Yatta lies in Area C, which places it under Israeli civilian and security control.
About 200,000 Palestinians reside in Area C. Some of them live in Masafer Yatta. But in 1999, when Palestinians erected an additional batch of shacks in Masafer Yatta, they violated the Oslo Accords by failing to obtain building permits from Israel’s Civil Administration.
Palestinian Arabs have orchestrated many such unlicensed land grabs in Area C. Using slapdash combinations of cement blocks, mud bricks, corrugated metal sheets, plastic tarps and portable electric generators, they create chess pawns strategically positioned to block the buildout of Israeli communities and enlarge the pretense of “Palestinian land.” The decision to add Palestinian settlements in Masafer Yatta was especially provocative because that barren expanse had been classified in the 1980s as an Israeli military training zone.
The Masafer Yatta builders ignored the Israeli Civil Administration’s stop-work orders. Then came 22 years of litigation that hamstrung the process of demolishing the structures. Finally, in 2022, Israel’s High Court of Justice ruled that the disputed Masafer Yatta outposts must be removed. None of the affected villagers were expelled. Instead, when the demolition order was enforced, they relocated to nearby cave homes, where Muslims, Christians and Jews had lived for centuries.
A truthful and less one-sided documentary about Masafer Yatta would reveal how patiently Israel legally defends its sovereign rights and the Oslo Accords, despite Palestinian schemes to circumvent those agreements. Better yet, an honest filmmaker would compare Area C with Area A, which remains under complete Palestinian rule. Israel prohibits its citizens from entering Area A due to the threat of murder by the local Arab population. If any Israelis were caught trying to build a home in Area A, they would probably not live long enough to enjoy the courtesy of a trial.
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